Category: Letters

  • Nestoil and the future of Nigeria’s indigenous oil players

    Nestoil and the future of Nigeria’s indigenous oil players

    Sir: On Tuesday, October 22, policemen sealed off the glass-fronted corporate headquarters of Nestoil Limited on Victoria Island. Employees watched in disbelief as security operatives, acting on court orders, escorted receivers appointed by FBNQuest Merchant Bank into the building. By midday, access had been restricted, and by evening, the story was everywhere: one of Nigeria’s flagship indigenous oil and gas companies had been placed under receivership over an estimated $1 billion debt.

    The takeover, authorised by Justice D. I. Dipeolu of the Federal High Court empowered FBNQuest and its parent company, First Trustees, to seize Nestoil’s assets. The court also directed over 20 banks — including GTBank, Stanbic IBTC, Fidelity, Polaris, and Providus — to freeze the company’s accounts.

    For Nigeria’s oil and gas industry, this was more than a legal action. It was a signal.

    For decades, indigenous energy firms — companies like Seplat, Oando, Shoreline, Aiteo, and Nestoil — were celebrated as symbols of national aspiration. They emerged in the wake of the 2010 Nigerian Oil and Gas Industry Content Development Act, which mandated greater local participation in upstream operations. Backed by patriotic fervour and political goodwill, they borrowed heavily from Nigerian banks to acquire oil blocks divested by Shell, Chevron, and other international oil companies retreating from onshore Niger Delta operations.

    It was a period of exuberance. Crude oil traded above $100 per barrel, the naira was relatively stable, and credit flowed easily. Dollar-denominated loans worth billions were advanced to indigenous firms, often on the assumption that oil prices would stay high and production would ramp up smoothly.

    But then came the shocks.

    The oil price collapse of 2014, followed by the COVID-19 crash in 2020, exposed the fragility of those projections. Production targets were missed, pipelines were sabotaged, and foreign exchange shortages made debt servicing increasingly difficult. Many firms turned to “evergreening” — rolling over loans, extending tenures, and quietly restructuring terms. Banks, fearing contagion in a fragile economy, preferred accommodation to confrontation.

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    That era of quiet indulgence has now ended.

    According to a recent SBM Intelligence report, October alone saw a marked surge in court filings by banks seeking enforcement of non-performing loans. For years, lenders had been accused of shielding politically connected debtors from accountability. Now, under pressure from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and shareholders, banks are tightening their books.

    The Nestoil case epitomises this shift. What would once have been a closed-door restructuring has now become a public reckoning. The court’s Mareva injunction — a tool typically used to prevent asset flight — is one of the most aggressive debt enforcement measures in Nigerian corporate history.

    The implications go beyond one company. Nigeria’s banks collectively hold billions in exposure to indigenous oil firms. Many of these loans, originally denominated in U.S. dollars at about a dollar to N360, have become far riskier as the naira continues to weaken — it traded near N1,465 on the morning Nestoil’s doors were sealed.

    As lenders scramble to clean their balance sheets, more aggressive recovery actions are expected. Already, several oil service firms have reported disruptions to operations due to account freezes or asset seizures.

    For Nestoil, the immediate battle is legal and financial. The company insists its operations remain unaffected, even as its corporate offices remain under receivership. But the symbolism is undeniable. A company once held up as proof of Nigeria’s local content success now stands as a cautionary tale.

    It marks the end of an era when access to credit could paper over weak fundamentals, and when relationships could override repayment schedules.

    The indigenous oil and gas dream is not dead. But it is being forced to grow up.

    And in this new financial order, survival will depend not on who you know, but on how well you manage risk and trust.

    •Tosin Adeoti, contact@tosinadeoti.com.

  • Future of civic discourse in Nigeria

    Future of civic discourse in Nigeria

    Sir: Nigeria is currently navigating a period of profound uncertainty. The nation faces not only economic hardship resulting from recent policy reforms but also escalating political divisions that threaten national cohesion. Widespread discontent has emerged amid rising inflation, insecurity, and perceptions of governmental inaction. The removal of fuel subsidies and the unification of exchange rates in 2023 led to significant increases in transportation costs, food prices, and general living expenses. Although these reforms were intended to stabilize the economy long-term, they have imposed immediate and severe burdens on citizens.

    In response, the federal government introduced several palliative measures: direct cash transfers to vulnerable households, temporary wage supplements for public sector workers, support for key economic sectors, and a student loan scheme. While these initiatives acknowledge the hardship faced by Nigerians, critics argue they are insufficient, poorly targeted, and potentially inflationary if not accompanied by broader structural reforms.

    Amid these challenges, some individuals have begun advocating for military intervention, citing frustration with governance. A segment of the youth population has used social media and public platforms to express support for a coup. Many lack direct experience of Nigeria’s past under military rule, which was marked by widespread human rights violations, suppression of civil liberties, and systemic abuse of power.

    In previous decades, journalism in Nigeria was a source of intellectual development and civic education. Today, however, the media risks becoming a vehicle for propaganda and incitement—echoing the dangerous role played by radio broadcasters during the Rwandan genocide, where inflammatory rhetoric contributed to mass violence.

    This concern has been heightened by recent remarks from President Donald Trump, who labelled Nigeria a “country of particular concern” and alleged the “mass slaughter” of Christians. While Christian communities have suffered attacks, international observers and Nigerian authorities have rejected the claim of a targeted genocide. The Nigerian government has stated unequivocally that “there is no genocide, now or ever, in Nigeria.” Analysts and human rights organizations have noted that Muslims in northern Nigeria are frequently the primary victims of violence, particularly from groups such as Boko Haram and ISWAP.

    The follow-up to Trump’s declaration—namely, the suggestion of military intervention—is most unfortunate and deeply uncalled for. It is even more disturbing that some Nigerians appear to applaud such a move. Thankfully, even among opposition ranks, there are voices of reason able to read between the lines and reject this dangerous proposition.

    Yet it remains a tragedy that others view it as a welcome development. Should such an intervention ever materialize, it would spell doom for Nigeria. Far from preventing genocide, it could exacerbate existing tensions and further polarize the nation. History offers sobering lessons: in every instance where foreign military intervention has occurred under similar pretenses—Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan—the result has been catastrophic. Nations were destabilized, peace was lost, and social cohesion dismantled.

    The violence in Nigeria is multifaceted—driven by poverty, land disputes, ethnic rivalries, and criminal activity. Reducing it to a single religious narrative distorts the truth and risks inflaming tensions. Rwanda’s genocide, described by Pope John Paul II as “a failure of humanity,” was fuelled by unchecked hatred and the deliberate manipulation of identity. These tragedies were not spontaneous—they were the result of silence, misinformation, and the weaponization of difference.

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    Nigerian scholars such as Jonah Isawa Elaigwu and Bolaji Akinyemi have long warned of the fragile foundations of Nigerian federalism. Elaigwu’s work emphasizes that “federalism is not merely a constitutional arrangement—it is a culture of dialogue, compromise, and inclusion.” When this culture is undermined, national unity is placed at risk.

    Social media, once a platform for civic engagement, is increasingly being used to spread misinformation and incite division. Nigerian youth, once celebrated as catalysts for democratic change, are now vulnerable to manipulation and digital vigilantism. As Chinua Achebe observed, “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.” Yet leadership is not the sole responsibility of those in office—it is a collective duty shared by all citizens.

    Sustainable change requires rational discourse, active civic participation, and peaceful advocacy. It cannot be achieved through violence, misinformation, or nostalgia for authoritarianism. Falsehoods must be confronted, leaders held accountable, and the rule of law upheld.

    The way forward demands unity, truth, and a renewed commitment to democratic values. As Nelson Mandela wisely stated, “It is in the character of growth that we should learn from both pleasant and unpleasant experiences.” The choices made today will shape the future of generations to come.

    Nigeria stands at a decisive moment. The nation must choose between renewal and regression, between dialogue and division, between democracy and despair. The path to national transformation lies in collective responsibility, principled leadership, and an unwavering commitment to justice and peace.

    •Rev. Canon Benedict Koledoye, South Wales, United Kingdom.

  • The perils of social media

    The perils of social media

    Sir: Social media was once hailed as a tool for empowerment, creativity, and freedom of expression. But beneath that promise lies a powerful machine—the algorithm—designed to keep users scrolling endlessly. This invisible engine prioritizes engagement over enlightenment, amplifying whatever provokes the strongest emotions: outrage, envy, or desire. On these platforms, shock value has become the new currency. The more provocative the post, the more visibility it earns.

    The algorithm, indifferent to morality, amplifies anything that holds attention longest—even if it corrodes social values in the process.

    From sexually suggestive dance challenges to prank videos glorifying deception, the line between entertainment and immorality continues to blur. Parents, teachers, and religious leaders—once moral anchors—now struggle to compete with algorithms that reward shock over substance. Never before has indecency been so accessible, appearing uninvited in our feeds. Some entertainers even release explicit content deliberately to attract attention and promote their brands. This new normal has stripped modesty of its value, turning immorality into a marketing strategy.

    Cultural and religious leaders have sounded the alarm over this moral drift. Many lament how virtues such as humility, discipline, and community spirit are being replaced by an obsession with online fame. Success is increasingly measured not by integrity, but by the number of followers one commands. This shift is not just behavioural—it is psychological, disconnecting the youth from the moral and cultural roots that once defined Nigerian society.

    Read Also: JUST IN: NSA Office to brief media on Trump’s genocide claim against Christians in Nigeria

    The erosion of values through globalized content also signals a subtler form of cultural colonization. While Nigeria may be politically independent, our digital lives are shaped by algorithms built abroad—engines that know nothing of our moral codes. These algorithms decide what trends, what sells, and what we see. Countries like China have taken drastic measures, restricting access to foreign platforms to protect their digital culture and moral fabric.

    Nigeria’s youth—its largest demographic—are being raised in digital spaces where moral accountability is optional and attention is everything. Many young people now define identity through likes, shares, and followers rather than virtue, empathy, or contribution. The metrics of digital validation have replaced the moral metrics of good character.

    Ultimately, Nigeria must redefine its digital future around responsibility, not recklessness. The goal is to build a social media culture that inspires rather than corrupts, that amplifies intellect rather than indecency. The internet should be a marketplace of ideas—not a theatre of moral erosion.

    •Shuaib S. Agaka, Kano.

  • Nigeria, U.S. and the politics of perception

    Nigeria, U.S. and the politics of perception

    Sir: When the United States recently classified Nigeria once again as a “Country of Particular Concern” over alleged religious persecution, many Nigerians reacted with a mixture of surprise, frustration and weary familiarity. It was not the first time Washington has made such a designation, but the tone and timing especially coming alongside firm public statements from President Donald Trump sparked anxiety about Nigeria’s international standing and the wider implications for diplomatic and economic relations.

    The label, tied to claims that Christian communities face targeted suppression and insecurity, did not emerge in isolation. Evangelical groups and rights advocates in the U.S. have sustained pressure for years, insisting that Nigeria is witnessing a systematic campaign against Christians. That narrative has gained traction in certain policy circles abroad, even as it remains contested by many Nigerian stakeholders, security experts, and interfaith leaders.

    Yet the picture inside Nigeria is more complex than one storyline suggests. There is no denying that Christian communities have suffered devastating attacks in parts of the country, particularly in the Middle Belt and Northeast. Churches have been razed, worshippers killed, and entire communities displaced. But Muslims too, especially across Borno, Yobe, Katsina, Zamfara and Sokoto have been victims of terrorism, banditry and targeted killings. Mosques have been attacked; religious scholars abducted and murdered. Entire villages, predominantly Muslim, have been wiped out by armed groups.

    Nigeria’s reality is not a war between two faiths. What the country faces is a combination of terrorism, rural banditry, communal conflicts, climate-induced migration pressures, cattle-route disputes, land use clashes, and the legacy of weak local governance structures. To reduce this layered crisis to a single religious persecution narrative is not only inaccurate, but risks deepening suspicion among communities already struggling with fear and mistrust.

    Still, criticism should not be dismissed simply because its framing is imperfect. Nigeria has a duty to protect every citizen, regardless of religion or location. For too long, families across this country whether in Southern Kaduna or Zamfara forests, in Plateau villages or Borno communities have buried loved ones without justice. That national pain must be acknowledged honestly. Security failures, uneven responses, and slow justice mechanisms have fed frustration. Diplomatic contests should not make us blind to domestic responsibilities.

    The federal government’s response so far has been measured, rejecting the U.S. designation as misguided, while reaffirming Nigeria’s commitment to religious freedom and interfaith harmony. It is a wise approach. Anger may be emotionally satisfying, but diplomacy requires restraint. Nigeria cannot afford avoidable strategic friction with a global partner whose support remains vital in counterterrorism, trade, and military cooperation.

    At the same time, Nigeria must not appear defensive or passive. The moment calls for quiet confidence backed by visible action: stronger prosecution of violent actors, transparent reporting on communal incidents, improved early-warning systems, interfaith dialogue at community level, and a firmer hand against inflammatory rhetoric from religious or political figures. Policy must meet principle.

    The United States, for its part, must resist being guided by lobby groups alone. Nigeria’s story cannot be reduced to campaign talking points or foreign ideological battles. A balanced reading of our challenges recognises that both mosques and churches have fallen under attack and that extremists exploit sectarian fear precisely to divide Nigerians.

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    There are consequences if this misunderstanding continues. Visa restrictions, partnership strain, and reputational damage are not theoretical risks. They can affect students, investors, families and businesses. Neither Abuja nor Washington stands to gain from an avoidable spiral. Both countries require each other — for regional stability, counterterror operations, trade, and democratic governance.

    Nigeria should not shy away from accountability, but neither should it accept a mischaracterisation of its troubles. Our armed forces — made up of Muslims and Christians — have fought and died together in the same trenches. Our communities, despite tensions, continue to intermingle, marry, trade and coexist daily. That reality deserves recognition.

    The task now is to protect citizens while protecting the truth. Nigeria must demonstrate seriousness, not insecurity. Quiet reform, steady diplomacy, and firm national messaging will serve the country better than loud confrontation.

    In moments like this, maturity matters. The world is watching to see not whether Nigeria has challenges — every nation does — but how Nigeria responds. A confident country fixes its weaknesses without surrendering its dignity. That is the path that protects lives, preserves unity and strengthens the nation’s voice on the global stage.

    In the end, what Nigeria needs is not applause abroad but peace at home. And that peace will come not from foreign declarations but from strong institutions, fair justice, and leaders and citizens committed to refusing the dangerous politics of faith and fear.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu,Abuja

  • Lessons from Finland’s economic model

    Lessons from Finland’s economic model

    Sir: Eight years in a row, Finland, a European country, was chosen by a UN survey as the happiest country in the world. Some years back, the UN survey described Nigerians as the happiest people on earth.

    Ironically, Nigerians were not dubbed on the basis of their wellness and welfare, but rather on the basis of their inactions and complacency in the face of extreme hardship and lack of wellbeing. This was the period of the dictatorial rule of the Nigerian maximum ruler, late General Sani Abacha. The happiest people and the happiest country, you can decide to be happy in an unhappy country, but you can’t afford to be sad in a happy country, especially one which possesses all the ingredients of happiness and wellness.

    Finland’s Minister of External Affairs, Elina Valtonen spoke recently in an interview about her country’s model of governance that helped Finland to attain the status of the happiest country in the world. According to Valtonen, about 100 years ago, Finland was one of the poorest countries in Europe, but her recipe was basically not just about happiness but about progress. Finland believes in investing in human capital by developing persons and individuals.

    Everything in Finland is based on strong values and are human centred. People rely on institutions and have trust in government and not the individual politician. In other words, Finland develops strong institutions that act as a bulwark for every successive governments that come and go. Years ago, this was basically the advice of the former American President, Barack Obama, urging African governments to develop strong institutions as opposed to strong personalities.

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    Persons die, but institutions continue to subsist as fulcrum to support a viable and strong governance. The Finnish have trust in tax collection and trust in institutions that are important to the society. Tax evasion in Finland is a criminal offence because taxes create revenue for the government. In Finland, the same rules apply to everybody. The government trusts and empowers every individual man or woman, independent of religion. Independent of your background, the government creates an enabling environment where everybody can contribute to his or her wellbeing, life and overall society.

    Education in Finland is free until you want to get a PhD. Finland was the first country in the world to introduce women’s right to vote. Finland does everything possible to harness the benefits of its women population with equal rights with the men folks.

    There is a common narrative in Africa that we don’t have a debt problem, but we have a cost of debt problem. But according to Valtonen, as a borrower, you can basically choose where to get your debt from. She questions African countries who obtain their debts from authoritarian countries that are basically misusing their dependency of African countries for their own benefit, adding that African countries should advocate a transparent market economy which nurtures and guarantees equal rule for every lender, whether it be sovereign, individual or company. Finally, in her view, African government need a market economy and market regulation, which is not too bureaucratic, but one that helps to bring confidence to private investors. 

    •Sunday Olagunju,Ibadan, Oyo State

  • Urgent path to agricultural prosperity

    Urgent path to agricultural prosperity

    Sir: The future of farming in our region doesn’t lie solely in the soil; it’s being built on digital highways and powered by express innovation. It’s time to recognize and invest in the fusion of technology and logistics as the most powerful tool for agricultural promotion.

    Our farming communities are currently hampered by a critical lack of cohesion and market insight. We must implement practices that aggressively boost interactions among farmers. This isn’t just about social networking; it’s about building a robust, shared infrastructure that strengthens their price information ability.

    When digital tools provide real-time, verified market data, the “difference information” gap is closed. This transparency is the foundation for fair trade; ensuring farmers stop losing out to middlemen and begin selling with the confidence that comes from market knowledge. This is where meaningful agricultural promotion begins.

    The modern farmer must be more than just a cultivator; they must be a competent manager and entrepreneur. Digital innovation is essential for addressing the managerial and business aspects of farming. This includes:

    •Farm Management Software: Digital tools that simplify inventory, labour, and financial tracking, transforming the farm into a streamlined business.

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    •Facility Development: Using data to guide investments in crucial supportive infrastructure, like cold storage and processing centres, rather than relying on guesswork.

    By focusing on the development of facilities and providing training in these business-centric skills, we empower farmers to move beyond mere subsistence into commercial success.

    Ultimately, the goal is to increase both the yields and distribution efficiency of our agricultural produce. Using digital tools to promote agriculture means deploying precision farming technologies—sensors, drones, and AI—to maximize output while ensuring sustainable resource use.

    Crucially, digital platforms can revolutionize the distribution of food, goods, and services. By connecting producers directly to buyers via efficient, “express” logistics and supply chain systems, we drastically reduce post-harvest loss and enhance food security. This seamless flow, driven by different ideas for better distribution, is the ultimate measure of successful agricultural practice promotion.

    We must make the commitment now to fully integrate digital tools and robust express logistics into every facet of our agriculture. The prosperity of our farmers and the stability of our food supply depend on it.

     •Michael Adedotun Oke,Abuja

  • New Service Chiefs and burden of performance

    New Service Chiefs and burden of performance

     Sir: When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu announced the appointment of new service chiefs last week, it marked another major reshuffle at the top of Nigeria’s defence hierarchy — and perhaps, a turning point in the country’s long-running battle against insecurity. The appointments were not just routine bureaucratic changes; they symbolized a critical test of the administration’s resolve to restore peace, order, and stability across Nigeria’s troubled regions.

    The newly appointed service chiefs are General Olufemi Oluyede, Chief of Defence Staff, Major General Waidi Shaibu, Chief of Army Staff, Air Vice Marshal S.K. Aneke, Chief of Air Staff, and Rear Admiral Idi Abbas as Chief of Naval Staff. Major General E.A.P. Undiendeye remains the Chief of Defence Intelligence.

    For President Tinubu, this decision could define his administration’s security legacy. Since taking office, he has repeatedly emphasized that security remains his top priority. However, the reality across many parts of the country paints a grim picture. Banditry continues to ravage the Northwest; Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgents still pose threats in the Northeast; and incidents of kidnapping and communal violence persist in the North-central and southern regions. The president’s challenge, therefore, lies not just in appointing new commanders but in ensuring they deliver results where their predecessors struggled.

    Many Nigerians welcome the changes as long overdue. Civil society groups and security experts have, however, urged the government to complement the new leadership with reforms that address welfare issues among rank-and-file soldiers. As one retired colonel remarked during a TV interview, “You can change the generals, but if the soldiers on the ground are demoralized, under-equipped, and underpaid, victory will remain elusive.”

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    Beyond structural reforms, another major test will be the government’s ability to manage public perception and rebuild trust in the military. Over the years, reports of human rights violations and alleged corruption have strained relations between the armed forces and civilians. Analysts argue that the service chiefs must work to restore public confidence through transparency, professionalism, and closer collaboration with communities affected by conflict.

    Nigeria’s security problems are deep-rooted and multifaceted. The new service chiefs will need not only courage but also innovation — leveraging technology, intelligence, and diplomacy to complement brute force. The nation’s future stability will depend largely on how well they synchronize their efforts, sustain troop morale, and win the confidence of Nigerians who, for years, have lived under the shadow of fear.

    In the end, President Tinubu’s gamble on a new generation of military leaders could either redefine his administration’s success or become another episode in the cycle of leadership changes without meaningful impact. For now, Nigerians are hoping that this new dawn in military leadership brings the long-awaited peace the country so desperately deserves.

    •Favour Simon Harris, University of Maiduguri.

  • Still on Bauchi governor’s misplaced priorities

    Still on Bauchi governor’s misplaced priorities

    Sir: The recent inauguration of 13 new Emirates by the Bauchi State governor, Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed, has once again drawn public attention — and criticism — over the government’s misplaced priorities. While palaces are rising and traditional titles multiplying, the essential pillars of society — education and health — are collapsing in silence.

    Across the state, schools are falling apart. Children sit on bare floors; many classrooms have broken roofs and no learning materials. Some teachers go months without proper teaching aids. In many rural areas, pupils still learn under trees. In the same state, hospitals are struggling. Patients sleep without proper attention, drugs are scarce, and healthcare workers operate under poor conditions. Yet, huge sums of money are being spent on building palaces, buying luxury vehicles, and hosting ceremonies for newly appointed Emirs.

    The painful truth is that Bauchi State has lost its sense of priority. Instead of investing in classrooms and hospitals — the real engines of human progress — the government appears focused on showy projects that do not improve the lives of ordinary citizens.

    Development is not about how many palaces, flyovers, or investment summits a state can boast of. True development is about people — about children who can read and write, mothers who can give birth safely, and youths who can find meaningful opportunities to work and dream.

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    Bauchi’s government has spent billions on projects that have little or no direct impact on the common man. The creation of new emirates, the establishment of BAROTA, and the organization of investment summits may look impressive on paper, but they fail to address the deep problems facing education and healthcare in the state.

    When schools are weak and hospitals are sick, no amount of ceremony can cure the pain of the people. The citizens of Bauchi deserve better — they deserve policies that place human development at the centre of governance.

    Leadership is not about titles or thrones; it is about service. A true leader is a servant of his people — one who listens, understands, and acts in their best interest. Sadly, the current administration has repeatedly placed prestige over purpose.

    The essence of democracy is simple: a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. When government actions stop reflecting the needs of the people, democracy loses its meaning.

    As the next election approaches, the people of Bauchi must think deeply about their choices. We need leaders who will prioritize human welfare over political glory — leaders who will invest in books before crowns, and hospitals before ceremonies.

    Our state does not need more Emirs; it needs more educated minds, more healthy families, and more opportunities for its youth. Bauchi can only rise again when our classrooms are alive with learning, our hospitals are centres of healing, and our leaders remember that power belongs to the people.

    •Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman), Bauchi State.

  • Curbing the menace of defections

    Curbing the menace of defections

    Sir: In the past few months, the nation has witnessed a wave of defections across various political levels. For instance, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State defected from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in April, alongside his predecessor, Ifeanyi Okowa, and a large segment of the PDP structure in the state. In Bayelsa State, Governor Douye Diri, long regarded as one of the PDP’s most loyal figures in the South-south, also crossed over to the APC a few days ago, taking with him several state lawmakers and members of the Bayelsa political establishment. This defection sent shockwaves through the region, further reinforcing the notion that loyalty in Nigerian politics is transactional and fleeting.

    In Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly, an astonishing 24 out of 26 lawmakers defected from the PDP to the APC, leaving just two behind. At the National Assembly, four PDP senators, Francis Fadahunsi, Olubiyi Fadeyi, Aniekan Bassey, and Sampson Ekong, crossed over to the APC in July, raising the ruling party’s majority in the Senate to 72 members. Earlier, three senators from Kebbi State, Adamu Aliero, Yahaya Abdullahi, and Garba Maidoki, had also dumped the PDP for the APC.

    The House of Representatives has not been spared either. Six PDP lawmakers from Delta State, including Nnamdi Ezechi, Jonathan Ukodiko, Nicholas Mutu, Thomas Ereyitomi, Julius Pondi, and Victor Nwokolo, defected to the APC. In Akwa Ibom State, seven lawmakers, six from the PDP and one from the YPP, switched allegiance to the APC. A similar pattern has emerged among other lawmakers such as Jallo Mohammed and Adamu Tanko, who left the PDP citing internal crises.

    This pattern of political promiscuity is a betrayal of public trust. Citizens vote for candidates not only because of their personal qualities but also because of the party’s ideology and manifesto. When elected officials defect without consulting the electorate, they effectively undermine the will of the people who entrusted them with their votes. The effect is not just political instability but also public apathy. Voters become disillusioned, questioning why they should participate in elections when those they elect can easily cross over to rival parties without consequence. The essence of democracy, which is representative governance, is thus eroded.

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    The Constitution, under the right to freedom of association, permits individuals to belong to any political group of their choice. However, this freedom should not be absolute when it threatens the integrity of governance. The 1999 Constitution (as amended) and the Electoral Act must be revisited to address this menace. For instance, a law should mandate political office holders to either complete their tenure under the platform on which they were elected or resign before defecting. The principle is simple: if your loyalty shifts, so should your seat. This is already practiced in some democratic nations where party defection automatically triggers a recall or by-election, ensuring that the electorate has the final say.

    Moreover, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and civil society organizations must begin to push for stronger institutional frameworks that discourage political prostitution. Political parties themselves must enforce internal democracy to reduce grievances that often lead to defections. The time has come to place integrity above opportunism and ideology above interest. Nigeria’s democracy cannot continue to thrive on shifting loyalties and recycled promises.

    As the nation approaches another electioneering season, the call for electoral reforms must go beyond mere rhetoric. Lawmakers must rise above self-interest and enact legislation that compels political accountability. The incessant cross-carpeting of politicians not only weakens party structures but also diminishes citizens’ confidence in the system. If democracy is to survive and mature in Nigeria, it must be anchored on principles, discipline, and respect for the mandate of the people.

    It is time for Nigerians to demand better. The masses must hold their representatives accountable and insist that defection while in office is a betrayal deserving of consequences. We cannot continue to be spectators while politicians trade loyalty for personal gain. The future of our democracy depends on our collective resolve to say, “Enough is enough.”

    Now is the time to choose between politics of principle and politics of profit. Nigeria deserves leaders who stand for something, not those who will fall for anything.

    •‘Kayode Awojobi, Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State.

  • Investment ripe in agriculture despite headwinds

    Investment ripe in agriculture despite headwinds

    Sir: Nigeria’s agricultural sector is poised for significant investment and growth, with shrewd entrepreneurs already reaping profits despite long-standing challenges like security concerns and multi-faceted production problems. The prevailing narrative of difficulty, while real, masks a vibrant market where opportunity is abundant, particularly for investors willing to back new technology to fast-track development.

    For decades, the agricultural community has grappled with formidable obstacles. Security challenges, including banditry and farmer-herder conflicts, threaten farm operations and disrupt supply chains. Furthermore, the “multi-faceted problems of producing” often refer to issues like low-quality inputs, reliance on rain-fed farming, minimal mechanisation, and significant post-harvest losses. Up to 45% of fresh produce can be lost due to poor storage and logistics.

    However, a closer look reveals that many Nigerian citizens are making money. This success highlights the immense demand-supply gap in the nation of over 200 million people, making almost any successful agricultural venture highly profitable.

    The potential returns in Nigerian agriculture are among the highest in the world because of the sheer size of the market and the current low productivity. Where others see problems, smart investors see a vast, untapped market.

    The critical need now is to introduce and scale new technology to propel the sector from subsistence to modern, high-yield agribusiness. Investment in the following areas presents the most significant opportunity for fast-tracking development:

    Currently, a large proportion of farming is done with rudimentary hand tools. Agri-tech start-ups are disrupting this by offering cloud-based platforms for shared access to tractors and machinery, making mechanisation affordable for smallholder farmers.

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    Investing in cold chain logistics and solar-powered cold storage hubs is essential to drastically reduce the estimated $9 billion annual loss in post-harvest waste. Technologies that extend the shelf life of perishable crops like tomatoes and vegetables promise high returns.

    High-quality seeds, seedlings, and tailored fertilizers are in short supply. Technology can aid in developing better inputs and using precision agriculture tools like AI and satellite-based monitoring to give farmers real-time advice on resource use, leading to dramatically improved yields.

    Instead of exporting raw commodities, investment in local processing facilities—for crops like cassava (into flour, starch), cocoa, palm oil, and dairy—adds value, creates local jobs, and meets the massive domestic demand for processed foods.

    For prospective investors, several value chains stand out due to robust local demand and clear opportunities for technological intervention. Nigeria is at a pivot point where technology and smart capital can transform challenges into wealth. By focusing on technological gaps and value addition, investors can not only secure high returns but also contribute meaningfully to the nation’s food security and economic diversification.

    •Michael Adedotun  Oke, Garki, Abuja.