The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • The virus of fake certificates

    The virus of fake certificates

    • By Humphrey Ukeaja

    Sir: Since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999, the nation has been tainted by a persistent and shameful trend of ministers, legislators, and other public officials occupying high offices with fake or forged academic certificates and National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) documents. This disturbing phenomenon has systematically eroded public trust in governance and exposed significant institutional weaknesses within Nigeria’s security agencies, legislative screening committees, and other bodies charged with vetting public servants.

    The recent high-profile resignation of the Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, Barth Nnaji, who was forced to step down following credible revelations that he submitted forged certificates, has once again brought this ugly issue to the forefront of national discourse. His case is far from unique but rather a continuation of a long saga of fraudulent practices among public officials that have for decades undermined the integrity of Nigeria’s democratic institutions.

    Central to this ongoing crisis is the inability or unwillingness of the Department of State Security Services (DSS), the National Assembly’s screening committees, and other vetting authorities to perform thorough and impartial background checks. The case of Barth Nnaji painfully demonstrates institutional gaps that allow individuals with forged credentials to slip through official scrutiny. Despite the availability of digital academic records and warning letters questioning his credentials, Nnaji’s documents passed the screening stages, and he served in government before journalists exposed the inconsistencies. This failure reflects systemic weaknesses ranging from incompetence, possible complicity, to political shielding, severely compromising the effectiveness of checks designed to safeguard public trust.

    Moreover, the response to the exposure of such cases has been characterized by a disturbing norm often referred to as the “bow and go” culture. Instead of mounting legal challenges, prosecuting offenders, or imposing lifetime bans, the typical approach has been a quiet resignation followed by an eventual political comeback or continued impunity. This practice not only diminishes public confidence but also reinforces the idea that evidence of forgery does not constitute grounds for serious or lasting consequences in Nigerian public life. Such impunity emboldens future aspirants to use forged credentials as an expedient means to power, confident that they will ultimately escape stringent punishment.

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    In looking outward for potential solutions, Nigeria can and must learn from other nations that have confronted similar challenges decisively. In South Africa, a centralized, technologically driven verification system ensures that all government nominees are thoroughly vetted for academic credentials before approval. Legal provisions in India harshly punish those who submit fake certificates for public office, with expedited prosecution measures that act as a strong deterrent. Even some Western democracies employ background checks backed by transparency and public accountability frameworks that expose fraud swiftly and impose lasting sanctions.

    For Nigeria, the imperative now is to institutionalize such mechanisms. The DSS and relevant screening committees must be provided with access to real-time verification databases from academic institutions and the NYSC headquarters. Legislative hearings need to prioritize transparency, with findings made public and offenders prosecuted regardless of their political stature or connections. Whistle-blower protections must be enhanced to encourage insiders to expose fraudsters without fear of reprisal. Additionally, a dedicated ethics commission or anti-corruption body should be established to oversee and monitor public office holders for any breaches of integrity, producing regular reports and sanctions.

    Nigeria’s democracy demands more than scandal-ridden resignations; it requires robust verification processes, uncompromising accountability, and transparent governance to restore public faith and ensure that holders of public office earn their positions through merit and honesty, not deception. The time for complacency and “bow and go” is over. For Nigeria to truly progress, the government must act with resolve to purge its ranks of fraudsters and affirm that integrity is non-negotiable in public service.

    •Humphrey Ukeaja,

    Abuja.

  • WAEC: When confusion masquerades as reform

    WAEC: When confusion masquerades as reform

    • By Elvis Eromosele

    Sir: The West African Examinations Council (WAEC) has once again stirred public outcry, this time over its newly released subject combinations for the 2026 examination. In what appears to be a hurried and poorly thought-out reform, WAEC reordered subjects in a manner that defies logic, stifles student choice, and risks undermining years of learning.

    At first glance, the new structure appears harmless, perhaps an attempt to align subjects more neatly by discipline. But a closer look reveals an alarming lack of coordination. Under the new arrangement, science students can no longer take Economics, a subject that has traditionally bridged the gap between science and the social sciences. Even more baffling, students in the Humanities are also excluded from offering Economics.

    According to the new subject list, only students in the Business department are allowed to take Economics.

    Make it make sense.

    The biggest question is, why now? The 2026 WAEC exam is barely months away, yet the council expects students to abandon subjects they have studied since SS1. How does that support learning, fairness, or excellence?

    Education reforms, by their nature, should be gradual, well-communicated, and rooted in consultation. This one feels like the exact opposite: hasty, disorderly, and devoid of empathy. No public engagement. No clear transition plan. No explanation of the rationale. Instead, students, parents, and teachers are left scrambling for answers.

    Take, for instance, the case of a science student who has taken Economics since SS1, a student who dreams of studying Agricultural Economics or Environmental Management at the university. Under this new arrangement, the student can no longer sit for Economics in WAEC, despite two full years of preparation. How do you explain to such a student that their effort no longer counts?

    Likewise, students in the Humanities, those in Literature, Government, or History, are also barred from taking Economics. In a world where interdisciplinarity is increasingly valued, WAEC seems to be doing the opposite: erecting walls between knowledge areas instead of building bridges.

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    The question must be asked: Whose interest is WAEC serving with this sudden change? It certainly doesn’t appear to serve the interests of Nigerian students. Nor does it seem aligned with the goals of educational development. On the contrary, it looks like another top-down directive, conceived without sufficient input from the real stakeholders, teachers, students, parents, or curriculum experts.

    Education should open doors, not close them. It should encourage curiosity, not conformity. Yet, this new subject combination does exactly the opposite; it limits opportunity. By narrowing who can take certain subjects, WAEC is effectively dictating career paths for young people before they’ve even had the chance to decide for themselves. This is completely unacceptable.

    WAEC’s mandate is to assess learning, not to restrict it. Its role is to measure what students have been taught, not to alter the structure of learning midway. When an examination body starts dictating what subjects belong to which departments, and does so without adequate preparation or consultation, it crosses into policymaking territory best left to curriculum development agencies and ministries of education. The Minister of Education must step up to the plate and intervene. He can’t allow WAEC to usurp the role of his ministry.

    There’s no denying that reform is necessary. Nigeria’s education system needs periodic review to reflect evolving realities. But reform must make sense. It must be student-centred, data-driven, and inclusive. It must prioritise learners’ needs and ensure that every student, regardless of department, has access to subjects that support their dreams and potential.

    The new WAEC subject combination fails all these tests. It is, at best, an administrative experiment carried out without foresight. At worst, it is an educational injustice that undermines the principles of fairness and equity.

    WAEC must go back to the drawing board. It must engage teachers, parents, and education policymakers across the member countries. It must publish clear justifications for any change and provide enough time for schools and students to adjust. Most importantly, it must restore flexibility, allowing students to select subjects across disciplines in line with their aspirations.

    Any reform of this magnitude should involve proper alignment with the National Universities Commission (NUC), especially as it directly affects university admission requirements and subject combinations. I doubt this is the case here.

    Nigerian students deserve better. They deserve a system that empowers, not limits them. Education is the bridge to opportunity; WAEC should not be the one tearing it down.

    •Elvis Eromosele,

     elviseroms@gmail.com.

  • Bauchi Investment Summit: Heralding a new era of prosperity

    Bauchi Investment Summit: Heralding a new era of prosperity

    By Lawal Muazu Bauchi

    Bauchi State is gradually emerging as a model of purposeful governance and strategic investment in Nigeria. The recently concluded Bauchi State Economic and Investment Summit has further confirmed this trajectory, marking a historic moment for the state’s economy and future development.

    The summit, the first of its kind in the state’s history, concluded on a high note with the signing of 47 Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) across key sectors, including agriculture, solid minerals, power, tourism, and extractive industries. The total investment value of these partnerships stands at over $5.2 billion (approximately ₦7.8 trillion). This milestone reflects growing investor confidence in Bauchi’s economic environment, policy direction, and leadership stability.

    Among the landmark deals is a $2.7 billion agreement with the China Fuhai Energy Group for the establishment of a Petrochemical City Complex in Bauchi. Another is a $1 billion investment by the African Athlete Academy to develop a world-class sports and youth development facility aimed at nurturing talent and promoting youth engagement. These agreements mark a new chapter for Bauchi, positioning it as a hub for industrial and human development.

    Behind these milestones stands a visionary leader who has tirelessly driven Bauchi’s transformation into a state poised for sustainable growth. Since assuming office in 2019, Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed has shown that leadership is about vision, inclusiveness, and results. His administration has prioritized long-term impact over short-term optics, delivering tangible benefits to the people.

    Working closely with Governor Mohammed has given me invaluable insight into what ideal leadership looks like. He is remarkably approachable, deeply committed to public service, and steadfast in his mission to deliver initiatives that directly improve lives. He listens to advice, values teamwork, and treats everyone in his circle with respect and kindness. This atmosphere of mutual trust and open communication has enabled his team to function effectively and contribute meaningfully to his vision for Bauchi State.

    One of the most striking areas of transformation under his administration is infrastructure development. Roads once plagued by neglect and impassability have been rebuilt and modernized, significantly improving mobility and connectivity across the state. The Ibrahim Bako Bypass (also known as the Gombe–Maiduguri Bypass) and the Sabon Kaura–Miri Road are prime examples of projects that have transformed transportation, stimulated economic growth, and fostered community cohesion. These developments are reshaping the face of Bauchi and restoring public trust in government.

    Governor Mohammed’s focus on people-oriented governance is equally evident in his investments in education and healthcare. The education sector has undergone significant reforms, with hundreds of schools renovated or newly constructed and equipped with modern facilities. His administration has also prioritized the recruitment and training of qualified teachers to ensure every child in Bauchi receives quality education.

    In healthcare, Governor Mohammed declared a state of emergency to address decades of neglect. Health facilities have been upgraded, and primary healthcare delivery has been strengthened, especially in rural communities. These targeted interventions have increased access to essential services and significantly improved the state’s overall health outcomes.

    Agriculture, which is the backbone of Bauchi’s economy, has also received unprecedented attention. Through the provision of improved seedlings, fertilizers, and modern farming equipment, the government is helping farmers transition from subsistence to commercial agriculture. In partnership with organizations like CSC Farms, thousands of young people are being trained in modern agricultural techniques, creating a new generation of agro-entrepreneurs who are contributing to food security and economic growth.

    Governor Mohammed’s hands-on approach is a hallmark of his leadership. He leads by example, conducting regular inspections of ongoing projects to ensure quality and efficiency. He remains accessible to the people, listening to their needs and expectations. This people-centric style of governance has made Bauchi’s government transparent, accountable, and relatable.

    To those of us who work closely with him, Governor Mohammed is not just a leader but a mentor who inspires excellence. He values integrity, hard work, and loyalty. He treats his staff like family and constantly reminds us that leadership is about service, not privilege. This humility and sincerity have earned him the respect of colleagues, citizens, and development partners alike.

    The success of the Bauchi Investment Summit is more than an economic milestone. It symbolizes a new era of renewal, growth, and progress for Bauchi State. It is a statement that Bauchi is ready to take its rightful place in the national and global economic space. It also reinforces Governor Mohammed’s commitment to building a self-sustaining economy anchored in innovation, investment, and inclusiveness.

    As someone privileged to be part of this administration, I can attest that the foundation being laid today will shape Bauchi’s destiny for generations to come. The story of Bauchi under Governor Mohammed’s leadership is one of transformation, built on courage, foresight, and compassion. The momentum is undeniable, the progress measurable, and the vision crystal clear. Bauchi State is open for business, receptive to partnerships, and poised for a prosperous future. Under Governor Mohammed’s stewardship, the promise of a united, forward-looking, and thriving Bauchi is becoming a tangible reality.

    Lawal Muazu Bauchi is the New Media Aide to Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed. He writes from Karofi, Bauchi.

  • Good Old Days? Nigeria and the empire of impunity

    Good Old Days? Nigeria and the empire of impunity

    Sir: The elderly love to talk about the “good old days” in Nigeria: Streets supposedly gleamed with honesty, neighbours were paragons of virtue, and history was a neatly bound novel of saints and patriots. The young listen, hypnotized by nostalgia, almost convinced that rascals were extinct back then.

    Ah, but the good old days were never good. They were messy, morally bankrupt, and populated by architects of chaos—the very men who could rig elections, loot public coffers, and disappear into impunity as if wrapped in invisibility cloaks. The nostalgia is a clever disguise, hiding a rot that has seeped through generations like oil in a leaky pipeline.

    Excessive greed has always been Nigeria’s national sport. From colonial collaborators to post-independence politicians, every kleptocrat, every kakistocrat, every “big man” in a suit has fed on it. Impunity is the soil in which this greed grows, nurturing corruption like weeds strangling the roots of progress. Where consequences are absent, embezzlement becomes an art form, and morality evaporates faster than promises before an election.

    Consider the political theatre: governors, senators, and ministers strut like peacocks in public, their feathers dazzling the electorate. Behind closed doors, they clutch contracts, budgets, and public resources, performing a choreography perfected over decades. The judiciary winks; regulatory agencies yawn. And the ordinary citizen? Left to marvel at headlines, shrug at scandals, and mutter, “Well, at least it’s not worse.”

    Nigeria’s “good old days” nostalgia is especially delicious because it is self-serving. Those who speak fondly of history were often the very gardeners who planted the weeds, the potters who moulded the mud, the conductors of a symphony of avarice and impunity. They polish history like varnished skulls, leaving hollow memories dressed in sepia-toned lies.

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    Impunity is not inert. It is a living, breathing creature. It slides into ministries like a cat, flirts with politicians like a siren, whispers to bureaucrats with intimate charm, and giggles as commissions, audits, and anti-graft agencies fail spectacularly. It thrives in Nigeria because we let it, celebrate it, and occasionally film it for viral TikTok.

    Take the elections. Take the looted pensions, the missing infrastructure funds, the unbuilt hospitals, the collapsed bridges, the schools that look like post-apocalyptic sets. All evidence of impunity’s subtle genius. It grows stronger with every unprosecuted scandal, every delayed court case, every public official who leaves office with pockets lined and conscience empty.

    And yet, the nostalgia persists. It comforts the old and seduces the young. It whispers: “Look, not everything is corrupt; the past was cleaner.” But it wasn’t. History is riddled with rascals who looted, lied, and laughed while ordinary Nigerians bore the consequences. The difference today is transparency and social media—the corruption is more visible, but so too is the impunity.

    The solution is not comforting. Confronting impunity in Nigeria is like confronting a dragon: patient, cunning, and terrifyingly seductive. It demands courage, transparency, accountability, and the political will of citizens who refuse to be silenced by nostalgia or seduced by patronage. Shine light into every shadowed corner. Demand justice where none exists. Celebrate integrity where it struggles. And stop applauding rascals in tweed and tailored suits, however polished their speeches.

    The good old days exist only in memory, a sepia-tinted hallucination. Nigeria’s challenge is to cultivate integrity in the soil history has left—however infested it may be. Only then can we break the chain of impunity, ensuring that the rascals of today do not become the nostalgia of tomorrow.

    Because impunity thrives not on history’s mistakes but on our willingness to forget them. And in Nigeria, if we forget, the cycle continues: embezzlement, scandals, and rhetoric, all performed with the theatrical grace of actors in a tragicomedy we call politics.

    •TJ Ishola, United Kingdom.

  • Positioning Nigeria for the global chip economy

    Positioning Nigeria for the global chip economy

    Sir: In today’s technology-driven world, semiconductors are the invisible engines powering everything from smartphones and data centres to electric vehicles and renewable energy systems. As the global demand for these microchips skyrockets—expected to reach over $1.2 trillion by 2030—a fierce race is underway among nations to dominate the semiconductor industry, which is a race that Nigeria is now strategically entering.

    Nigeria’s emergence as a semiconductor hub is not just a possibility; it’s crucial. The continent’s growing digital economy, its expanding tech ecosystem, and youthful population demand home-grown solutions that reduce dependency on foreign imports and supply chains that are vulnerable to geopolitical disruptions.

    Africa’s digital economy is projected to reach $712 billion by 2050 with Nigeria as the largest contributor. Nigeria’s GDP is estimated at $243 billion in 2024, supported by a population exceeding 220 million, with over 60% under the age of 25. By establishing Nigeria as a centre for semiconductor innovation and manufacturing, we can fulfil a continental need and position Africa as a serious player in the global chip economy.

    We believe Nigeria has the potential to become Africa’s semiconductor hub, placing the country and the continent to compete with global tech powers. This is not just about manufacturing chips; it’s about building a sustainable ecosystem that drives innovation, economic growth, and technological sovereignty across Africa.

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    Currently, the semiconductor industry is concentrated in a few countries, leaving Africa heavily reliant on imports. Taiwan, South Korea, and the United States account for over 70% of global semiconductor manufacturing capacity. This dependency exposes the continent to supply chain disruptions and inflated costs, limiting access to critical technology.

    Nigeria, with its vast market, growing tech ecosystem, and young, talented workforce, is uniquely positioned to change this narrative. Our vision is bold: to develop indigenous semiconductor capabilities that meet local and Africa’s needs while competing on the global stage. We have established a fabless ecosystem along with our partners; we are pioneering the first assembly, testing and packaging (ATMP) of various chips (QFN, QFP, CSP and many more types in the works).

    We are investing in research and development, talent cultivation, and strategic partnerships to build the first foundry in Africa that will be tailored for Africa’s unique challenges—such as energy efficiency, affordability, and durability in diverse environments.

    Establishing Nigeria as a semiconductor hub requires more than technology; it demands collaboration among government, industry, academia, and investors. We are actively engaging policymakers to create an enabling environment that supports innovation, attracts investment, and encourages local manufacturing. At the same time, we are partnering with universities and technical institutions to nurture the next generation of engineers and designers who will drive this industry forward. The benefits of a thriving semiconductor sector are transformative.

    Beyond technology, it will diversify Nigeria’s economy, create high-value jobs, strengthen supply chains, and boost exports. More importantly, it will empower Africa to take control of its digital future, reducing dependence on external suppliers and fostering resilience in the face of global uncertainties. This vision aligns with a broader continental need, it is not just about building a Nigerian semiconductor, it’s about transforming Africa’s largest economy. It’s about sovereign technology and making Nigeria an exporter of technology—from dependent to self-sufficient.

    As Africa accelerates its digital transformation, the demand for chips will grow exponentially. Nigeria’s leadership in semiconductor innovation can serve as a catalyst for regional collaboration, integrating African markets and building a robust technology ecosystem that uplifts the entire continent. Our journey reflects this ambition. From pioneering indigenous industrial equipment to advancing semiconductor research, we are committed to positioning Nigeria as a global player in the chip economy. The road ahead is challenging, but the opportunity is immense. With strategic focus, investment, and collaboration, Nigeria can claim its place among the world’s technology leaders. The race for Silicon Africa is on. Nigeria is ready to lead.

    •Shehu Tijjani Abdullahi, Amal Semiconductor Manufacturing Company Ltd, Kano.

  • Uche Nnaji and the burden of forgery

    Uche Nnaji and the burden of forgery

    Sir: It was only a matter of time. Everyone paying close attention knew that Uche Nnaji, the former Minister of Innovation, Science, and Technology, could not survive the certificate forgery storm. The handwriting was on the wall, and yesterday, it finally happened. Nnaji bowed out.

    The truth is simple and damning: Nnaji himself admitted that the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) never issued him a degree certificate. So the million-naira question is, where did the one he brandished come from?

    UNN has washed its hands off the matter. The institution categorically stated that Nnaji never completed his studies and was never awarded a degree. In short, the certificate he paraded is fake.

    And that’s not all. The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) has also distanced itself from Nnaji’s so-called NYSC certificate, describing it as “strange.” A Premium Times investigation revealed yet another oddity, Nnaji’s NYSC record shows that he supposedly served for 13 months. Thirteen months! Even the NYSC found that hard to explain.

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    Of course, Nnaji claims that political enemies are behind his ordeal. But even he knows the truth; no opponent can forge a certificate on your behalf. He laid the trap himself and walked right into it.

    Let’s remember the facts. Nnaji was admitted into UNN in 1981 to study Microbiology/Biochemistry and was expected to graduate in 1985. But he reportedly failed some courses and never graduated. That means for over 40 years, Uche Nnaji neither regularized his academic records nor obtained a valid certificate , yet he rose through political ranks, occupying sensitive positions and waving fake credentials. Nnaji was careless, so to speak

    Forty years of deception finally caught up with him. And this time, not even political connections could save him.

    But beyond Nnaji’s personal fall lies a bigger question, how many more “Nnajis” are out there, quietly occupying sensitive positions in government, hiding behind forged papers and political influence? Some commentators are beginning to say that Nnaji’s case might just be the tip of a very large iceberg.

    •Zayyad  I. Muhammad, Abuja.

  • Burkina Faso’s Traoré and the revolution of illusions

    Burkina Faso’s Traoré and the revolution of illusions

    Sir: Three years after seizing power, Burkina Faso’s strongman, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, continues to project himself as the torchbearer of a new African revolution — a reincarnation of the late Thomas Sankara. Yet, his recent performance, marking his third anniversary in power, revealed more theatre than substance. It was less a presidential address and more a self-congratulatory monologue filled with sweeping claims, imagined enemies, and revolutionary soundbites detached from the harsh realities on the ground.

    Facing a carefully selected group of journalists — those unlikely to ask uncomfortable questions — Traoré transformed what should have been a serious state briefing into a one-man show. His tone was confident, even prophetic, yet far removed from the desperation of a nation caught in the grip of terrorism, poverty, and displacement.

    Traoré opened with drama: when he came to power, he claimed, the Burkinabe army had “barely a hundred weapons and 100,000 cartridges.” Such exaggerations might thrill loyalists but stretch credibility. Even local hunters would scoff at such arithmetic. Yet, the captain reassured his listeners that 15,000 men are now recruited annually and that Burkina Faso will soon “make its own weapons.”

    How, and with what resources? There were no details — no factories, no engineers, no budget. It was a familiar populist pattern: imagination over implementation, rhetoric over realism.

    Perhaps the highlight — or low point — of the press conference came with the grand economic announcement: a tomato processing plant. While jihadists overrun villages and thousands of civilians flee daily, the government’s big victory was the promise of locally made tomato paste.

    Agricultural processing is undoubtedly essential. But in a nation where more than half of the territory is under terrorist control, the symbolism felt jarring. The message seemed to be: Burkina may not be safe, but at least it will have sauce.

    When policies fail, populists find scapegoats. In Traoré’s narrative, the Ivory Coast has now become the enemy. He accused Abidjan of serving as “the rear base of Burkina’s enemies” and even suggested that President Alassane Ouattara had signed a “non-aggression pact” with jihadists.

    Such allegations are not just far-fetched — they are dangerous. They strain regional diplomacy, alienate neighbours, and distract from the government’s inability to secure its own borders. Ironically, when a journalist cited a poll showing that 66% of Ivorians viewed Burkina Faso’s leadership favourably, Traoré shrugged: “Really? I don’t follow that… I don’t watch those media outlets anymore.”

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    This was revealing. In a state where the media is censored and dissent suppressed, even positive news struggles to reach the leader’s ears. Traoré appears trapped within his own echo chamber — and Burkina Faso with him.

    Three years on, the outcomes are damning. Burkina Faso remains the most terrorised country in the world. Thousands have been killed, millions displaced, and much of the countryside is beyond state control. Schools are closed, health centres are abandoned, and basic livelihoods are destroyed.

    Despite fiery anti-Western speeches and his warm embrace of Moscow, little has changed on the ground. Russian mercenaries and propaganda can amplify slogans, but they cannot rebuild schools, protect farmers, or restart an economy in free fall.

    And now, with Burkina Faso — alongside Niger and Mali — having withdrawn from ECOWAS, the country faces deepening isolation. What Traoré brands as “sovereign independence” increasingly looks like self-imposed solitude. Without regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, or trade partnerships, Burkina Faso risks turning into a garrison state — fortified in rhetoric but hollow in results.

    In just three hours of speaking, Captain Traoré managed to: turn the Ivory Coast into the supposed headquarters of Sahel’s villains; declare tomato paste the new pillar of national resilience; and redefine politics as the art of deception.

    But beyond the theatre, Burkina Faso continues to bleed. The ordinary people — farmers, students, traders, and families — pay the real price for this illusion of revolution.

    Traoré may parade as the new Sankara, but three years on, his “revolution” looks more like a parody than a legacy. The real revolution Burkina Faso needs today is not one of slogans or posturing, but of results — restoring security, rebuilding trust, and reviving governance.

    Until then, Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s revolution remains exactly what it appears to be: a show more than a solution.

    •Oumarou Sanou,sanououmarou386@gmail.com

  • Dangote, “Owners of Nigeria” and the rest of us

    Dangote, “Owners of Nigeria” and the rest of us

    Sir: It was assumed that the launch of Dangote’s $20-billion refinery would be a breath of fresh air – the long-awaited project to finally free Nigeria from decades of fuel import dependency and the grip of vested interests. Right? Wrong.

    For decades, successive governments lavished billions on turnaround maintenance of our comatose refineries, yet not one could produce a drop of fuel for Nigerians. We became a crude oil producer that imported nearly all its refined products- a national disgrace sustained by those who profited from the dysfunction – “The owners of Nigeria”.

    The Dangote Refinery was supposed to change that. But since its birth, it has faced chaos after chaos. Skirmishes with the NNPC, friction with international oil companies, pushback from petroleum marketers, tanker drivers, depot owners, and now, open confrontation with PENGASSAN. Behind every one of these confrontations lies a common denominator: the owners of Nigeria who have held this country by the jugular for decades. The owners who are furious that the removal of fuel subsidy took food off their greedy tables. The owners who would rather see the country burn than lose control of the taps that enrich them.

    Yet, for ordinary Nigerians, the Dangote Refinery offered hope; a promise that gave us a relatively cheaper, more stable fuel and gas supply. But these “owners of Nigeria” have refused. They have sworn that Nigerians must never get relief. It is over their dead bodies.

    Check this: in the aviation sector, jet fuel reportedly accounts for nearly 40% of operational costs. Dangote reportedly offered to sell Jet A1 at N980 per litre, down from the N1,240 the cabal currently sells. That’s a 26% reduction, a direct saving that could have made air travel cheaper for millions. The response from the cabal? Rejection, reportedly. They would rather Nigerians continue to bleed.

    Or take the case of LPG, i.e., cooking gas. Nigerians currently pay over N1,000 per kg. Dangote reportedly offered to sell at N800 per litre. Again, the “owners of Nigeria” revolted, reportedly. They simply cannot stand the thought of affordability for the masses, not when it cuts into their illicit profits.

    And now the queues are back. One kg of gas is now selling between N1500-N3000. Not because of subsidy delays or foreign exchange shortages, but because of deliberate sabotage. A manufactured scarcity by vested interests holding the country hostage under the guise of industrial action. PENGASSAN’s strike may be framed as a workers’ struggle, but its timing and context tell a deeper story, a story that reeks of orchestration. At some point, Nigerians must collectively say ‘Enough is enough’.

    The federal government must act more when private interests cripple national progress. The Dangote Refinery is not just a private venture; it is a national asset, a strategic investment that could redefine our economic independence.

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    The government must make it clear that the refinery’s success is in the national interest. No individual or group should be allowed to weaponise supply chains against Nigerians.

    Regulators, too, must rise to their responsibility. The FCCPC should investigate any evidence of collusion or cartel behaviour within the oil and gas distribution chain. It should be made clear that industrial action cannot become a weapon of economic sabotage. There must be accountability for actions that deliberately inflict hardship on millions of Nigerians.

    Nigeria stands at a crossroads. We can either protect the few who profit from dysfunction or empower those who build solutions. The Dangote Refinery, with all its imperfections, represents the latter. To allow cabals to frustrate that progress is to choose national stagnation over renewal.

    What is at stake here is not just fuel or gas; it is the soul of Nigeria’s economic independence. If we cannot protect progress when it comes, then we do not deserve it. It is time for the government, regulators, and citizens to draw a line.

    Never again should the selfish interests of a few override the collective good of over 200 million Nigerians.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro, chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com

  • Call for party-nominated INEC officials misguided

    Call for party-nominated INEC officials misguided

    Sir: Former Interior Minister and National Secretary, African Democratic Congress (ADC), Rauf Aregbesola, recently stirred controversy when he suggested that political parties be allowed to nominate officials into the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Speaking at a panel session on electoral innovation hosted by the Athena Centre for Policy and Leadership in Abuja, Aregbesola argued that the current method of appointing the INEC Chairperson, National Commissioners, and Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) is “deeply flawed.”

    According to him, parties with at least five members in the National Assembly should be empowered to nominate individuals to lead INEC, claiming that such a model would “solve all the issues” of bias and manipulation in Nigeria’s electoral system. In his words: “If the parties now betray themselves to allow one of them to run away with it, fine.”

    There is no credible democracy in the world where political parties directly nominate election officials. The logic is simple: an election management body must be insulated from partisan influence to maintain neutrality, fairness, and credibility. Allowing political parties — the very contestants in elections — to nominate INEC officials would be akin to letting football teams select the referees to officiate their matches. It violates the principle of impartiality that underpins democratic elections.

    If anything, Aregbesola’s statement reflects the frustration many Nigerians feel about INEC’s recent credibility challenges, particularly after the 2023 general elections. However, the answer lies not in politicizing the commission further but in strengthening its institutional independence.

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    What Nigeria needs is not partisan control of INEC, but transparent and accountable appointment processes. Civil society organisations, professional bodies, and judicial councils should play greater roles in screening and recommending nominees, while the National Assembly’s confirmation hearings must be made more open and rigorous. The president should no longer have unilateral power to appoint the INEC chair and commissioners without meaningful checks.

    Furthermore, INEC’s funding and administrative autonomy must be constitutionally guaranteed and practically enforced. An electoral body that depends on political goodwill to function can never be fully independent.

    Nigeria must not trade independence for convenience. The credibility of elections rests on the impartiality of those who conduct them — and that impartiality must never be up for negotiation.

    The path forward is clear: reform INEC, yes, but do so through constitutional safeguards, institutional transparency, and public accountability — not through political capture disguised as innovation.

    Nigeria’s democracy cannot thrive if the lines between player and referee are blurred. Aregbesola’s proposal may ignite debate, but it should be firmly rejected as both impractical and dangerous to the survival of electoral integrity.

    • Olalekan Adigun,Abuja.

  • IPOB and the future of southeast

    IPOB and the future of southeast

    • By Sunday Olagunju

    Sir: Four years since the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, declared an illegal sit-at-home order in retaliation to the arrest and prosecution of their leader, Nnamdi Kanu, the now outlawed organization has held the entire east and their socio-economic and political well-being at the jugular.

    Like a child play, the sit-at-home order has ballooned into a fixtual phenomenon, creating embarrassment and diversionary to people’s socio-economic wellness, including education, where schools and universities presently stand the severe threat of calendar derailment. The Nigerian Civil war ended over 50 years ago, but the monumental ripple effects of colossal damages to lives, properties, economies and human psyches, still litter the entire gamut of south-eastern states of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo.

    Even if members of IPOB were either too young or not actually born during the war, today, they could see the extent of runs and degradations to which the once viable and prosperous patrimonies of their forebears have become, owing to the avoidable war. More than 50 years since the end of the civil war, lots of older Nigerians, not to talk easterners, seem to be scared of anything likely to remind them of the war or any war whatsoever.

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    Now,  the four years of IPOB Monday sit-at-home is already crippling and making mockery of whatever gains the people have made in their strive to recoop years of loses and dehumanization caused by three years of an unfortunate civil war.

    Now, unable to bear it anymore, university students who initially pretended not to see anything wrong in the IPOB sit-at-home order are now crying about the woes the order is inflicting on their studies with the possibility of derailing and truncating their future educational trajectory and development.

    IPOB is an outlawed freedom fighters but their hold on the whole southeast in the past four years has become a great burden. It behoves the governors of the five states of southeast to unite with a view to finding a lasting solutions to the IPOB menace and excesses now fast becoming the nemesis of a whole race to guarantee their people peace and tranquillity, being their inalienable rights as a citizen of Nigeria.

    The former Biafran war lord, late Odemegwu Ojukwu, the Ikemba of Nkewi, not only regretted the Nigerian civil war, but also admitted that the Igbos, his own people, do not need a second war. IPOB order is like a war that is self-inflicted and now ravaging and erupting like an active volcano. Nnamdi Kanu would invariably be released, but will the east be able to regain and recall their untold loses these past four years?

    A stitch in time saves nine.  

    •Sunday Olagunju,

    Ibadan, Oyo State.