The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Christopher Kolade: One of Africa’s finest sons!

    Christopher Kolade: One of Africa’s finest sons!

    Sir: What more can be said about Dr. Christopher Olusola Kolade that hasn’t already been said? His exceptional life of discipline, dignity, modesty, respect, service, selflessness, achievements and integrity has long made him a towering figure—a legend seemingly awaiting canonization.

    When the news broke on October 10 that the inimitable, inspirational iroko had fallen—that Dr. Kolade had embarked on his final journey from this sublunary abode to his rightful place in paradise—I was extremely sad yet unrestrained in my gratitude to the Great Architect of the Universe for a lifetime well-spent.

    Waking up miles away and hours ahead of Nigeria in the UAE, I began the day by posting fond stories and photos on Facebook, with the privileged information I had (without giving away anything).

    Then, the news officially broke. The outpouring of tributes and heartfelt reminiscences that followed were unparalleled. It would be an understatement to say that the profound impact of his passing has been felt globally. Even the heavens above felt it as the angels rejoiced, if I could speak for them, and justly too, that one of their own was headed back home to eternal bliss.

    Lest my words run short in celebrating this African, nay, global icon, I must quickly share one encounter that perfectly illustrates or captures the profound humanity and humility of this man who I first met and immediately admired when I joined Cadbury Nigeria as Media Relations Manager in 1994 and he the Executive Chairman.

    It was in 2002. I was tasked with an urgent, significant mission: deliver a confidential letter from the chairman, Dr. Kolade, to President Olusegun Obasanjo at the fabled Aso Rock Villa in Abuja. This meant picking up the letter that evening and catching an early morning flight.

    The alarm woke me pre-dawn. As I prepared to leave home at 5.00 am, my phone rang. It was Dr. Kolade. He apologized profusely for disturbing my sleep and for whatever disruption the trip was causing. He gave clear instructions for navigating the Villa protocol. Then, astonishingly, he asked to speak to my wife.

    My wife, though momentarily horrified by the gravity of the call, composed herself. Dr. Kolade then apologized to her for disturbing her sleep and taking her husband away at such an ungodly hour, assuring her that he would ensure my return home that very same day. (In my mind, I naughtily wondered why the “old man” just deftly blocked any fun overnight stay in Abuja!)

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    I completed the mission, delivered the letter, and returned to Lagos, adding a successful Aso Rock visit to my CV!

    Weeks later, while watching NTA Network News, in Abuja on a different assignment, the news broke: Dr. Christopher Kolade had been appointed the Nigerian High Commissioner to the United Kingdom (2002-2007).

    I called immediately to congratulate him. Instead of accepting the praise, he thanked me for “making it happen.” Confused, I asked how. He reminded me how, just weeks earlier, I had graciously delivered his acceptance letter for the appointment to the president. My joy was boundless. What a man!

    People like the man whose life we revere and celebrate never die; they live forever in the hearts and minds of millions whose lives they touched by their exemplary conduct. And so it is with Dr. Christopher Kolade.

    Every single testimony speaks to his integrity and forthrightness and I dare add his remarkable fortitude, having survived the immense pain of his sons who predeceased him. He bore his losses with exemplary grace and dignity.

    I express profound gratitude for the lessons learned from his life of exemplary leadership, service as well as his fatherly love. Lest I forget, CK did come with a great sense of humour, sometimes diabolical, especially when masked by his sometimes unsmiling face.

    May his memories be always blessing to all who knew and loved him.

    •Emeka Oparah, Airtel Africa, UAE.

  • Peter Obi: No limits to desperation?

    Peter Obi: No limits to desperation?

    Sir: Former Labour Party presidential candidate, Peter Obi, recently stirred controversy with his comments describing some Nigerian internet fraudsters, popularly known as “Yahoo boys,” as “geniuses” whose creativity could be redirected for national growth. Speaking at an event in Onitsha, Obi reportedly said, “Some of our so-called Yahoo boys are geniuses who need redirection, not condemnation. Their creativity and courage, if properly guided, can drive innovation and national development.”

    This statement, credited to a man who once came close to leading the nation, is not only troubling but reflects the level of desperation that has come to define Nigeria’s political space, especially as the 2027 elections draw nearer. It is the kind of comment that may sound appealing to some segments of society but, in reality, reveals a dangerous attempt to court public sympathy by downplaying criminal behaviour.

    It is important to ask, what creativity exists in the criminal act of defrauding innocent people? How can the deliberate act of deception, theft, and manipulation be described as “genius”? By that same logic, should we also describe drug traffickers, ritual killers, or armed robbers as “innovative minds” who only need guidance?

    Everything is not about politics. A leader aspiring to occupy the highest office in the land must have the moral courage to condemn evil in its entirety. When public figures begin to rationalize or beautify crime in the name of empathy, they send a dangerous message to the younger generation, that criminal behaviour can be tolerated if it is cleverly executed.

    There is absolutely nothing “creative” or “ingenious” about internet fraud. It is a manifestation of greed, laziness, and moral decay. Anyone can choose that path, but those who do so are not geniuses, they are criminals. The only reason such crimes thrive in Nigeria is because our laws are weak and enforcement even weaker. In societies where laws are strong and punishment is certain, internet fraud is rare, not because people there lack the intelligence to commit it, but because they understand the consequences.

    If, as Peter Obi claims, there is genius in Yahoo Yahoo, why do Nigerians who engage in it struggle to sustain such activities in Western countries where the law takes its course? The answer is simple; there is no genius in crime, only the absence of deterrence. It is the failure of our institutions that gives criminals room to operate freely, not their exceptional brilliance.

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    For someone aspiring to lead a nation, such a statement is not only unfortunate but immoral. It exposes a worrying lapse in his judgment and a tendency to prioritize popularity over principle.

    True leadership demands clarity of values, not the convenient bending of morality to suit political interests. Nigerians deserve leaders who can call wrong by its name, not those who romanticize it in the hope of attracting sympathy from the youth.

    Until we stop glorifying or rationalizing crime in any form, our society will continue to decay under the weight of misplaced values. A society that must rise to greatness cannot afford to celebrate fraud, dishonesty, or corruption, no matter how cleverly packaged they appear.

    The path to national development lies not in praising wrongdoers, but in building systems that severely condemn wrongdoing, reward integrity, discipline, and hard work.

    Nigeria’s future depends on leaders who can inspire honesty, not those who attempt to sanitize criminality in the name of creativity.

    In the end, Peter Obi’s statement does not reflect compassion or understanding; it reflects the desperation of a politician eager to remain relevant ahead of the 2027 elections.

    •Chionye Hencs Odiaka, Asaba, Delta State.

  • On threats from climate change

    On threats from climate change

    Sir: Climate change is no longer a distant environmental threat—it is a present and escalating crisis, especially in developing countries like Nigeria. Rising temperatures, erratic rainfall patterns, desertification, and increased flooding are just a few of the manifestations of climate change that are already affecting the country.

    In recent years, Nigeria has recorded steadily increasing average temperatures. According to the Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMet), the country has warmed by over 1.5°C since the early 20th century. In the northern regions such as Sokoto, Maiduguri, and Kano, daytime temperatures now often exceed 45°C during peak heat seasons. These rising temperatures are not only uncomfortable but also detrimental to health, agriculture, and water availability.

    Rainfall in Nigeria has become less predictable and more intense in certain periods. Farmers who traditionally relied on consistent rainy seasons for planting are now struggling with either delayed rainfall or unexpected dry spells. In 2024, major agricultural belts in the Middle Belt and Southeast experienced prolonged droughts followed by sudden floods, destroying crops and reducing harvests. This inconsistency threatens food security in a country already facing inflation and economic instability.

    One of the most visible impacts of climate change in Nigeria is desertification, particularly in the Sahel region that stretches across the far north. Areas such as Yobe, Borno, and Katsina have seen their arable land turn to dust, driving rural populations southward in search of better conditions. This environmental degradation is not only a climate issue—it also feeds into national security, as competition over dwindling resources can fuel communal conflict and displacement.

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    Nigeria’s extensive coastline, especially in states like Lagos, Bayelsa, and Rivers, is increasingly under threat due to rising sea levels. Coastal erosion is accelerating, submerging farmlands, villages, and roads. Lagos faces periodic flash floods and sea encroachment, worsened by unregulated urban development. Without proper coastal defences, millions of Nigerians could be at risk of

    To survive and thrive in the face of climate change, Nigeria must prioritize adaptation strategies. This includes improving early warning systems, investing in climate-resilient infrastructure, and enforcing environmental laws. Reforestation, sustainable agriculture, and better water management are also essential. Importantly, climate action must be integrated into national development plans to ensure that economic growth does not come at the expense of environmental sustainability.

    While Nigeria cannot reverse global warming alone, it can take bold steps to protect its people and environment. The time for action is now. The costs of inaction will only grow, as will the suffering of millions who depend on the land, the rivers, and the climate to survive.

    •Umar Mohammed Shettima,Borno State University, Maiduguri.

  • Omoyele Sowore: Making business of dissent

    Omoyele Sowore: Making business of dissent

    SIR: Behind the façade of activism lies a business model built on foreign sympathy. Omoyele Sowore knows exactly what he’s doing — not out of conviction or genuine ideological drive, but as a calculated effort to sustain the image he has carefully built over the years. He understands that the stream of funding from certain international organizations and advocacy groups depends on his ability to remain visible and loud in Nigeria’s political space. Having positioned himself as a champion of democracy and human rights, he continues to draw attention — and by extension, financial support — from institutions that thrive on narratives of state repression and civic struggle in Africa.

    Organizations that typically fund such ventures include press freedom groups, democracy and governance foundations, and human rights watchdogs based in North America and Europe. These bodies often provide grants for activities framed as civic enlightenment, media independence, or grassroots mobilization. Sowore has mastered the art of speaking the language that resonates with them — words like resistance, liberation, and citizen awakening. Yet behind the slogans, his activism increasingly resembles a performance designed to justify the inflow of donor funds rather than a sincere crusade for reform.

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    Over the years, Sowore has been associated with or has helped organize protests such as the #RevolutionNow movement, the End Bad Governance campaign, and several other demonstrations calling for “Days of Rage.” Each episode garners headlines, sparks fleeting social media fervour, and reinforces his standing as a dissident figure — the kind that international funders like to identify with. But beyond the noise, there is little in terms of structured engagement or measurable transformation.

    What emerges, sadly, is a brand of activism that has become a livelihood. It thrives on outrage and spectacle rather than on disciplined organization or lasting policy influence. His theatrics may keep him in the headlines and his accounts credited, but they do little to move Nigeria closer to the ideals he claims to defend. The real heroes of reform are those who work quietly, without foreign sponsorship or self-promotion — Nigerians who labour daily for change without needing to perform it.

    • Femi Adefemiwa, New York, United States.  
  • Nnamdi Kanu: Government should not yield to blackmail

    Nnamdi Kanu: Government should not yield to blackmail

    Sir: The recent protests demanding the release of Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), have once again brought the long and complicated issue of separatism, violence, and national unity back into the public space. While protest is a constitutional right, it must be guided by facts, reason, and respect for law. The question before Nigerians today is not about sentiment or ethnic loyalty, but about justice, peace, and the survival of a united nation.

    To understand why Nnamdi Kanu should not be freed, one must recall the record of events and the nature of the movement he led. IPOB, under his leadership, was declared a terrorist organization by the federal government in 2017, following several violent attacks, hate speeches, destruction of public properties, and threats to national peace and coexistence. Through his online broadcasts on Radio Biafra, Kanu consistently used inflammatory language, calling for the destruction of the Nigerian state and encouraging young men to take up arms against security personnel. His words, actions, and ideology have been directly linked to the emergence of the Eastern Security Network (ESN), a militant wing that has carried out numerous attacks on police stations, government buildings, and civilians in parts of the Southeast.

    Reports by the Nigerian Police Force and Amnesty International (2021) documented killings and arson committed by IPOB members and ESN operatives, including the murder of security officers, burning of electoral offices of INEC, and attacks on innocent travelers. Between 2020 and 2022 alone, dozens of police stations and government facilities were burnt in Anambra, Imo, and Ebonyi states, most of which were claimed by IPOB elements seeking to enforce sit-at-home orders declared by Kanu and his followers. These violent actions brought fear and economic paralysis to the region, affecting small businesses, schools, and hospitals.

    He once referred to Nigeria as a “zoo” and openly called other ethnic groups derogatory names, particularly the Hausa-Fulani, whom he labeled as “invaders.” The inflammatory and discriminatory language used by Kanu against other ethnic groups has created resentment and tension across the country.

    Kanu’s release would set a dangerous precedent that undermines Nigeria’s justice system. If individuals can threaten national unity, spread hate, encourage violence, and then gain public sympathy through protests and propaganda, it will weaken the moral and legal authority of the courts. The same constitution that protects Kanu’s right to a fair trial also requires that he be held accountable for his actions under the law. Selective justice is injustice itself.

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    The security situation in the Southeast remains fragile. Despite Kanu’s detention, there are still regular sit-at-home orders enforced by armed men who claim loyalty to him. Businesses have collapsed, students have missed exams, and hospitals have been forced to shut down on Mondays due to fear of attacks. If Kanu were to be released now, without repentance or rehabilitation, his followers would take it as a sign of victory, and violence could worsen. Releasing him without justice would be like rewarding those who caused the destruction.

    Even while in custody, his followers continue to circulate his old speeches filled with hatred and division. He has never publicly renounced violence nor called on his followers to stop attacking security forces. In contrast, many former militants and agitators in Nigeria from the Niger Delta region to the Northeast were granted leniency only after renouncing violence and committing to peace. Kanu has not done this. Instead, he continues to project himself as a victim of oppression rather than an offender against the law.

    The judiciary must be allowed to complete its process. Kanu’s case is already before competent courts. The Federal High Court, Abuja has been hearing his charges of terrorism and treasonable felony. The rule of law demands that the trial be concluded before any political or public decision can be made about his fate. Jumping to release him through protests or political pressure would amount to interference with the independence of the judiciary, a direct violation of Section 6 of the Constitution, which vests judicial powers solely in the courts.

    Nigeria’s unity, though imperfect, remains a collective trust. The scars of the 1967–1970 Civil War remind us of what division can cost in millions of lives, economic devastation, and decades of mistrust. Allowing Kanu’s ideology to thrive unchecked is to risk repeating that tragedy. The federal government’s decision to keep him in custody is not persecution but protection for the lives of ordinary citizens who want peace, protection for national stability, and protection for the integrity of the rule of law.

    •Abdulwahab Yusuf, yusufabdulwahab95@gmail.com

  • November 8: Anambra at crossroads

    November 8: Anambra at crossroads

    Sir: As Anambra State approaches yet another decisive gubernatorial election on November 8, the atmosphere is already charged with expectations, reflections, and spiritual undercurrents. The state—renowned for its intellectual giants, political visionaries, and business moguls—stands once again at the threshold of destiny.

    But beneath its illustrious heritage lies a deep and dark reality—an entrenched network of occultism, witchcraft, and diabolic manipulation. Across many communities, the so-called Dibia, Ezemmuo, Ndi Ichie, Ezenwoke, and Ezenwanyi have become instruments of cruelty rather than custodians of culture. Their shrines, once centres of healing and justice, have turned into laboratories of wickedness. In the name of sacrifice, they lay deadly charms on village paths, poison rivers and lakes, and invoke destructive spirits to strike innocent victims. What once was traditional medicine has become a tool of terror; what once preserved our identity now threatens our humanity.

    In recent years, countless families have been thrown into mourning by the invisible arrows of death said to have been conjured from shrines. Some young men have vanished mysteriously after conflicts with local “priests.” Rivers that once served as sources of drinking water and communal life now foam with strange colours, polluted by ritual offerings and deadly potions. This tragic culture of fear, envy, and mystical oppression is a wound upon the conscience of Anambra.

    It is a welcome relief that the present administration under Chukwuma Soludo has risen with uncommon courage to confront this menace. Through the Anambra State Homeland Security Law and other proactive measures, Soludo has taken bold steps to regulate the activities of native doctors, traditional priests, and occult assemblies. He has emphasized that cultural heritage should never be an excuse for crime or human sacrifice. The law now demands registration, transparency, and monitoring of traditional practices to ensure that they serve humanity, not destroy it. This is not an easy fight.

    In a land where fear of spiritual retaliation often silences truth, it takes the boldness of a lion and the wisdom of a statesman to challenge these forces. Soludo’s decision to restore order and sanity in the traditional religious space is not just an administrative act—it is a spiritual reformation. For too long, the unseen hands of the occult have interfered with justice, politics, and even community development. By regulating their operations, the governor has struck at the very root of the corruption that weakens moral and social progress.

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    Beyond this spiritual warfare, Soludo has also transformed the political culture of Anambra. The state once known for godfatherism and the politics of the purse has witnessed a quiet revolution. In the past, billionaires and moneybags financed campaigns with the intention of “recouping” their investment once their candidate assumed office. The result was a vicious cycle of corruption, abandoned projects, and political servitude. But today, the narrative is changing. The masses themselves —market women, artisans, teachers, students, and civil servants—are voluntarily contributing funds to support their candidates. It is a remarkable shift from dependency to ownership, from apathy to participation. It means that for the first time, the people see governance as their collective responsibility. They are not waiting for politicians to buy their votes with money; they are investing in a vision—the vision of a “Liveable and Prosperous Homeland.” Soludo’s administration has inspired a movement rooted in integrity, service, and self-reliance.

    As November 8 draws near, Anambra must choose between light and darkness, progress and superstition, truth and manipulation. The battle is not merely between political parties—APGA, APC, Labour Party, or others—but between two spirits: the spirit of the ancestors who built with honour, and the spirit of greed that destroys for gain. Let the Dibia who still practice evil repent or face the judgment of the law. Let the politicians who depend on charms and human sacrifices know that their time is over. And let the people of Anambra, proud heirs of greatness, stand with one voice to defend their land from the grip of darkness.

    In Soludo’s words and works, Anambra is rising again—a homeland that is safe, liveable, and prosperous. The coming election should not just be about who wins; it should be about what kind of Anambra we want to leave for the next generation.

    •Obiotika Wilfred Toochukwu, Nkono-Ekwulobia Anambra State.

  • Real estate, key to economic recovery

    Real estate, key to economic recovery

    Sir: Real estate sector in Nigeria is still being challenged by a number of factors, which market inflation and high construction costs are key. Yet, the sector is not just a very important sector of any country’s economy; it is the economic engine of the world and is in charge of driving economic growth. When it comes to cities, towns and communities development, real estate is the core. The industry has built communities, created jobs, created incomes, increase families and national wealth.

    The impact of the sector is very huge, and without the real estate sector, modern life would not exist.  The economists are of the position that countries with high levels of economic freedom have higher levels of GDP growth than those without, especially when it comes with low levels of real estate development. Unfortunately, Nigeria is situated within this category.

    Real estate sector is still largely underdeveloped in Nigeria. It is in this light that one has to commend the Renewed Hope Housing Programme initiated by the federal government. Coming more than four decades after the late Shehu Shagari administration’s housing programme (1979-1983), the present administration’s initiative geared towards delivering 50,000 housing units across the country will assist the various income levels, particularly the low-income earners to realize their dream of becoming home-owners.

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    It should however be emphasized that beyond assisting Nigerians to become home-owners, housing development is key to economic recovery and growth. That is why the government should provide the enabling environment to ensure that Nigeria remains a real estate investment attraction and commercial destination. No matter what, real estate is an important part of our society and culture and will always have a significant impact on our everyday lives. The real estate market in Nigeria is filled with lots of opportunities. Government should step up investment in critical real estate variables as it is done in other climes when there are challenges in the economy. What the government does is to invest massively in infrastructure, create jobs, and stimulate economic activities and development.

    To make the Renewed Hope Housing Programme initiative programme a huge success, the organized private sector must be made to effectively key into the programme. The mortgage system must be strengthened. Regulatory processes must be made flexible, bureaucratic structure must not be allowed to obstruct the scheme. This is how we can turn real estate into the most influential industry in our economy, and ultimately make it to consistently impact the economy. There is no business that does not require real estate and there is no human being that does not require real estate one way or the other.

    •ESV Idowu Surajudeen Adetunji, Lagos.

  • Kudos to a super LASTMA official

    Kudos to a super LASTMA official

    Sir: Since last Friday evening, the community road part of Ago Okota road has been undergoing small repairs, and this has caused a very terrible grid within the axis. I spent ninety minutes within a space of 200 metres. Some trucks that were not guided took the road and managed a detour creating a terrific grid lock into the early hours of Saturday morning. The next day, Ago Police officers took charge but there was little could they do.

    On Sunday when families came out large numbers to attend Sunday services, the traffic was more than impossible; some people had their services there. I was a victim. When I managed to escape, I drove straight to Cele Bus Stop where the LASTMA officials normally gather. I saw an officer wearing an eagle and star on his shoulder. I casually greeted him and narrated my ugly experiences for the two days. He answered – ‘Sir, I will go there and smoothen the traffic’. I thereafter continued on my journey.

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    Forty-five minutes after the report, I saw the guy soaked in his own sweat, with mud all over him. He was pushing broken down vehicles that were victims of the long stay in the traffic overheating and others. Within an hour the traffic was orderly and vehicles moved without hitches. Out of excitement, I told my friends in the car about the guy’s selfless service. We offered him some money which he turned down politely, saying that he only did his job after which he walked away. I was so touched and moved with love for his person. We discussed all day at my destination – that there are some good uniform men still on the streets and around us.

    In the course of my encounter with him at Cele Bus Stop, I casually took the picture of him and noted the name on his uniform as Muibi Ademola. Later, I learnt he is The Bravo of Okota Zone 27. This type of officer deserves LASTMA management if only to encourage and inspire others like him to be selfless and diligent.

    •Felix Ugbechie, Okota, Lagos.

  • Urgent call for coherent agricultural policy

    Urgent call for coherent agricultural policy

    Sir: For too long, Nigeria’s agricultural sector has been defined by disjointed policies and a severe lack of focus on protecting the farmer. The low returns, the uncertainty of production, and the failure to integrate farmers into the crucial stages of processing, marketing, and exportation have left the sector struggling to meet national food security needs. Our farmers—the bedrock of our economy—are not merely producers; they are entrepreneurs who require a unified system of support to unlock the sector’s vast potential.

    The clear move needed now is not to invent a new policy, but to decisively implement and streamline the existing ones, while adopting new strategic needs-based policies to fast-track development, increase cultivation, boost yields, and ensure farmer empowerment across the entire value chain.

    The core problem is the disconnect between Abuja’s ambitious agricultural roadmaps and the reality on the farm. Farmers are at the receiving end of a market system that leaves them vulnerable: low farm-gate prices at harvest, massive post-harvest losses due to poor infrastructure, and inability to access high-value export markets.

    Policies often focus heavily on production (e.g., input distribution) but fail to create reliable off-taking, processing, and storage systems. This means increased cultivation often leads to a glut and a price crash, financially punishing the farmer. Successive administrations often abandon previous initiatives, leading to a constant restart that wastes resources and erodes farmer trust in government programs. Lack of rural feeder roads, reliable power for processing, and poor storage facilities mean up to 40-50% of certain perishable produce is lost, turning potential profit into waste.

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    To move the sector from subsistence farming to a modern, export-driven industry, we must prioritize the following policy thrusts:

    Replace blanket subsidies with an accessible, verifiable e-voucher system delivered via farmer cooperatives to ensure timely and targeted distribution of quality seeds and fertilizers. This eliminates corruption/diversion of inputs and ensures farmers get the right inputs at the right planting window.

    Establish a public-private partnership (PPP) to deploy tractor and mechanization service hubs at the Local Government Area level, offering equipment on affordable lease terms. This breaks the barrier of high upfront cost for smallholder farmers, increasing cultivation area and efficiency.

    Re-engage and retrain a new generation of agricultural extension agents, leveraging mobile technology (apps, SMS alerts) for real-time, data-driven advice on climate-smart farming and best practices. This improves yields by disseminating current research and best planting/harvesting times to counter climate change.

    The farmer must evolve from a mere producer to a value-chain stakeholder.

    The disconnect in Nigeria’s agricultural sector is not a production problem; it is a policy execution and systemic protection problem. The lack of protection for farmers, especially in exportation and market access, is the primary reason for low returns and declining confidence.

    •Michael Adedotun Oke, Garki, Abuja.

  • Ned Nwoko’s renewed advocacy for Anioma State

    Ned Nwoko’s renewed advocacy for Anioma State

    Sir: Since he was sworn into office in 2023, the senator representing Delta North Senatorial District has led a renewed advocacy for the creation of Anioma State out of Delta State. This is only a continuation of the pioneering efforts of leaders like Dennis Osadebe, Senator Nosike Ikpo, and Chief Philip Asiodu, a fact which needs no further rehashing.

    However, it must be noted that the quest around delineating a sub-national territory or state for the people variously referred to, through colonial, post-colonial, and even in contemporary time as Western-Igbo, Bendel-Igbo, and now Delta-Igbo, is arguably the longest running social-political agitation for delineation of a sub-national jurisdiction in the country.

    Today, this sincere agitation has spurned many copy-cat requests for a myriad of new states from all the regions of the country, some of them deserving, others spurious and shameless opportunism. In this atmosphere, only a creative and compelling argument, like a good ad copy, can attract the attention necessary to give traction to our agitation. Senator Nwoko must therefore be commended for recognizing this need and anchoring his Anioma State advocacy on the need for the Southeast to have at least six states like the rest of the five informal regions in the country.

    It is surprising that this logical strategy has elicited obtuse opposition in some quarters in Anioma area. But here is the stark reality: While there may be a slim chance of creating a new state anywhere in Nigeria from our rigid constitution, there is zilch – zero chance of creating a new state in the South-south region. In case there are some who are unaware, all the regions have at least six states, except the Southeast which has only five. This situation has left the door a crack ajar, and all reasonable Anioma people must do everything humanly possible to lend a hand to Senator Ned Nwoko to push it open. It will not be easy, seeing that the people in the Southeast know that they have the most justified need for an extra state, and are themselves pursuing their objective through the same argument. But we must be opportunistic and dispassionate, and instead of the Igbophobic pre-rational opposition to this cause, we should make cold-blooded calculations. Especially, since getting a new state for ourselves trumps any perceived disadvantage that may arise.

    Regional sub-groupings are informal arrangements that bear no hand in the administration and functioning of states, which are fully independent entities and cooperate directly with the federal government. None of those who disclaim Igbo ethnicity would be forced to swear allegiance to Igboness. But I must say that it is quite painful to have to spell this out publicly, for it gives a heads up to our competitors in the struggle for new states.

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    Now, a few words about Anioma-Igbo identity. I have interacted with many elders who went to school in the 1950s and 1960s, and even read the biography of a great Anioma son who was born in the 1800s. It was interesting to notice that they all saw themselves as Igbo before the Civil War. This Igbo denialism seemed to have originated in the trauma of that period, which pushed some of us into retreating into presumably safe ancestral identity: Ika, Ukwuani, Enuani etc, or historical origin narratives like; we came from Benin, Igalla, and others. But this kind of reasoning negate the fact that ethnicity is dynamic and can change over a long period of time.

    I have heard the Oba of Lagos say that they originated from Benin, but never heard him say his people are Bini. Over the centuries, whatever their provenance, they have become full-blooded Yoruba. The Philistines, Jebusites, Egyptians and Babylonians of biblical times are the Arabs of today. And among the Arabs there are still many subdivisions, the same way we have Yoruba subgroups like Awori, Ijebu, Ekiti, and Okun, or even the English who have splinters like Scousers, Yorkshiremen, and Geordies. In my understanding, the Igbo are not monolithic. They could be Mbaise, Enuani, Ika, Nsukka, Ukwuani, or Ebonyi, and have different strands of dialects, but are bound by a common super-Igbo tongue.

    So, even if you disagree about our Igbo ancestry, this should not stand in the way of fulfilling our long-held aspiration for an Anioma State, which is best achieved under the guise of a sixth state in the informal Southeast region.  Remaining in self-defeating opposition will be foreign to our commonsensical Anioma ethos.

    •P. Onyeka Ibe, United States.