Category: Letters

  • Nigeria’s and the Nnamdi Kanu dilemma

    Nigeria’s and the Nnamdi Kanu dilemma

    Sir: Nnamdi Kanu’s trial long ago stopped being about one man or one movement. The case now extends beyond personal guilt or innocence, touching deep questions of regional loyalty, federal legitimacy, and the emotional residue of post-war Nigeria. Every adjournment, ruling, or protest is read less as a point of law than as a signal of power.

    A lenient ruling could unsettle parts of the security and political establishment, while a harsh one might ignite unrest in the Southeast. Caught between these fears, both the judiciary and the executive have settled into a cautious holding pattern, buying time under the guise of process, managing optics rather than enforcing justice. Each adjournment now feels less like due process and more like a rehearsal of fear.

    The prolonged detention of Nnamdi Kanu, leader of IPOB, has evolved beyond a legal matter; it now sits at the intersection of politics, power, and fear. What should have been a straightforward judicial process has turned into an emblem of how justice itself has been securitised in Nigeria.

    Years after his arrest, rendition, and multiple adjournments, Kanu’s case remains suspended between legal procedure and political hesitation. An acquittal might be read as weakness, potentially emboldening separatist sentiments in the Southeast. A conviction, on the other hand, could reignite anger and alienation, undoing fragile peace in a region already wary of federal authority. The case, once confined to the courtroom, has migrated into the bloodstream of national politics, where perception often outweighs law.

    The difficulty in resolving Kanu’s case lies in a convergence of overlapping fears—political, regional, institutional, and even personal. At the political level, the government worries that any leniency toward Kanu might be interpreted as surrender.

    Read Also: Explainer: How Nigeria can qualify for 2026 World Cup

    In a country still defined by ethnic arithmetic, every move carries electoral and symbolic weight. For the Tinubu administration, managing this legacy case involves balancing national unity with political survival.

    President Bola Tinubu inherited this case, but he now owns its outcome. With his administration struggling to stabilise the economy, the prevailing instinct within his circle is caution — a reluctance to open new fronts while the state is already stretched thin by economic strain and insecurity.

    Internationally, the memory of Kanu’s controversial rendition from Kenya still lingers. A transparent trial might reopen diplomatic wounds and challenge the legality of his extradition. Delay, therefore, becomes anesthesia numbing the wound without healing it. But nations do not heal by avoidance; they heal by courage.

    Nigeria is not the first country to face a dilemma where justice and national unity collide. Spain’s handling of the Catalan separatist movement offers a cautionary but useful comparison. After years of imprisonment and confrontation, Madrid shifted toward limited amnesty and structured dialogue, not as capitulation, but as a strategy of containment through inclusion.

    Ethiopia’s uneasy truce with Tigray rebels similarly reflected the painful recognition that no military or legal standoff can substitute for political accommodation. Even South Africa’s post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation process illustrates that sustainable peace requires moral imagination, the courage to see justice not merely as punishment, but as repair.

    Nigeria’s leadership could borrow from these lessons: that dialogue and due process are not signs of weakness, but of confidence in the institutions that define a modern state. The real question is not whether Kanu is guilty, but whether Nigeria’s institutions are capable of administering justice without fear.

    Allowing justice to run its course would send a powerful message that the Nigerian state still believes in the rule of law as the ultimate guarantor of security. Continuing to suspend it, however, implies that power, not principle, remains the true authority.

    •Lekan Olayiwola, lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Varsities’ strike: Who’s to blame?

    Varsities’ strike: Who’s to blame?

    Sir: University strikes have become an all-too-familiar story, a recurring wound that never seems to heal. Each time the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU announces an industrial action, lectures stop, campuses grow silent, and dreams are placed on hold. Politicians continue with their schedules, lecturers retreat to side jobs, but the students, the very heart of the education system, are left stranded. They lose time, motivation, and opportunities they can never fully recover.

    Yet, as the cycle repeats, one cannot help but ask: who truly bears the weight of these strikes, and who should take responsibility for the damage they cause?

    For decades, ASUU has justified its strikes as a means to pressure the government into honouring agreements on better funding, fair wages, and improved infrastructure. These demands are valid. Anyone who has walked through the corridors of a public university in Nigeria would agree that poor facilities, overcrowded lecture halls, and unpaid salaries reflect a deep neglect of education by successive governments.

    But while the union’s grievances are understandable, the methods have become controversial.

    The government, on the other hand, often accuses ASUU of holding the system hostage. It argues that the union’s insistence on strikes as the only bargaining tool cripples progress and punishes innocent students who have no hand in the dispute. In the end, both parties trade blame while the students, the most powerless group in the equation, pay the ultimate price.

    Let us be honest. Both parties are culpable. The government’s insensitivity and failure to prioritize education are unacceptable. Budgetary allocations to education consistently fall below UNESCO’s recommended 26 percent. Lecturers, too, must reflect on whether indefinite strikes remain the most effective way to demand change. It is one thing to fight for rights; it is another to destroy the bridge that connects those rights to the future.

    If universities had better funding, research grants, and prompt salaries, ASUU would have no reason to down tools. But if the union continues to rely solely on strikes without exploring alternative advocacy such as strategic legal action, citizen engagement, or performance-based protests, then students will remain collateral damage in every industrial action.

    The solution lies in sincerity from both sides. Government officials must stop making empty promises and start implementing lasting reforms. ASUU must adopt modern negotiation strategies that protect the interest of students first. The students themselves must also rise, through constructive activism, to demand accountability from all sides.

    Read Also: Why I prefer to raise my kids in Nigeria – M.I Abaga

    Education is not a privilege; it is a right. Every time it is disrupted, a generation loses part of its potential. The government and ASUU must remember that time is not renewable. Every month lost to a strike is a wound that never fully heals for a student.

    Some will argue that strikes have brought partial victories such as improved salaries, better agreements, and occasional funding. But these victories often come at too great a cost. Students spend longer years on campus, graduate late, and face tighter job markets. Many lose scholarships or opportunities abroad because their transcripts are delayed or their academic calendars are unpredictable.

    A society that allows this cycle to persist is one that undervalues its youth. The damage is not visible immediately, but it shows later in the frustration of jobless graduates, in the rise of social vices, and in the erosion of hope. When young people start believing that hard work no longer pays, the nation begins to decay silently.

    The truth is simple: when universities are on strike, everyone loses, but students lose the most. They lose time, morale, and faith. And no compensation can restore that lost time.

    Until the day Nigeria treats education as a national emergency, not a political bargaining chip, these strikes will continue, and the nation will keep producing delayed graduates and disappointed dreams.

    The next time a strike is declared, we should ask not just who is right or wrong, but who is hurting most. Because in the end, it is not the lecturers or the politicians who suffer, it is the students whose futures hang in the balance.

    •Lawan Bukar Maigana, lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com

  • Nigeria’s AI moment: From national strategy to real impact

    Nigeria’s AI moment: From national strategy to real impact

    Sir: Every few years, technology delivers a new wave. Right now, it’s Artificial Intelligence. And unlike some past eras, this one may give Nigeria more than just catch-up: we have real chances to lead. We’ve got land, population, a young, adaptable workforce, and growing digital density.

    Combine that with recent investments in skilling and policy momentum and you have conditions where AI could power not only tech firms, but entire sectors. Look at energy, logistics, agriculture, telecoms: all filled with opportunity areas that AI can help fix. But what will really determine where Nigeria lands is how we turn potential into action by fixing gaps, building trust, and investing in real infrastructure.

    The government’s National AI Strategy signals that AI is no longer a pipe dream but a national priority to drive economic growth, social development, and technological leadership. That vision is now backed by real research and investment. Microsoft, in partnership with PwC and Lagos Business School, recently released a report outlining how Nigeria can accelerate AI adoption. Among its findings: the nation already shows early success across fintech, agriculture, and health tech. The report highlights the Three Million Technical Talent (3MTT) program and Microsoft’s AI Skills Navigator, both designed to close Nigeria’s digital skills gap. The roadmap emphasizes governance, infrastructure, and ethical frameworks as critical enablers for sustained AI progress.

    Few countries can match Nigeria’s combination of population, ambition, and raw data. With over 200 million citizens, growing smartphone penetration, and a vibrant start-up ecosystem, the data backbone for AI already exists.

    Read Also: Omokri challenges Cruz, others to name alleged perpetrators of Christian genocide in Nigeria

    The country’s chronic infrastructure issues, from unstable electricity to poor broadband, should no longer be treated solely as barriers. They are invitations for innovation and investment. The same instability that frustrates entrepreneurs could encourage smarter distributed energy networks (micro-grids) and more resilient edge computing systems to bring data processing closer to where it’s generated.

    But technology without governance is fragile. Meta’s recent $220 million fine by Nigeria’s data protection authority and competition commission for mishandling user data shows the cost of lagging in oversight. A second settlement worth $32.8 million this year reinforced the point. These cases underline the urgency of data sovereignty, ensuring Nigerian data fuels Nigerian growth, not foreign algorithms.

     Nigeria’s AI strategy and Microsoft’s roadmap offer a joint playbook: build capacity, enforce trust, and enable collaboration between public and private sectors. The government’s task now is execution, ensuring incentives for start-ups, reliable energy, and active monitoring of AI deployments.

    Through years of working on data and technology programs across different contexts, one insight has become clear: innovation thrives where infrastructure and ethics meet. For Nigeria, that intersection could define not only our digital future but our global influence.

    •Kevwe Onome-Irikefe, Society of Women Engineers, Columbia River Section, United States.

  • NDLEA’s position on cannabis oil

    NDLEA’s position on cannabis oil

    Sir: When reports surfaced that the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) had “approved” the export of cannabis oil, it quickly stirred debate and confusion across Nigeria’s policy and public health circles. A closer look, however, shows that the agency’s remarks were not an endorsement of cannabis use or a sign of legalization, but a scientific contribution to an ongoing national discussion.

    What really happened? The controversy began after NDLEA chairman and chief executive, Brig. Gen. Mohamed Buba Marwa (Retd.), spoke at a workshop organized by the Nigerian Academy of Science (NAS) in Abuja. During his presentation on the prospects of cannabis oil export, Marwa said the agency was “not averse to the controlled and regulated export of cannabis oil” for international markets, while maintaining its opposition to local use in line with existing law and the country’s high rate of drug abuse.

    His comments, made in a scientific forum, were intended as an academic opinion — not a policy announcement.

    Globally, several countries have explored the medicinal and economic potential of cannabis oil, particularly CBD — a non-psychoactive compound known for its therapeutic value. But Nigeria’s context is unique. The country’s drug abuse prevalence stands at 14.4 percent — nearly three times the global average, according to the 2018 National Drug Use Survey. Cannabis remains the most abused substance, with about 10.6 million users nationwide.

    Given these figures, the NDLEA’s cautious approach is rooted in public health realities. Premature legalization or commercial production could worsen addiction and mental health challenges already straining Nigeria’s healthcare system.

    Read Also: NAEE commends Tinubu’s macroeconomic policies, urges protection for vulnerable Nigerians

    Cannabis oil is extracted from the cannabis plant and contains cannabinoids — mainly THC (the psychoactive compound responsible for the “high”) and CBD (the non-psychoactive compound used for medical purposes in some countries).

    While CBD oil has recognized therapeutic benefits, products containing THC remain tightly controlled worldwide because of their potential for abuse. The NDLEA’s position, therefore, is that cannabis oil should be discussed only in the context of scientific research and possible regulated export — not local use or open trade.

    The NDLEA’s position is, therefore, not about legalizing cannabis — it’s about understanding it.

    By promoting open dialogue and commissioning research, the agency is ensuring that when Nigeria eventually decides on cannabis policy, it will do so with facts, not assumptions; with science, not speculation. In simple terms, NDLEA’s message is clear: Nigeria must “learn before it decides.”

    •As-Sayyidul Arafat Abdulrazaq,as.sayyid21@gmail.com.

  • NASS single-day elections proposal, good but…

    NASS single-day elections proposal, good but…

    Sir: Election is a process governed by the law and its conduct must be both credible and reliable to be accepted by all and sundry. The ongoing electoral reforms is a timely constitutional exercise which, if well-handled and expeditiously executed, could impact positively on the conduct of the 2027 forthcoming elections.

    With a little more than two years to 2027, the National Assembly, (NASS) must work assiduously round the clock to pass the electoral bill and also obtain the presidential assent for the bill to become law before the 2027 elections.

    The current exercise is historic in the sense that this is the first time that such exercise is holding great promises especially for people hitherto constitutionally long forgotten like women, persons living with disabilities, traditional rulers and host of hoi-polloi who receive paucity of attention and care from relevant authorities.

    The single-day elections mooted by the NASS, strikes the right constitutional cord if all attempts could be made by the relevant stakeholders and authorities to make such constitutional proposal a reality. Apart from reducing elections costs, it will also reduce or eliminate outright, the constitutional infractions usually associated with the conduct of scattered elections for president, governors and the assemblies at the federal and state levels.

    For example, in a scattered election, once a political party wins the presidency, it automatically has band wagon effects for all other elections, be it governorship or the assemblies, as no community would want to be in the opposition party to the president.

    Read Also: Nigerian youth parliament hails UN-Habitat’s Mlynár as global champion of youth inclusion

    Yet, the single-day elections as proposed by NASS is a gargantuan task which come with its great responsibilities both on their part, and more importantly on the INEC the electoral umpire.

    For most of the complaints of the past about elections are more of poor preparations and abysmal conducts than outright rigging by hoodlums or frausters. The problem of INEC is not just in staff strength, but more especially in the skills, competencies and attitudinal disposition of officials to treat election success as part of the duties they owe their organization and the nation.

    Poverty of ideas and purposes of an election by INEC officials constitutes the gravest problem facing INEC and for a proposal of a single day elections to be a reality, the NASS must be ready to empower INEC by way of training and infrastructural allocation to the body.

    NASS must also endeavour that all relevant stakeholders like the National Orientation Agency (NOA), radio and television organizations and the mass media generally are involved in enlightenment campaign to sensitize the generality of the people from now on until the 2027 general elections.

    Above all, 2027 may seem still far but except greater care is taken and NASS really speed up, it may be impossible to conclude the ongoing reforms, let alone have a bill to present to the president for assent for such proposal of a single day elections.

    This notwithstanding, it is a good idea and whether for 2027 or the future, the idea of a single-day elections must be pursued until it becomes a constitutional reality and a check against perceived electoral infractions of the past.

    •Sunday Olagunju, Ibadan, Oyo State.

  • Lagos demolitions: Accountability and the way forward

    Lagos demolitions: Accountability and the way forward

    Sir: The sound of bulldozers has become familiar across parts of Lagos. Structures fall, dust rises, and residents watch helplessly as homes and offices are reduced to rubble. The Lagos State government says it is enforcing order through pulling down illegal and unsafe buildings to protect lives and the environment. But as the demolitions continue, accusations and counter-accusations have deepened, raising fundamental questions about fairness, planning, and accountability in Africa’s most populous city.

    The Lagos State Building Control Agency (LASBCA) explains that the exercise follows the expiration of an amnesty period on December 31, 2024. Property owners were given a window to regularize their documents, and those who failed to comply are now facing the consequences. The government insists that most of the affected buildings were erected without planning approval, on drainage channels, or on flood-prone land. In its view, the demolitions are necessary to safeguard lives and restore environmental order.

    However, many residents and developers have rejected that narrative. They claim that their properties had valid approvals and that government agencies not only inspected but in some cases collected statutory payments before construction. Some accuse the state of selective enforcement and poor communication. Yet, despite these public claims, no property owner has so far made full documentation public or approached the courts to test their validity. On the other hand, the state government has not promised any independent investigation into whether some of its officials may have erred in granting or verifying approvals.

    This mutual silence feeds a larger question: why are demolitions happening now? Lagos is not a new city. It has existed for centuries and has been Nigeria’s commercial capital for decades. One would imagine that such an old, well-mapped city should no longer be grappling with confusion about where buildings can or cannot stand. If houses are springing up on waterways or under power lines, who issued the permits? Who turned a blind eye during construction? If the government now calls these structures illegal, does that not also expose weaknesses within its own approval and monitoring systems?

    Read Also: UK-based Nigerian innovators to unveil CVI AI

    The situation also blurs the line between legality and enforcement. Many Lagosians now ask whether the demolitions are truly about protecting the public or about covering institutional lapses. Ironically, some who once justified the demolitions have later found their own properties marked for removal. Having lost their buildings, they now admit that those who were first affected might also have held valid documents. Such reversals have eroded confidence in the fairness and transparency of the exercise.

    Urban experts argue that while building control is essential, enforcement must be guided by due process and humane execution. When demolitions occur suddenly, without adequate notice, or without visible channels for redress, they create resentment and social distrust. The absence of compensation or alternative housing arrangements compounds the hardship. In a city already struggling with housing shortages, every demolished structure represents not just a personal loss but an addition to Lagos’s housing deficit.

    The challenge now is how Lagos can balance order with justice. Clearer communication is a start. The government could publish a verified list of all affected properties, the specific infractions involved, and the agencies responsible for approvals. Independent technical assessments, by professional bodies outside government, could help verify claims from both sides. Where officials are found to have approved illegal constructions, accountability should be pursued openly.

    Equally, developers and homeowners must embrace transparency. Those who claim to have valid papers should be willing to release them for scrutiny. Taking legitimate cases to court could clarify the limits of government authority and strengthen public trust in the process.

    Beyond enforcement, Lagos must also improve urban planning at the preventive level. Building control should begin long before foundations are laid, with accessible digital systems that clearly mark restricted zones and drainage paths. Regular public education about building regulations would help citizens understand where not to build and why.

    For now, the dust from the bulldozers is gradually settling on deeper issues: trust, planning, and the rule of law. Demolitions may clear the skyline, but they also expose cracks in governance that paperwork alone cannot cover. Lagos must not only enforce order—it must also demonstrate fairness, transparency, and foresight. Only then will its rebuilding be more than the destruction of walls; it will be the reconstruction of confidence in how the city is run.

    •Michael Abioye,Lagos.

  • Bauchi’s education and health sectors are dying

    Bauchi’s education and health sectors are dying

    • By Yasir Shehu Adam

    Sir: When development is defined only by the number of new buildings or high-profile summits, we lose sight of what truly matters — people. True progress is not about how many conferences a state hosts or how many investors it attracts; it is about how well its citizens are educated, how healthy they are, and how much opportunity they have to live with dignity.

    Recently, the Bauchi State government launched the Bauchi Investment Summit and inaugurated the Ahmadu Bello International Conference Centre (ICC) — both described as historic steps toward economic transformation. The government says these initiatives will attract investors, create jobs, and open new doors for growth.

    While this may sound impressive, the reality on the ground tells a different story. In Bauchi today, both the education and health sectors are gasping for survival.

    Across the state, schools are struggling. In many communities, children sit on bare floors or broken benches in overcrowded classrooms. There are not enough qualified teachers, and where they exist, they work under difficult conditions with little motivation.

    There are schools without roofs, libraries without books, and students without learning materials. How then can we talk about investment in the future when the very foundation of knowledge has been neglected?

    The governor himself — like many leaders before him — is a product of education. His opportunities came not from wealth or connections, but from the quality education he received. Today’s children deserve that same chance. They are the future leaders, engineers, doctors, and innovators Bauchi will depend on. But without investment in their minds, there will be no future to inherit.

    The situation in the health sector is no better. Bauchi’s hospitals, including the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University Teaching Hospital and the Specialist Hospital, are overstretched and understaffed. There are not enough doctors, nurses, or modern equipment to cater for the growing population.

    In rural areas, people still travel miles to access basic healthcare. Many die from preventable illnesses because facilities lack medicine, electricity, or clean water. When a society cannot guarantee health and education, it cannot guarantee development.

    Read Also: No threats can derail mining sector reforms, Alake declares

    The new conference centre and investment summit may look impressive on the surface, but their long-term success depends on the quality of the people who will run the system. Investors will not stay in a state where education is weak, where hospitals are failing, and where skilled labour is hard to find.

    If Bauchi wants to attract and sustain real investment, it must start with its people. Build the schools before the skyscrapers. Equip the hospitals before the hotels. Train the teachers before signing trade deals.

    To Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed — this is not an attack; it is a plea. As one of the lucky sons of Bauchi who benefited from quality education and good governance in the past, the same opportunity that shaped your path must be restored for today’s youth.

    Education and health are not expenses; they are the strongest forms of investment any government can make. No summit, no project, and no investor can replace the value of a well-educated child or a healthy citizen.

    Before we talk about millions of dollars in foreign investment, let us first talk about the broken classrooms in Misau, the crumbling clinics in Dass, the unpaid teachers in Toro, and the empty laboratories in Ningi. These are the real issues that define the quality of life in Bauchi State.

    If Bauchi truly wants to build a strong, competitive economy, it must begin by rebuilding its human capital. Prioritize education: recruit qualified teachers, improve infrastructure, and provide learning materials. Reform healthcare: equip hospitals, motivate health workers, and ensure access to rural communities. Invest in the youth: through training, scholarships, and skill development programs.

    Once the people are empowered, every other form of investment will naturally thrive.

    Development is not about the beauty of our buildings but the strength of our minds and bodies within them. A state that neglects education and health cannot sustain any investment — because the greatest investment is its people.

    •Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman),

    Bauchi.

  • Kano Censorship Board and content creators

    Kano Censorship Board and content creators

    • By Salaudeen Soliu Olamide

    Sir: In the age of TikTok trends, YouTube skits, and viral Facebook videos, Kano State finds itself wrestling with a new kind of moral and cultural challenge — the rise of digital content creators. At the centre of this debate is the Kano State Film and Video Censorship Board, an institution tasked with regulating creative expression within the state. While the board insists it is protecting cultural and religious values, many young creators argue that it is stifling innovation and free speech.

    Over the years, the board has grown in influence, especially with the rise of Kannywood, Northern Nigeria’s vibrant film industry based in Kano. Through this platform, thousands of actors, producers, and scriptwriters found fame — but also strict oversight.

    With the rapid growth of social media, a new generation of entertainers has emerged outside the traditional film industry. TikTokers, YouTubers, and online comedians have captured millions of followers by producing short, often humorous videos that speak to everyday life. However, this new wave of digital freedom has brought them under the radar of the censorship board, which now insists that all content creators operating in Kano must register with the board. According to officials, the move is meant to ensure accountability and prevent the spread of “immoral and indecent” content online.

    However, many young content creators see the policy as a form of censorship designed to suppress free expression. Some argue that the new rule could discourage creativity and push talented youths to relocate to other states where regulations are more relaxed.

    Read Also: Tinubu to son at 40: ‘You’ve made us proud, I know you’ll continue to make Nigeria proud’

    The tension between tradition and technology is not new in Kano. For decades, the state has struggled to balance its deeply religious identity with the pressures of modernization. From the early controversies surrounding Kannywood films to recent restrictions on music and dance events, the censorship board has often found itself at the centre of cultural battles. But the digital era presents a far more complex challenge — one that transcends physical borders and thrives in the virtual world.

    At its core, the controversy reflects a broader question about identity and progress. Can Kano embrace the opportunities of the digital era without losing its moral compass? Or will the push to control online expression drive its youth away from creativity and entrepreneurship? The answer, many say, lies in balance — a middle path where culture, religion, and modern innovation coexist.

    As young people in Kano continue to navigate the crossroads between expression and regulation, one thing is certain: the struggle over who defines morality in the digital space is far from over. In a world where smartphones have become the new stages and cameras the new pulpits, the clash between content and censorship may well define the next chapter of Kano’s social evolution.

    •Salaudeen Soliu Olamide,

    University of Maiduguri.

  • Protecting the coastline along Lagos-Calabar coastal highway

    Protecting the coastline along Lagos-Calabar coastal highway

    • By Surajdeen Alabede

    Sir: As Nigeria charts a new trajectory toward becoming an economic powerhouse in Africa, critical infrastructure projects like the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway represent a beacon of hope and progress. This 700-kilometre standard highway, now advancing simultaneously across several states of the federation, including Lagos, Ogun, Ondo, Edo, Akwa Ibom, and Cross River, embodies the vision of a connected and unified nation. This lofty and ambitious project has the potential to transform our coastal regions into hubs of commerce, tourism, and innovation, much like major infrastructural developments seen in nations such as Indonesia and the United Arab Emirates.

    The true beauty of this project lies in its vast potential to boost economic growth by facilitating faster trade, reducing transportation costs, and creating thousands of jobs both during construction and long after completion. Imagine seamless travel along our stunning Atlantic coastline, unlocking opportunities for ecotourism, aquaculture, and blue economy initiatives capable of generating billions in revenue while showcasing Nigeria’s natural splendour to the world.

    Beyond the economic benefits, enhanced connectivity will not only bridge urban centers but also empower rural communities, fostering inclusive development and attracting diaspora investments that strengthen our global ties. Indeed, this highway is far more than asphalt and concrete; it is a symbol of national unity, visionary leadership, and Nigeria’s unstoppable march toward progress under the present administration.

    However, as stewards of our nation’s resources, we must confront the sobering realities that come with such grand endeavours. The highway’s proposed route through ecologically sensitive coastal ecosystems, including mangroves, wetlands, barrier islands, and biodiversity hotspots in the Niger Delta, raises significant environmental concerns that could undermine the very progress we seek to achieve. Ongoing construction activities such as dredging, land reclamation, and earthworks are already contributing to the degradation of natural habitats, resulting in loss of species, the spread of invasive species, and a troubling increase in roadkill involving fish, birds, reptiles, and mammals.

    Read Also: Tinubu to son at 40: ‘You’ve made us proud, I know you’ll continue to make Nigeria proud’

    Research shows that coastal erosion is already prevalent at rates up to eight meters per year in states like Lagos and may speed up due to altered sediment dynamics and vulnerability to sea-level rise, leading to saltwater intrusion, subsidence, and heightened flooding risks. Runoff, sediments, heavy metals, and hydrocarbons pollute coastal water, thereby threatening aquatic life, fisheries, and community water sources, with potential for eutrophication and toxicity in lagoons and estuaries. Also, air and noise pollution during construction exceed standards, impacting human and animal health, while long-term traffic could worsen greenhouse gas emissions and urban heat islands without proper offsets.

    These impacts not only jeopardize our rich biodiversity but also affect vulnerable communities, potentially displacing livelihoods and deepening social tensions amid ongoing land disputes.

    This project can still be a model of sustainable development if we prioritize mitigation strategies grounded in global best practices and supported by rigorous environmental oversight. Foremost, it is essential to enforce comprehensive Environmental and Social Impact Assessments (ESIAs) across all project sections, ensuring full compliance before further advancement, in line with Lagos State regulations and federal environmental guidelines.

    Additionally, the creation of wildlife corridors, mangrove restoration programmes, and artificial reefs will help restore habitats and preserve ecological connectivity. To protect the coastline, authorities should implement soil-stabilization measures, such as ocean-wave barriers, improved drainage systems, and bioengineering techniques, to stabilize shorelines and mitigate the effects of sea-level rise.

    The contractors handling the project should be encouraged to use low-emission machinery, dust-suppression measures, and noise barriers to significantly reduce environmental pollution. Regular monitoring of air, water, and soil quality should also be mandated to ensure adherence to environmental standards. Furthermore, transparent stakeholder engagement involving local communities, environmental NGOs, and diaspora groups is vital for building trust, addressing genuine concerns, and fostering a shared sense of ownership of this project.

    The federal government must integrate sustainable funding and long-term maintenance plans that prioritize green infrastructure, such as cool pavements and the integration of renewable energy along the route. Nigeria’s legacy depends on balancing ambition with responsibility. By heeding this call to duty, the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway can become a triumph of progress that preserves our environment for future generations to come. Let us build not just a road, but a sustainable future.

    •Surajdeen Alabede,

    Canada.

  • Addressing the housing challenge

    Addressing the housing challenge

    • By ESV Akwarandu Oluchi Ann

    Sir: The deficit in Nigeria’s housing sector remains very huge with some experts projecting that some 28 million housing units will be needed to bridge the gap; yet successive administrations have not demonstrated the will to address the shortfall.

    Next to food and clothing, housing is the next basic necessity, but this appears not to be an issue with government. Right from the colonial times, housing provision has been problematic simply because the authorities than  didn’t see housing as a priority. In fact, colonial masters only got involved in housing in the aftermath of the Bubonic plague that ravaged central Lagos in the 1960s. The colonial government needed a suitable accommodation for the victims hence the development of the Surulere Housing Estate. That marked the first time that the government will build houses for the people.

    This contrasts with Britian where  more than 50 per cent of houses are built by councils. If you take council housing out of the houses in London, the whole place will be empty. Here, they only got involved in the provision of housing for their own officials in Government Reserved Areas.

    Read Also: Amupitan’s nomination as INEC chairman gets support

    Unfortunately, this trend continued post-independence. Indeed, there was even no ministry for housing for several years, rather it was the ministry of works and housing and the concentration is always on works, with housing treated as a small part until professionals in the real estate industry cried out. 

    It was during the administration of the late president, Shehu Shagari, and Lateef Jakande in Lagos that government began to take housing as priority. Shagari built houses across most states of the federation; unfortunately, politics and corruption marred the project. At the state level, Jakande built houses at prices the people could afford, but then, this proved unsustainable.

    The issues with housing are manifold. A critical one is finance. It starts with the absence of mortgage system that can enable the public to buy a house.  Documentation is another problem. It takes years to get consent to transfer title on land and one still needs to pay between 10 to 15 percent of the cost of the land. This is aside the high cost of construction, especially in the regime of high exchange rates. With all these problems, how will the common man, people at the low end, have a house?

    No one is suggesting that the houses be made for the people. The truth is that money invested in housing can be recovered from their sale. What the government should begin to do is give consideration to innovative solutions such as modular housing, dry construction and other approaches that have shown promise in addressing the needs of low-income families.

    •ESV Akwarandu Oluchi Ann,

      Lagos.