The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • How grassroots change can transform Nigeria

    How grassroots change can transform Nigeria

    • By Nosa Osaikhuiwu

    Sir: For decades, countless efforts have been made to diagnose and solve Nigeria’s problems, yet many have proven ineffective. The common explanations—corruption, unemployment, maladministration, poor leadership, decaying infrastructure, and lawlessness—are not the root causes. They are symptoms. The deeper issues run through the moral and cultural fabric of our society. At its core, Nigeria suffers from a weakened moral compass, unchecked greed, and erosion of ethical values.

    To understand this more clearly, let us borrow from mathematics. Imagine two baskets of tomatoes: one filled with good tomatoes, the other with rotten ones. The probability of picking a fresh tomato from the first basket is almost 100 per cent, while the chance of selecting a rotten one is close to zero. In the second basket, the odds reverse. This simple model reflects our reality—our society’s “basket” determines the likelihood of producing citizens who act with integrity or corruption.

    If the system is rotten, even well-meaning leaders and institutions struggle to thrive. This is why true transformation must begin at the cultural and ethical level.

    Why does bottom-up change matter?

    Some argue that cultural change must start from the top. But how can leaders who are products of a compromised culture effectively reform the very system that produced them? History has shown this is unlikely. Real change begins from the ground up—in our schools, homes, workplaces, and places of worship—before it can rise and influence the nation’s leadership.

    This is where the “boiling water theory” provides a powerful analogy. As water heats, molecules at the bottom begin to move faster. They rise, fall back, and collide, transferring energy. Eventually, when enough molecules are in motion, the water reaches a tipping point: it boils. Cultural transformation works the same way.

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    Change may start quietly at the grassroots—among students, market women, youth, and civil society. But as these values rise, fall, and spread, momentum builds. When society reaches its critical mass, corruption and lawlessness will no longer be tolerated, and the culture itself will shift.

    For Nigeria to reach this boiling point of renewal, we must invest consistently in values-driven change. This can be achieved through: Reforming the education system to include ethics, integrity, and moral instruction; promoting public awareness campaigns on transparency, accountability, and citizenship; using movies, documentaries, and media to shape cultural attitudes toward honesty and responsibility; and mobilising labour unions, youth groups, and market women’s associations to champion integrity at the grassroots.

    It can also be achieved through replacing “state of origin” classifications with “state of residence” to strengthen national identity; teaching the importance of restitution before forgiveness and showing how small practices—like spraying money at parties—feed corruption; expanding the role of the National Orientation Agency and civil society in promoting ethical standards; and enforcing lifestyle audits for public officers to hold leaders accountable.

    Nigeria’s transformation will not be delivered by decree or imposed from the top. It will rise from classrooms, markets, churches, mosques, and living rooms. It will rise when parents teach their children the value of honesty, when schools reward integrity over shortcuts, and when communities refuse to celebrate corruption in any form.

    Just as boiling water cannot be stopped once the critical temperature is reached, so too will Nigeria’s renewal be unstoppable once her people demand integrity as a way of life. If we choose values over vice and accountability over apathy, we will not only solve today’s problems—we will build a future where generations can thrive.

    •Nosa Osaikhuiwu,

     Texas, United States of America.

  • Christian genocide: Why Nigeria must reject Washington’s script

    Christian genocide: Why Nigeria must reject Washington’s script

    • By Mayowa Alakija

    Sir: When foreign voices amplify our pain, Nigerians must pause to ask: is this empathy—or exploitation?

    For decades, Nigeria’s religious and security crises have been reduced to simplistic narratives: stories painted in black and white, often serving agendas far from our soil. The latest intervention comes from U.S. Senator Ted Cruz, who accuses Nigerian officials of “facilitating the mass murder of Christians” while pushing for sanctions and a new Nigeria Religious Freedom Accountability Act (S.2747). Yet history urges us to dig deeper: why now, and whose interests does this serve?

    Nigeria’s recent history reveals a long and complex story of conflict, far too layered to be captured by the “Christians vs. Muslims” frame. Under President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007), Kaduna was scarred by the “Sharia riots” of 2000, which left up to 5,000 dead. In 2002, the Miss World riots in the same city killed about 250. Both Christian and Muslim communities suffered as authorities struggled to restore order.

    During the Umaru Yar’Adua era (2007–2010), Boko Haram’s founder, Mohammed Yusuf, was killed extra-judicially in 2009—a move that pushed the group underground and radicalised its insurgency. The Northeast soon became the epicentre of escalating violence.

    Similarly, under President Goodluck Jonathan (2010–2015), violence surged. Post-election clashes in 2011 left over 800 dead across 12 northern states. Boko Haram escalated its attacks during this period, bombing churches and killing civilians. The 2014 abduction of 276 Chibok schoolgirls—mostly Christian—shocked the world and exposed the government’s struggle to contain the insurgency.

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    Nigeria experienced new stages of conflict from 2015 to 2023 under the late President Muhammadu Buhari. Boko Haram splintered, with ISWAP emerging in 2016. The military reclaimed large swathes of territory, but insurgents adapted, shifting to new methods of terror. Both Christians and Muslims were targeted: the 2014 Kano Central Mosque bombing killed over 100 worshippers, while the 2018 abduction of Dapchi schoolgirls left Leah Sharibu in captivity for refusing to convert.

    Since 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has introduced security reforms, appointing new service chiefs and intensifying the war against Boko Haram and bandit groups. Yet attacks persist. Five suspects were recently arraigned for the 2022 Owo Catholic Church massacre, even as Boko Haram seized border towns and displaced thousands.

    Are Christians alone being targeted? It is undeniable that Christians have borne a disproportionate share of brutal attacks—church bombings, abductions, and forced conversions. Yet history also shows that Muslims are frequent victims too. Mosques in Kano and Mubi were bombed. Imams were assassinated for preaching against extremism. Muslim villagers were massacred for resisting Boko Haram.

    This is not exclusively a war on Christians. It is a war on Nigerians, waged by extremists who target anyone outside their fold. Framing the violence as genocide against Christians oversimplifies a national tragedy and risks dividing communities that have both bled under terror.

    What we are currently witnessing is the danger of imported narratives. Nigeria is not the first stage where Washington has raised alarms over religion and human rights. The crises in Libya (2011) and Iraq (2003) both began with moral outrage and promises of freedom. Both ended as broken states, torn by sectarian wars that displaced millions. The lesson is sobering: once complex conflicts are reduced to black-and-white morality tales abroad, foreign interventions often follow—and the people are left to pay the ultimate price.

    By branding Nigeria’s crisis as “genocide against Christians”, American voices risk opening the door to the same destructive meddling that tore apart Tripoli and Baghdad.

    President Tinubu has charted a path that shows he is not a puppet of Washington. His economic reforms—removing fuel subsidies, liberalising foreign exchange—are driven by Nigeria’s fiscal survival, not American applause. His foreign policy has prioritised Africa and regional cooperation, rather than dependence on outside powers.  That independence unsettles those accustomed to pliant African leaders. By stoking sectarian accusations, critics abroad risk undermining Nigeria’s unity at a moment when the nation is struggling to reset its economy and strengthen its security.

    The world should stand with us, not divide us. And Nigerians must stand tall, knowing that the only lasting solution will be forged not in Washington, but in Abuja, Maiduguri, Kaduna—and in every community determined to live together in peace.

    •Mayowa Alakija,

    Oshodi, Lagos.

  • Checkpoints as hidden cost of moving food across Nigeria

    Checkpoints as hidden cost of moving food across Nigeria

    Sir: On a single trip transporting agricultural products from Taraba to Kano, I paid over N170,000 in multiple levies and illegal collections. Nearly 20 revenue collection points stood between my goods and their destination, excluding the routine security checkpoints that also demanded “compensation.” By the time I reached Kano, the cost of simply moving food had become a burden too heavy to ignore.

    This is not just my story; it is the story of every trader, farmer, and transporter who struggles to move goods across Nigeria. It is also the hidden story behind every inflated price you see at the market, every household budget stretched to breaking point, and every young Nigerian who wonders if farming or trading is still worth the sacrifice.

    For decades, we have spoken of Nigeria’s rising food prices. We often blame oil price fluctuations, poor infrastructure, insecurity, or low productivity. While all these are true, the less visible culprit is the endless chain of local levies, multiple taxes, and roadside extortion that weigh heavily on the journey of food from farm to table.

    Think of this: the farmer who harvests in Taraba may sell his produce at a fair price. However, by the time the goods reach Kano, Kaduna, or Lagos, the cost has tripled, not due to greed, but because the road is littered with tolls, each demanding a payment in the name of “revenue.” Nigerians believe merchants exploit farmers, but in reality, these hidden charges are quietly passed down to the final consumer.

    It is frustrating to collect receipt after receipt, sometimes with the same charges under different names. In one journey, a transporter could be forced to carry multiple state revenue receipts, each one required just to pass through another state. This does not build trust or accountability; it breeds anger, corruption, and inefficiency.

    The tragedy is that this long chain of collectors achieves the opposite of what Nigeria needs. Instead of encouraging agricultural productivity and food distribution, it discourages traders, weakens farmers’ earnings, and makes food less affordable. It is a silent attack on our food security.

    As a young entrepreneur with less than three decades of life and a decade of business experience, I cannot stay silent. Patriotism is not only about flags, anthems, or election-day promises; it is also about advocating for the ordinary farmer, the driver on the road, and the consumer struggling to afford garri, rice, or beans.

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    Every Nigerian has felt the pain of rising prices, whether in the market, at the filling station, or on the road. When I speak of 20 checkpoints on one journey, I am speaking of a system that holds us all back. The dream of a prosperous Nigeria cannot exist when hidden levies choke the very lifeline of our economy, food.

    We must do better. Nigeria urgently needs a unified revenue system that allows traders to move goods across states with a single receipt, digitally integrated and recognised nationwide. One charge, clearly accounted for, and transparent to both government and citizens.

    This reform would not only eliminate duplication and extortion but also make it easier for businesses to plan costs, partner with logistics providers, and stabilise food prices. Most importantly, it would give Nigerians confidence that the government stands with them, not against them, on the road to economic recovery.

    We have a long way to go, but every reform, every checkpoint removed, and every levy harmonised brings us closer to a fairer Nigeria. The future of our nation depends not only on oil or infrastructure but on the dignity of labour; on the ability of farmers and traders to move food freely, and for families to afford it without despair.

    Twenty checkpoints should not stand between Nigeria and its future. The cost is too heavy, and the burden is one we can no longer ignore.

    • Kashif Dauda, <kashifdauda@gmail.com>

  • GEJ’s second coming: Lest we forget

    GEJ’s second coming: Lest we forget

    Sir: So, Goodluck Jonathan is said to be eyeing a return to Aso Rock — again. The man who presided over one of the most rudderless, corrupt, and visionless administrations in Nigeria’s democratic history now thinks he deserves a second bite of the apple. It’s almost comical, if it weren’t tragic.

    Let’s be clear: there was a reason Goodluck Ebele Jonathan was booted out of office in 2015. He didn’t lose because Nigerians suddenly fell in love with Muhammadu Buhari. He lost because his government had become a byword for chaos, corruption, and crippling indecision. His reign was a tragic experiment in what happens when a man with neither backbone nor boldness is handed the keys to a volatile, complex nation like Nigeria.

    Jonathan governed like a man afraid of his own shadow. He was perpetually “consulting,” constantly “studying the situation,” and forever “setting up committees.” Meanwhile, Nigeria burned. Under his watch, Boko Haram morphed from a ragtag group of extremists into a full-blown terrorist army, capturing territories, overrunning military bases, and hoisting their black flags over Nigerian towns.

    The Chibok incident occurred under Jonathan, and his initial reaction was one of denial, dithering, and deafening silence. While young girls were being kidnapped and the world screamed #BringBackOurGirls, Jonathan and his kitchen cabinet were busy politicking and accusing opposition voices of exaggeration. Leadership failure doesn’t come more glaringly.

    But it wasn’t just security. The Jonathan years were a festival of corruption. Billions of dollars vanished into thin air — oil revenue unaccounted for, subsidy scams that would make Hollywood blush, and a central bank governor (Sanusi Lamido Sanusi) who blew the whistle and got the boot for daring to speak the truth. The fuel subsidy racket under Jonathan was legendary — a gravy train for cronies and cartels who laughed all the way to foreign banks while ordinary Nigerians queued for petrol.

    The 2012 fuel subsidy fiasco, which triggered mass protests across the country, was a symbol of everything wrong with Jonathan’s government — tone-deaf policy, confused communication, and total detachment from the realities of ordinary Nigerians. And when the dust settled, the same subsidy regime he sought to reform became even fatter, darker, and leakier.

    And who can forget the farce of the Transformation Agenda? It was all slogans, no substance. Ministers and special advisers and assistants turned their portfolios into private estates. Contracts were inflated, accountability evaporated, and governance was reduced to a “share-the-money” circus. It was chop-I-chop governance, pure and simple — a cash-and-carry carnival masquerading as democracy. The barn door was wide open, and the hyenas had a feast.

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    The Jonathan era was the golden age of impunity. Everyone dipped their hands into the till — from fuel marketers to politically connected businessmen, from civil servants to security chiefs. When whistle-blowers tried to raise an alarm, they were hounded, suspended, or smeared. Under Jonathan, corruption wasn’t an aberration — it was the operating system.

    Jonathan’s biggest sin, however, wasn’t just corruption — it was weakness. He wasn’t in charge. Everyone knew it. His ministers ran rings around him. His political godfathers pulled the strings. The cabals called the shots. Jonathan wasn’t leading Nigeria; he was watching from the side-lines. A president who cannot say “No” to his friends will always say “Sorry” to his people. And Jonathan’s Nigeria was one long apology — a helpless shrug from a man clearly overwhelmed by the magnitude of the office he held.

    But perhaps Jonathan’s most glaring flaw was his chronic lack of judgment — his inability to read the room or recognize when the tide has turned. If he truly believes that Nigeria in 2025 is the same as Nigeria in 2015, then he has learned nothing. The political landscape has shifted dramatically. The era of the “Otuoke boy with no shoe” playing the role of accidental messiah is over. Today’s Nigerians are not seduced by humble origins but by honest governance.

    We need leaders with vision, courage, and clarity — not those who float through office like startled tourists, clutching prayer books while their lieutenants loot the treasury. Jonathan had his chance. He squandered it. History gave him the opportunity to be great, but he chose to settle for comfort instead.

    Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency was a cautionary tale — a lesson in what happens when luck replaces leadership. Nigeria must not make the same mistake twice.

    •Dr. Vitus Ozoke, United States.

  • Mr. President, save Nigeria’s youth

    Mr. President, save Nigeria’s youth

    Sir: In 1975 at Dodan Barracks, an iconic photo was taken. In that frame stood three young men already carrying the weight of the nation on their shoulders: Adamu Ciroma, 41, governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo, 37, Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, and Murtala Muhammed, 36, Head of State.

    They were young, sharp, ambitious, and responsible. Just five years before that moment, Nigeria had fought a brutal civil war. At only 33, Obasanjo took the surrender of Biafra. And even earlier, Yakubu Gowon became Head of State at just 31. These were young Nigerians who carried heavy responsibilities with courage.

    Mr. President, where are we today?

    At age 30, millions of Nigerian youths are jobless, roaming the streets with certificates that mean nothing. Many of us have no employable skills because our education system is broken. Some have fallen into crime—cultism, fraud, kidnapping, banditry, and terrorism. Others risk their lives crossing the desert or drowning in the sea, chasing the Japa dream, only to end up stranded in foreign lands.

    We are not lazy. We are simply lost in a system that has failed us. We are tired of being called the leaders of tomorrow when our today has already been stolen.

    We are trapped in bad schools and poor education, hospitals without medicine or equipment, insecurity that keeps farmers from their land and families from sleeping in peace, darkness because of lack of electricity, hunger everywhere—more than 85% of Nigerians cannot afford three meals a day, and joblessness—over 95% of youths have no chance to grow or contribute to this country

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    This pain is real, Mr. President. It is why crimes keep rising. It is why peace is broken. It is why our youths are angry, desperate, and hopeless.

    I am almost 30, and I write this with tears as a voice for millions of young Nigerians. We believe in your Renewed Hope agenda. Your Excellency, every day it seems life only gets harder.

    We need action, not promises. We need jobs, not slogans. We need food, not hunger. We need schools that work, hospitals that heal, and electricity that stays on, and leaders who care.

    Mr. President, history has given you this chance. Please do not fail us. We need a rebirth of Nigeria. We need discipline, education, patriotism, and above all, leadership that put people first.

    Sir, hear our cry. Hear the cry of your youths. If Nigeria fails us again, the future will be lost. But if you act now, history will remember you as the leader who saved a generation.

    Nigeria must rise again.

    •Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman), Bauchi.

  • Cry for our beloved Oke-Ode, Kwara South

    Cry for our beloved Oke-Ode, Kwara South

    Sir: The insecurity in the Southern part of Kwara State in recent time is becoming unbearable with the last despicable incident at Oke-Ode in Ifelodun Local Government in the early hours of Sunday September 28.

    Reliable reports suggest that guns were retrieved from local security men under a questionable circumstance a day before. The guns are barely a month old; the town’s security committee acquired and licensed them for community use because of the recent attacks on neighbouring towns and villages.

    Behold the hoodlums/bandits struck; killing 15 security men which include the Baale of Agboayo community and several other people were kidnapped. As we speak now, most towns and villages around us are deserted and the people are now taking refuge in Ilorin and Lagos (wherever their relatives are).

    The state government is yet to show any concern for the security of lives and property in the whole of Kwara South. The government is more on reaction after every attack than being proactive from available security reports.

    Communities like Oke-Ode have resorted to self-help with the empowering of local

    vigilante group because the state government seem to be bereft of any idea to deal with these criminal elements.

    Most suspected and arrested kidnappers are usually released thereafter. Can you imagine the state commissioner of police releasing a press report saying that “about 40 suspected kidnappers who were seen and arrested riding motor cycles in our forest have all been released after profiling them and finding nothing incriminating on them”.

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    So riding a bicycle in the forest is now a private expedition with no aim or destination.

    What a country and what a double standard on crime and criminality?

    It is imperative now for our local and state government to wake up from their slumber and stop their deceptive attitude to the current state of insecurity in Kwara State.

    Our people need to be alive to vote as 2027 election seem to be more important to the state government now than securing the lives of our people.

    Stop taking us (Igbominas) for granted, you may be making the greatest mistake of

    I plead with Governor Abdulrazaq Abdulrahman to leave up to expectation and prove me wrong that elements in his administration are not aiding and abetting criminals in our land.

    Posterity and history shall judge the governor in this regard. This is the right time for him to right the wrong. We need to be secured in our land. Enough of bloodshed in our land.

    •Chief Kehinde A. Ekunnrin Port Harcourt, Rivers State.

  • Ojulari: Reforming Nigeria energy future

    Ojulari: Reforming Nigeria energy future

    Sir: When Bayo Ojulari assumed leadership of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) in April, he inherited more than a corporation. He stepped into a storm defined by falling oil production, chronic revenue leakages, dwindling investor confidence, and the mounting global pressures of energy transition and geopolitical competition. Six months later, the story of NNPC and Nigeria’s energy sector has begun to change.

    Ojulari’s leadership has been marked by an insistence on transparency, fiscal discipline, and operational accountability. Unlike previous reform attempts that often remained trapped in rhetoric, his approach has been anchored on execution and measurable outcomes. This shift fits squarely within President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, which prioritizes energy independence, foreign investment, domestic refining, and Nigeria’s long-term net-zero ambitions. Reform, in Ojulari’s hands, is no longer an aspiration, it is a working reality.

    Daily oil production rebounded from 1.485 million barrels in April to 1.71 million in July, crossing the 1.8 million barrel mark for the first time since late 2024. In the same period, NNPC generated N20.9 trillion while halting costly refinery losses that had drained up to N500 million monthly. Operational efficiency has improved, with 100 percent pipeline availability, natural gas production climbing to 7.72 billion cubic feet per day, and major projects like the AKK and OB3 pipelines now nearing completion. Security reforms have also delivered dramatic results, with coordinated efforts nearly eliminating pipeline theft. Perhaps most notably, Ojulari introduced monthly financial reporting for the first time, signalling unprecedented transparency to investors, regulators, and the Nigerian public.

    These gains are not just domestic achievements. By surpassing Angola and Libya in production, Nigeria has reclaimed its position as Africa’s largest oil producer, restoring both its credibility and its leverage in OPEC+ negotiations. In a volatile global energy market where reliability is everything, Nigeria is once again being seen as a dependable player, a factor that has begun to restore investor confidence and strengthen its geopolitical standing.

    Yet Ojulari’s strategy is not confined to oil alone. He has placed sustainability and transition at the heart of NNPC’s future. Gas is being positioned as a critical bridge fuel, powering local industries, reducing emissions, and boosting LNG exports. At the same time, the company is advancing renewable energy pilots, reducing gas flaring, and exploring carbon-capture initiatives; all of which signal a shift toward greener operations. These efforts align NNPC with global environmental, social, and governance standards, positioning it to meet the expectations

    Technology is another pillar of the transformation. Under Ojulari, the company has deployed AI-driven analytics to optimize production and minimize downtime, blockchain platforms to ensure revenue and supply chain traceability, and automation to enhance safety and efficiency. These moves bring NNPC closer to the practices of global energy giants like Saudi Aramco, ADNOC, and Petrobras, underscoring its ambition to compete at the highest levels.

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    The reforms are also resonating beyond corporate boardrooms. Inside NNPC, employees are experiencing a new merit-driven culture that rewards performance. Across the wider economy, Nigerian small and medium enterprises are finding expanded opportunities in the energy supply chain. In host communities, improved security and reduced oil theft are strengthening peace and trust. And nationally, stronger revenues are bolstering the budget and foreign reserves at a time when fiscal stability is sorely needed.

    Ojulari is quick to acknowledge that the journey has only just begun. Scaling production to two million barrels per day by 2027 will require unwavering discipline, relentless efficiency, and an estimated $60 billion in new investment. Completing critical gas infrastructure remains central to unlocking regional integration and expanding Nigeria’s role in global gas markets. The competition will not stand still either, as Angola and Libya push to reclaim lost ground. But

    Ojulari’s vision is clear: NNPC must set a new benchmark for African energy companies and emerge as a global player of repute.

    The first six months of his leadership have already marked a decisive break from the past. Production recovery, record revenues, operational discipline, and world-class transparency demonstrate that Nigeria’s energy sector is capable of reform and resilience when leadership is committed to delivery. The challenge now is to institutionalize these gains and ensure that momentum is not lost.

    For Nigeria, the choice is stark: to entrench excellence as the new standard, or risk sliding back into inefficiency and missed opportunity.

    The opportunity is global. Above all, the momentum must not be lost.

    •Abiodun A Oleolo, London, United Kingdom.

  • Confronting the housing challenge

    Confronting the housing challenge

    Sir: Housing is one of the most important needs of man, but unfortunately, housing remains a pressing challenge in Nigeria, with access to affordable shelter remaining out of reach for millions, particularly in the face of population growth and rapid urbanization. Mostly affected are Nigerians in the middle and low income categories.

    The challenges in housing could be categorized under three major areas. The first challenge has to do with availability of serviced and titled plots or land for housing development. You can only provide housing on land. Yes land is everywhere, but not ready for development. The lands you see lack the basic facilities that will make the land available or suitable for development. They lack the much-needed official certification or title that will make such land or property built on it marketable. This is a major impediment to housing provision.

    Finance is another impediment. It is a major challenge because housing is capital intensive; no matter the standard or scope of the project, you need quite a lot of money to accomplish it. We lack organized housing finance system in Nigeria. Mortgage financing is highly insufficient and inefficient.

    Another challenge is expertise and technology. Housing involves construction and development and sometimes, the type of skills required are not readily available, particularly when you want to go into mass production. We don’t have the capacity, technology and system that can throw up a lot of housing at a time. We still rely so much on the traditional way of mortal bricks and it takes the normal time it will take even when the population is growing at a much higher rate that it will take to meet up with what is required of housing.

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    These challenges points toward the absence of planning. Housing has received very little attention from successive administrations, unlike other sectors, such as health and aviation. The nation’s housing deficit according to industry experts is about 28 million, with about N5 trillion and 2.7 million housing units annually needed to bridge the growing housing gap over a period of ten years.

    Successive administrations since independence have struggled with the housing issue, with little or insignificant success. Going forward, government should make housing its utmost priority, and allow the professionals, particularly Estate Surveyors and Valuers to manage the sector. Most of the people who have administered housing in Nigeria know very little about housing, and this is not good for the sector.

    Policies should also be put in place to make building materials affordable to the less affluent members of the society who constitute the larger percentage of the population and who are mostly affected by the housing deficit.

    •ESV Ugbene Chisom Vvonne, Lagos.

  • Save Kwara South from bandits’ siege

    Save Kwara South from bandits’ siege

    Sir: Insecurity in Kwara South, especially across Ekiti Local Government communities has reached a terrifying level. In recent weeks, communities have witnessed repeated attacks that have left families grieving, markets deserted, and livelihoods destroyed. From Babanla to Oke-Ode, bandits have unleashed violence with impunity, leaving ordinary citizens at their mercy. The recent killing of over a dozen local vigilantes and forestry guards in Oke-Ode on Sunday September 28 is one of the most chilling reminders of how bold and coordinated these armed groups have become.

    Equally devastating was the incident of Saturday, September 27, along the Osi–Eruku axis. Bandits ambushed travellers returning from a wedding, abducting more than 15 people. Many sustained gunshot injuries, and one victim died despite being rescued. Though the intervention of local vigilantes forced the attackers to abandon some captives, the bandits still made away with three hostages. By Monday, September 29, they had already begun demanding ransom, leaving the entire town of Eruku in deep grief and hopelessness

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    These are not isolated crimes; they represent a pattern of coordinated raids that exploit our porous forests, weak intelligence, and overstretched local vigilante structures. The human cost is severe as families are shattered, schools disrupted, farms abandoned, and entire communities left to live under constant fear. Worse still, those who have volunteered to defend their communities are being overwhelmed, killed, or kidnapped themselves. This situation demands urgent attention from both the Kwara State government and the federal government.

    This is an urgent call for immediate deployment of rapid-response security forces to the affected areas, with better intelligence, aerial surveillance, and support for local security networks. The state must also provide training, equipment, and backup for vigilantes, while prioritising the rescue of abducted persons and support for grieving families. Without swift and decisive action, Kwara South risks descending into a state of lawlessness that will cripple its economy and erode public trust in government. Now is the time to act!

    •Awe Babatunde Pilgrim,awexin@gmail.com

  • Afriland fire: Rethinking safety in Nigeria’s high-rise future

    Afriland fire: Rethinking safety in Nigeria’s high-rise future

    Sir: The Afriland Tower fire of September 12, will be remembered not only for its immediate destruction but for the debate it has reignited about fire safety in Nigerian high-rises. In a city racing to build taller and faster, the question is no longer whether growth will continue, but whether that growth will be safe, sustainable, and resilient against preventable hazards.

    As a Nigerian civil engineer practicing construction management in the United States, I have seen how fire hazards in tall buildings often stem from preventable lapses. The absence of sprinkler systems, reliance on combustible cladding, poor smoke compartmentalization, and neglected alarm or evacuation systems all magnify the danger. In too many cases, blocked or poorly marked exits leave occupants with little chance of survival when seconds can mean the difference between escape and tragedy.

    The scale of the challenge is undeniable. Lagos, home to Africa’s fastest-growing skyline, is also one of its most vulnerable urban centers for fire risk. The Lagos State Fire and Rescue Service records hundreds of outbreaks annually, many in commercial or multi-story buildings. A 2024 safety audit revealed that over 30 percent of inspected structures lacked adequate detection or suppression systems. In one reporting year, at least 82 lives were lost and property worth more than N25.37 billion was destroyed; in another, losses exceeded N19.5 billion. These figures demonstrate that fire is not just a safety concern but also an economic burden that undermines livelihoods and public confidence.

    Global best practices point to clear solutions. Data from the U.S. National Fire Protection Association (NFPA) shows that buildings with automatic sprinklers experience 89 percent fewer civilian deaths from fire than those without. More than 90 percent of fires in such buildings are contained within the room of origin, significantly limiting casualties and property loss. These statistics highlight a reality Nigeria cannot ignore: prevention saves lives and protects economies.

    Unfortunately, research within Nigeria underscores significant shortcomings. A 2023 study of Abuja shopping malls, published in F1000Research, found that many lacked active fire protection devices such as smoke detectors and sprinklers, or had systems in poor condition. Passive protections, including fire-rated doors and compartmentalization, were often inadequate. Another study from Covenant University, published in the International Journal of Safety and Security Engineering, showed that many students did not know the location of fire exits or safety signage, underscoring the need for education, drills, and preparedness alongside better infrastructure.

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    Strengthening Nigeria’s fire safety framework requires collaboration. The Lagos State Building Control Agency (LASBCA), tasked with enforcing construction standards, plays a pivotal role, but its efforts must be reinforced by technical expertise and advocacy from professional bodies. Organizations such as the Nigerian Society of Engineers, the Institute of Safety Professionals of Nigeria (ISPON), the American Society of Safety Professionals (ASSP) Nigeria Chapter, and the World Safety Organization (WSO) Nigeria can work in tandem with LASBCA to push for stricter enforcement, standardized certifications, regular audits, and ongoing professional training. Together, regulators and practitioners can embed fire safety into the DNA of Nigeria’s built environment.

    Some stakeholders argue that advanced fire systems and fire-tested materials increase construction costs. Yet the cost of inaction is far higher: billions lost in property damage, delayed investments, and most devastatingly, human lives cut short. Safe buildings are not optional add-ons; they are the foundation of sustainable, resilient growth.

    The Afriland Tower fire must not be remembered only for its destruction. It should mark a turning point in how Nigeria approaches building safety. By embedding fire prevention measures into design, construction, and maintenance, the nation can protect lives, safeguard investments, and ensure its skylines stand as symbols of progress rather than peril.

    •Joyce M.O. Lewis,USA.