Category: Letters

  • Bill Maher’s irresponsible genocide claims

    Bill Maher’s irresponsible genocide claims

    Sir: American comedian and talk show host, Bill Maher, recently stirred up a hornet’s nest when he claimed during a Friday episode of Real Time with Bill Maher that there is genocide of Christians in Nigeria. According to him, more than 100,000 Christians have been killed since 2009 and 18,000 churches have been burned.

    There is a popular saying often attributed to Abraham Lincoln: “Better to remain silent and be thought a fool than to speak and remove all doubt.” Bill Maher did not just speak out of turn, he exposed his ignorance.

    Every Nigerian knows that the killings by bandits and insurgents in Nigeria are across the board. They bear no religious colouration. Muslims have died, Christians have died, and traditional worshippers too have not been spared. Whole communities have been displaced irrespective of their faith.

    From Katsina to Zamfara, Niger, and other northern states, bandits have attacked mosques, killing Muslim worshippers even while they prayed. That is what makes Bill Maher’s statement, and the claim of some Western commentators about a so-called jihad war in Nigeria, not just misleading but laughable.

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    Perhaps Bill Maher thought that by claiming a Christian genocide in Nigeria, Christians would rise up against Muslims and the country would collapse. After all, foreign experts once predicted that Nigeria would disintegrate in 2015. I am sure they are still surprised that the country remains standing strong despite its numerous challenges.

    If there is anything I have deduced from Bill Maher’s fake news, it is that Nigerians are wiser now. Bill would be disappointed reading some of the comments from Christians in Nigeria rubbishing his statement on social media. We know who our common enemies are when we see them.

    Those killing innocent citizens in Nigeria are not Muslims, they are not Christians, they are not traditional worshippers. In truth, they are not even human, because they lack humanity. The only name of their religion is cruelty. They exist to maim, to massacre, and to tear apart the very fabric of our society. The fight has always been less about religion or ethnicity and more about resource control and criminality. And it is just a matter of time before the wind blows and the fowl’s buttock is laid bare.

    This is why it is dangerous when people like Bill Maher reduce a complex national tragedy into a simplistic religious headline. Such careless statements not only distort reality but also hand fuel to extremists and opportunists who thrive on division.

    Bill Maher and his co-travellers in fake news want to feed off our ethnic and religious fault lines and sow more seeds of discord. We must resist this trap. Our story is ours to tell. If we allow foreigners to define our struggles, they will also define our destiny. Before they divide us further with their careless narratives, let us strengthen our unity, confront our challenges with honesty, and tell our story ourselves, because if we don’t, others will twist it against us.

    As Chinua Achebe wisely said: “Until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter.”

    •Zayd Ibn Isah,lawcadet1@gmail.com

  • Unlocking private capital for renewable energy future

    Unlocking private capital for renewable energy future

    Sir: Nigeria’s energy deficit is quite evident; over 84 million Nigerians live without access to electricity, while countless others rely daily on diesel and petrol generators due to unreliable electricity supply and grid instability. While the cost of powering these generators annually is quite significant, they also pollute the environment and pose threat to human health, stifling productivity. Yet, the country is blessed with abundant renewable resources (especially solar) that stand as a viable means to addressing Nigeria’s energy crisis but remain under-utilized. The missing link is financing.

    Estimates suggest that Nigeria needs around $9 to $10 billion dollars annually until 2030 to achieve universal electricity access under its Energy Transition Plan. Clearly, public funds and donor contributions alone cannot meet this need. The key lies in unlocking private capital from commercial banks, institutional investors, and other financiers. To attract this much needed investment, several priorities stand out.

    First, it is important to de-risk the renewable energy sector. Investors are naturally cautious and in Nigeria, there are concerns about currency volatility, unclear regulations, and repayment challenges. Innovative measures such as guarantees, blended finance, and insurance products can help share risks, giving investors greater confidence to participate.

    Second, there is the need to bring forward more bankable projects. Many renewable energy ideas stall because they lack solid financial structures, credible customers, or regulatory backing. Renewable energy project developers must be supported to prepare projects in ways that meet investor requirements and ensure long-term viability.

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    Third, we have to design tailored financial tools for Nigeria’s market. Renewable energy projects are not like conventional businesses in that they usually require patient capital which means longer repayment periods and flexible structures. Local financial institutions should also create products such as ‘pay-as-you-go’ or ‘lease-to-own’ models that reflect how renewable energy projects actually generate income.

    In addition, we need stronger policy and regulatory frameworks. Streamlined approvals, enforceable contracts, predictable tariffs, and better coordination among regulators can make Nigeria a far more attractive destination for private investment.

    Finally, leverage climate finance. Instruments such as green bonds, sukuks, and carbon markets represent an untapped pool of funding. When combined with private capital, these tools can significantly accelerate renewable energy expansion.

    The future of Nigeria’s renewable energy sector depends not only on technology but also on finance. By reducing risks, strengthening policies, and being innovative in our financial design, the country can unlock billions in private investment. The prize is enormous; we will have affordable and reliable energy for households and businesses, reduced dependence on fossil fuels, and a cleaner, more sustainable economy. The path forward is clear, if we will take it.

    •Motunrayo Akinfala,<motunrayoakinfala@gmail.com>

  • Nigeria at 65: Hope against the odds, by Adewole Adebayo

    Nigeria at 65: Hope against the odds, by Adewole Adebayo

    As an ocean of green and white sweeps across our streets, Independence Day reminds us that this day is not a mere ritual of rejoicing, but a solemn renewal of our covenant as a people. 

    My thoughts return each October 1 to the words of Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa in 1960: “This is a wonderful day, and it is all the more wonderful because we have awaited it with increasing impatience…we have acquired our rightful status, and Nigeria now stands well-built upon firm foundations.” 

    His words remain alive today, urging us not to rest in nostalgia but to labour with courage toward the destiny they envisioned.

    Independence Day offers Nigeria a rare opportunity to pause and reflect. It is a moment to honour our profound history, but more importantly, to look ahead to the next chapter in our great story. 

    Despite the challenges of today, I remain optimistic when I consider the strides our country has made since 1 October 1960. Nigeria has grown from a population of about 45 million at independence to more than 237 million which is the largest in Africa and the 6th largest in the world today. We have moved from just a handful of universities in 1960 to more than 260 tertiary institutions today. 

    READ ALSO: Nigeria @ 65: Wike hails Tinubu’s progress, urges Nigerians to embrace peace, unity

    Our creative industries are global forces, with Nollywood supporting hundreds of thousands of direct jobs and, by broader estimates, over 1,000,000 direct and indirect jobs, and contributing roughly N1.9–N2.0 trillion to the economy.

    Yet optimism alone will not carry us forward. For the twenty-first century will be the African Century, and it is not a question of if, but of when. 

    The true test is whether Nigeria will rise as the continent’s vanguard or stumble as a colossus with feet of clay. Without justice, scale becomes spectacle; and without equity, abundance breeds misery. Nowhere is this clearer than in the poverty that scars our land. 

    The National Bureau of Statistics’ Multidimensional Poverty Index revealed that 63% of Nigerians, some 133,000,000 men, women, and children, are deprived of health, education, and decent living standards. 

    The World Bank confirms that nearly one in three Nigerians live below the global poverty line of $2.15 a day. Humanitarian agencies further warn that about 31 million of our people face acute food insecurity, while a third of children under five suffer stunted growth. These are not abstract figures; they are broken lives, and they demand a national response as urgent as war.

    Security remains the greatest test of our generation. Banditry, insurgency, and communal violence have sown terror across our land, displacing millions and crippling markets. United Nations data shows more than 2.3 million Nigerians internally displaced by the end of 2024. 

    Conflict trackers record thousands of violent incidents that have shattered livelihoods and hope. No nation can prosper while its people live in fear. Peace is not optional; it is the precondition for progress, the anchor of prosperity, and the oxygen of national renewal.

    Closely linked to insecurity is Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit, which the African Development Bank estimates at over $100 billion. Our power sector is a glaring example. While South Africa generates more than 40,000 MW of electricity, Nigeria struggles with less than 4,853.69 MW on average for a population four times larger. Our roads tell the same story: more than 30% of federal roads are in poor condition, and only 1 in 5 rural communities is linked to an all-season motorable road. Broadband penetration stands at just 45%, far below global averages. This infrastructure gap is not an abstract figure; it is the barrier that prevents farmers from getting produce to market, prevents young entrepreneurs from accessing digital opportunities, and prevents patients from reaching hospitals in time. Infrastructure should be our launchpad into greatness, yet it has become the chain holding us down.

    Corruption makes this tragedy complete. When public funds become private spoils, classrooms stay empty, hospitals remain broken, and electricity never flows. Illicit financial flows bleed our treasury of billions that should be building schools, clinics, and power plants. This is not merely inefficiency; it is treason against our future. Nigeria is estimated to lose $18 billion annually to illicit financial flows, funds that could have built hospitals, schools, and power plants. Instead, they are siphoned into private pockets, deepening poverty and eroding trust in government. Corruption does not only weaken our institutions; it undermines the very belief that progress is possible.

    However, even in the midst of these staggering challenges, hope is not extinguished. If we can forge peace, everything else becomes possible We can still bend the arc of history if we commit to three urgent tasks. First, to place security at the heart of national renewal: forging a unified, accountable doctrine that integrates military force, intelligence, policing, and community peacebuilding, while safeguarding human rights. Second, to launch an infrastructure revolution which will be financed with transparency, driven by public-private partnership, and executed with the discipline of a nation on a mission. Third, to uproot corruption with finality, ensuring that every naira is traceable, every contract enforceable, and every official accountable, regardless of station.

    Above all, we must lift the young. With over 70% of our people under 30, Nigeria’s future stands in classrooms, vocational centres, farms, and tech hubs. We must bind education to enterprise, scale digital and vocational training, and direct meaningful budgetary commitments to youth employment and innovation. This is not welfare. it is the master strategy for national greatness.

    On this day, as the words of Abubakar Tafawa Balewa echo in my head, I remain unshaken in my optimism. For Nigeria to take its next great step forward, any government of the future must place security at the very heart of its agenda. Without peace, nothing else can flourish. We must develop a coherent national security strategy, one that unifies the military, police, and intelligence services under a single coordinated doctrine, and equips them with the modern tools of surveillance and response, from drones to satellites, that will allow us to outsmart insurgents and restore peace to our land.

    Peace will unlock the infrastructure we so urgently need. It will allow roads and railways to connect our towns and cities. It will enable power grids to light up homes and factories, and digital networks to support a modern economy. It will allow schools to reopen without fear and hospitals to function without interruption. But this will only be possible if we also confront corruption head-on, ensuring that every naira budgeted for development is accounted for. Citizens must be able to track public spending openly, and no official must be above the law.

    Nigeria has never shied away from its challenges. Our history is full of obstacles that once seemed insurmountable, yet we overcame them. In each season, we rose because we chose courage over fear, unity over division, and hope over hopelessness. The urgent task before us now is to build a Nigeria where no Nigerian is left behind, and where no community is consigned to despair. If we meet this test, we will awaken the Nigeria of our dreams: a nation where schools and hospitals are beacons of service, where roads and railways stitch our land into unity, where power grids illuminate every home, where digital networks link us to the world, and where we can banish and say a total farewell to hunger and poverty not as slogans, but as lived reality.

    This is the true promise of independence. This is the noble vision our founding fathers entrusted to us. This is the vision we must dare, together.

    Adebayo, SDP leader and the party’s 2023 presidential candidate, writes from Ondo.

  • Why Nigerian languages deserve a place in modern technology

    Why Nigerian languages deserve a place in modern technology

    • By Olasubomi Sangonuga

    Sir: With over 520 different languages, Nigeria holds the third-highest number of spoken languages in the world. Four of these – Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, and Ijaw – are spoken by about 78 percent of the country’s population. Yet despite this richness, most Nigerian languages remain absent from the tools shaping the lives of Generation Z and Generation Alpha, the generations who embody the future of today.

    UNESCO warns that about 40 percent of the world’s 7,000 languages are at risk of extinction by 2025, with African and indigenous tongues disproportionately vulnerable. Over a hundred Nigerian languages are already considered endangered or close to extinction.

    Technology illustrates the urgency. In Natural Language Processing (NLP), which powers translation apps, voice assistants, and speech recognition, Nigerian languages are classified as low-resource. This means there is not enough digital text or audio for artificial intelligence systems to learn from. Without action, entire languages risk being digitally invisible.

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    The Nigerian government has no structured plan to preserve or expand indigenous languages, especially in technology and research. Most languages lack basic resources such as text datasets, essential for NLP. Minority languages like Ibibio, Ijaw, and Kanuri, spoken by fewer than 10 million people each, have little or no digital representation. Even the so-called big three languages (Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba) struggle with limited and poor-quality resources.

    Apps exist for Yoruba, Hausa, and Igbo, but hundreds of Nigerian languages remain excluded. Global technology firms are making tentative steps. In late 2024, Google expanded voice input and dictation support to Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba across Gboard, Voice Search, and Translate. Microsoft added the trio to Azure Translator earlier. Yet the depth and scale of resources for these languages remain far behind those of English, Chinese, or even Swahili.

    The Nigerian constitution has never been officially translated into local languages, aside from one private Yoruba effort. Government websites remain exclusively in English. Community-driven projects like Masakhane and NaijaVoices are working to build datasets, but the scale of their efforts is minuscule compared to the need.  If Nigerian languages are missing from keyboards, spell checkers, translation tools, and voice assistants, they will fade into silence.

    What Nigeria needs is a deliberate digital language strategy. Such a strategy must go beyond the major three and extend to endangered and minority tongues. Crucially, it should position languages as infrastructure, gateways through which citizens access healthcare, education, commerce, and culture.

    Policymakers must prioritize indigenous languages in technology and education. Researchers and entrepreneurs must collaborate to build open resources. Global technology firms must be challenged to support more Nigerian languages. And citizens must demand a future where their mother tongues are not just spoken but coded into the fabric of modern life.

    •Olasubomi Sangonuga,

     Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State.

  • Unionism, hypocrisy and economic development

    Unionism, hypocrisy and economic development

    • By Enough is enough

    Sir: The recent war declared by Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) and the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers, (NUPENG) on Dangote Refinery for whatever reasons is uncalled for. It is hypocritical, unjustifiable and shameful.

    For over 30 years, Nigerians have suffered perennial fuel scarcity and incessant price increases. Yet, there is no record of NUPENG and PENGASSAN’s intervention to bring lasting succour to Nigerians. Even at the time that the government of President Muhammadu Buhari encouraged investors to establish modular refineries, what did NUPENG and PENGASSAN do to encourage the establishment of many refineries to bring relief to Nigerians?

    What was the role of NUPENG and PENGASSAN all the years that the fortunes of the Warri, Port Harcourt and Kaduna refineries have been nosediving? Which workable action plan did they present and discuss with the governments at the federal and state levels to make petroleum products and job opportunities available abundantly?

    There have been losses of thousands of lives and properties on Nigeria roads caused by road accidents involving the drivers of fuel tankers. What has NUPENG and PENGASSAN done with the monies they have been collecting from the tanker owners to reduce or prevent the road crashes?

    Because of the failure of NUPENG and PENGASSAN, the National Assembly had to mandate the Federal Ministry of Transportation to bring the stakeholders together, including NUPENG and PENGASSAN to solve the problems of road crashes involving fuel tankers and other articulated vehicles. Yet, the stickers of NUPENG, NLC, NURTW, RETEAN, and NARTO adorn the tankers and other trucks without meaningful concerns about the driver road worthiness and the vehicle road worthiness.

    What NUPENG, PENGASSAN and their allies are doing to Dangote Refinery will surely discourage more investors from going into petroleum product refining,  thereby blocking the channel for more job creation while also reducing the competition that could bring down the prices for the benefit of the masses they claim to be fighting for.

    Read Also: Court fixes October 27 for Sowore’s arraignment over alleged cybercrime

    Ironically, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) is also mobilising for nationwide strike against Dangote Refinery. Will this not amount to economic sabotage?? Will the NLC strike create more job opportunities?

    NLC which is now more active in the affairs of the Labour Party has suddenly woken up to fight against Dangote Refinery.  What was the role of NLC when the importation of cement was draining the foreign exchange of Nigeria? As soon as the likes of Dangote and BUA stepped in to produce cement locally, NLC also stepped in to collect union dues. If Dangote and BUA cement were muzzled the way the unions are trying to do to Dangote Refinery now, what would have been the situation today? The new investors in cement production would not have been encouraged to invest.

    There have been crises of public transportation in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) for many years now. The federal government tried to intervene with hundreds of buses but the buses were grounded in less than three years because of mismanagement by NLC. Some of the buses are presently in the NLC yard on Shetima Munguno Crescent at Utako, Abuja.

    If NLC, NUPENG, PENGASSAN and other unions cannot successfully run businesses that impact positively on the Nigerian workers they pretend to cherish so much, they should stop taking anti-economic development actions which will inflict more hardship on the masses.

    The unions have been amassing trillions of Naira annually without meaningful investments which can better the lives of the people they claim to be fighting for. Many Nigeria workers suffer disabilities and other hardships in their workplaces while the leaderships of the same unions they pay money to every month turn their faces to the other side. Who is deceiving who?

    It is time for the government to review the Labour Laws. If what NUPENG, PENGASSAN, NLC, transport unions, and other unions are doing in Nigeria is what happens in Britain, America, China and other developed countries, their economies would have crumbled.

    •Enough is enough!

    Jide Owatunmise,

  • Will Nigeria kill or save its largest private industrial project?

    Will Nigeria kill or save its largest private industrial project?

    • By Mohammed Basah

    Sir: The Trade Disputes Act (TDA) sets out exactly what must happen before workers in essential services may lawfully cease work. In particular, Section 18 demands that parties must seek to resolve disputes through negotiation, mediation, and arbitration before any strike or stoppage. Strikes — or the shutting of valves — in essential sectors must follow that strict path. Then, Section 41 of the TDA mandates that any worker in essential service who stops work must give fifteen days’ notice to employer and government, unless they can prove they were unaware that closing operations would substantially deprive the community of an essential service. (TDA Section 41(1)).

    These rules exist for good reason: a refinery is not like a picket line in hospitality. Its operations connect to national supply chains, foreign exchange balances, fuel distribution, and ultimately, the stability of the naira. When PENGASSAN ordered the halt of crude and gas supply to Dangote — without any public record that the 15-day notice was given or that all mediation/arbitration steps were exhausted — it risked acting as a rogue actor above the law.

    Indeed, recent court injunctions restraining union leaders from blocking supplies suggest that the judiciary already finds merit in the claim that PENGASSAN’s actions skirt legal boundaries. Yet in public statements, union leaders justify the shutdowns as necessary pushback against alleged mass dismissals of unionised workers and what they see as a betrayal of promise. On their side, Dangote management insists it must preserve operational integrity, guard against sabotage, and protect shareholder capital in the midst of global margins and foreign exchange volatility.

    Both sides carry legitimate concerns. Workers deserve fair treatment and enforcement of union rights; investors demand certainty and rule of law. But in this conflict, PENGASSAN’s approach is legally untenable. The law does not permit unilateral shutdowns in essential services while alternative dispute resolution is ongoing, and while notice obligations remain unmet.

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    More than that, this refinery is not just a factory: it is Nigeria’s industrial reputation on the line. We must force ourselves to see it as a shared national asset. For years, the country has imported refined petroleum despite exporting crude — bleeding forex for lack of domestic refining capacity. Dangote built one of the most ambitious refineries on the continent precisely to reverse that paradox. If this refinery fails now, the message will be chilling: even when we build, we cannot protect.

    Yes, the union is powerful. Yes, the grievances may be real. But rule of law is higher. If the law means nothing, then industrial peace means nothing. If unions may break the rules when pressured, management might act with impunity when threatened, and governance systems unravel.

    We cannot accept a system where a union, by decree, shuts down oil production without due process. That is tantamount to running a nation hostage. The president, as commander-in-chief and guardian of stability, must intervene decisively. He must compel all parties to resume fair process and stop any action that threatens national supply or economic order. He must declare that no actor, whether corporate or union, is above legal obligation.

    Nigeria owes itself (and Africa) a demonstration that we can build and manage projects of scale in a lawful, disciplined way. Dangote Refinery represents one of our clearest chances. It is too valuable to collapse under dispute tactics. The refinery must not die because we treat laws as optional.

    We must demand: follow the protocol. Respect workers. Protect infrastructure. Build trust and enforce accountability. Only then will Nigeria prove that its industrial dreams are not built on fumes and fantasies, but on integrity, process, and shared resolve.

    •Mohammed Basah,

    <mobasah@gmail.com>

  • Nigeria at 65

    Nigeria at 65

    By Sunday Olagunju

    Nigeria’s uniqueness as a nation lies in its entity and cooperativeness, despite years of threatened balkanization by forces of dismemberment. The civil war years (1967-1970) remained a singular episode that buffeted its zeal for survival almost beyond its wits end, but God remained faithful and rather than bring the nation to its knees, the nation once again sprang up to its feet.

    The June 12 presidential election annulment topsy-turvy was also an exercise in brinkmanship, but God saved the nation, it also wriggled out of what someone described as a national political catastrophy unleashed on her by an unfeeling and politically heartless leader.

    Every four year’s general election to choose a new government has been likened to a war time, because of the large-scale destruction often accompanied by disloyal political contenders who are always bent on winning even when they knew their stakes were ridiculously low, and unabashedly out of political reality, yet God’s faithfulness continue to save the nation out of self-destruction.

    The second uniqueness of our situation as a nation these past 65 years is the political stability that the country has recorded since 1999 to date. Many African countries are still under the yoke of military rule with its concomitant abrasiveness and loss of freedom and fundamental human rights.

    Despite the lack of popularity of military rule in world politics, a horde of some African countries are still basking in such derisive euphoria with all its limitations in growth and development. But Nigeria has matured politically these past 25 years of civil rule to appreciate the role of uninterrupted democracy in national development.

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    Given the resolve of the present APC government, one can savely say that the country is on the threshold of total recovery of its past lost grounds.

    A lot can still be achieved between now and 2027 if all drummers of diversionary politics will stop their beats and join all hands with the president to pilot the affairs of the country so that the policies and advocacies of the government for the over-all development of the country can be achieved.

    Over time the excuse has been the problem of good leadership but in the past couple of years, the leadership has shown unparalleled commitment; with good followers to complement the zeal of the present crop of leadership, Nigeria will soon experience the socio-economic recovery and financial wellness that they have long advocated for.

    At 65, even though not yet entirely Uhuru, there is ray of hope and greater hope at the end of the tunnel. The die is no longer cast any more. Rather, the hope is now ever more.

    • Sunday Olagunju, Ibadan, Oyo State.

  • Reflections on Nigeria’s frequent boat tragedies

    Reflections on Nigeria’s frequent boat tragedies

    Sir: Nigeria’s waterways tell a sobering story. Reports of mass drowning, sometimes over a hundred lives lost in a single accident, sit uneasily beside official figures that suggest far fewer. The gap between record and reality is not just a matter of data; it is a measure of whose lives are visible in policy and whose are left to sink in silence.

    This dissonance between official counts and lived losses is more than a statistical hiccup. It exposes the politics of visibility in Nigeria, highlighting whose deaths matter enough to be counted, whose disappear into watery margins, and what it says about a state struggling to bridge its reform narratives with the harsh texture of life along its neglected waterways.

    Boat mishaps are not random acts of fate. They are predictable collisions of poverty, poor infrastructure, and policy neglect. From January to September, at least 10 major accidents were reported across states like Sokoto, Kwara, Niger, Rivers, Anambra, and Adamawa. Communities described boats packed with traders rushing to market, schoolchildren ferried across swollen rivers, and seasonal workers desperate to reach farmland.

    In Niger State in June, villagers spoke of 70 lost; the state’s official report acknowledged fewer than 30. In Adamawa, fishermen counted 40 bodies pulled from the Benue, while federal records insisted on a mere dozen. Numbers shrink, and with them, lives vanish from public memory.

    If one traces the trend over the past five years, the pattern is unsettling. In 2021, media tallies suggested at least 500 deaths from boat mishaps, compared to an official 250. In 2022, official counts dropped to 180 while newspapers carried reports of more than 400.

    By 2023, the gap widened again, with Sokoto and Kebbi alone producing accidents that eclipsed national totals. In 2024, watchdogs estimated more than 600 waterway deaths; government figures recorded less than half that number.

    Now in 2025, even before October, local reporting already suggests upward of 300 fatalities, but consolidated national statements hover below 100. The arithmetic does not add up, unless the goal is to make tragedy less visible.

    The gap between official counts and lived losses is not inevitable. Other Global South countries with similar geographies have taken decisive steps. In Bangladesh, once infamous for ferry disasters, strict enforcement of passenger limits, mandatory life jackets, and designated ferry routes cut accidents significantly in a decade.

    In the Philippines, public pressure after a string of tragedies forced government to establish a searchable, real-time maritime incident database. Both countries show that visibility is the first step to accountability.

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    For Nigeria, three reforms are urgent. First, harmonise reporting: independent verification teams including local leaders, civil society, and journalists should cross-check casualty numbers before they are published.

    Second, invest in community-based safety infrastructure including subsidised life jackets, regulated boat construction, and trained riverine rescue units.

    Third, make water transport part of national economic planning, not an afterthought. If rivers are arteries of commerce for millions, then safety on those waters is a matter of economic justice, not charity.

    When policymakers speak of reforms and rising national revenues, they must also account for the ordinary citizens who never see those gains because they drowned on the way to market. The disconnect between Abuja’s statistical optimism and Sokoto’s funerals is not abstract; it is the very definition of a broken social contract.

    There is need for a new lens that treats each casualty not as a number to be trimmed but as a life that bore dignity and deserved protection. Critical literacy demands we do not just consume headlines but interrogate them, asking why certain deaths count and others are erased.

    Sociological instinct insists we see that statistics are never neutral but reflect power. Policy relevance means creating pathways where communities feel seen, governments are not shamed but invited to reform, and justice is measured not just by GDP but by whose lives the state is willing to keep afloat.

    The question is not whether the rivers will rise, but whether Nigeria will rise with them, counting every life, protecting every community, and refusing to let tragedy sink into silence.

    •Lekan Olayiwola, lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Governance: Why governors fail to deliver

    Governance: Why governors fail to deliver

    Sir: Picture a crocodile by the riverbank: powerful, fierce, and built to rule the waters. Yet this creature, chained with heavy bonds, is unable to move, hunt, or lead its territory. Its strength is wasted, its potential wasted. This is the tragic image of governance in Nigeria today.

    Governors, who ought to be the engines of development and the closest link to the people, have become like that bound crocodile. They carry mandates meant to transform society, but invisible chains of godfatherism, party politics, and vested interests hold them down. Instead of bold leadership, we see hesitation, compromise, and stagnation.

    The tragedy runs deeper when governors who genuinely wish to serve find themselves trapped. One “godfather” or party leader can summon them to heel, threaten them with political extinction, or strip them of support. They are forced to choose between serving the people and preserving their careers. Inevitably, the people lose. Projects stall, policies are abandoned, and elections become hollow rituals. Leaders take oaths, but the spirit of democracy is nowhere to be found.

    Good governance must begin at the state level. This is where education policies can be tailored to local needs, where hospitals and clinics can be strengthened to save lives, and where infrastructure can unlock economic opportunities. States should be the laboratories of progress. Yet when governors are more loyal to political patrons than to citizens, priorities shift. Instead of innovation, we get inertia. A bound crocodile cannot hunt, and a politically captured governor cannot deliver.

    This crisis is not uniquely Nigerian. Across Africa, the same story unfolds. In most countries on the continent, domestic chains are reinforced by foreign ones. Neo-colonialism, though less visible than in the past, continues to shape politics and policy. International institutions, foreign governments, and multinational corporations subtly dictate directions. Loans and aid arrive tied to conditions that often undermine local priorities. Instead of resisting, many African leaders comply, turning themselves into administrators of external agendas.

    The result is a continent rich in resources but poor in outcomes. Africa’s wealth benefits others more than its own citizens. Its leaders, caught between local godfathers and foreign benefactors, fail to assert the sovereignty needed for genuine development.

    If Nigeria and Africa are to move forward, these chains must be broken. The first step is political liberation. Godfatherism must be dismantled, and systems must be built to make governors accountable primarily to the people. Internal party democracy must be strengthened so that candidates emerge based on merit, not loyalty to a benefactor. Anti-corruption institutions must be insulated from political interference so they cannot be wielded as weapons of blackmail.

    Secondly, citizens must reclaim their power. Democracy is not a four-year ritual; it is a daily responsibility. Civil society, the media, and grassroots movements must hold leaders accountable long after the campaigns end. Promises must be tracked, performance must be measured, and failure must be exposed. Leaders will only fear the people when they are united and can no longer be ignored.

    Finally, Africa must rethink its relationship with the outside world.  Cooperation and partnership are necessary, but submission is not. Trade is essential, but must be fair and equitable. Aid should not come with strings that compromise sovereignty. African leaders must learn that independence is hollow if policies are subject to foreign influence.

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    Nigeria stands at a crossroads. We can either continue as the bound crocodile—powerful yet paralyzed—or we can break the chains that hold us down. The choice is stark. The cost of bondage is not abstract: it is visible in underfunded schools, collapsing hospitals, potholed roads, and unemployed youth. It is measured in lost lives, wasted potentials and eroded hope.

    The metaphor of the crocodile is not accidental. Like the reptile, Nigeria has the raw strength to dominate its waters. Our natural resources, our human capital, and our cultural wealth give us all we need to thrive. But without political liberation, strength turns into frustration. Without sovereignty, potential turns into dependency.

    To break free, governors must rediscover their courage, parties must rediscover internal democracy, and citizens must rediscover their voices. The crocodile must remember its nature: not to be bound, but to rule the waters with confidence and independence.

    Nigeria’s story does not have to remain a tragedy. Africa’s story does not have to be one of wasted potential. But change will not come by accident. It requires deliberate choices: to resist godfatherism, to challenge corruption, to reject external control, and to place the people at the centre of governance.

    •John Amabolou Elekun,Iju-Ajuwon, Lagos

  • The future is vocational education

    The future is vocational education

    Sir: There can be no meaningful national development without vocational and technical education. Secondly, there can be no vocational education without skill acquisition. And third, skill acquisition is the bedrock of entrepreneurship, which in turn drives national prosperity.

    Vocational education is not abstract learning. It is hands-on. It prepares people for life and for work. It creates independence and fosters ownership. It is an education for occupational preparation. Given the alarming unemployment levels in recent years, this is a path we must begin to take more seriously than we currently do.

    For too long, vocational education in Nigeria has been stigmatized. It was once seen as the preserve of dropouts and never-do-wells. That is a dangerous myth, one that has held us back.

    Across the world, countries are rediscovering the transformative power of Technical and Vocational Education and Training. Germany’s famed dual education system, which combines classroom learning with apprenticeships, has powered its industrial growth. In South Korea, technical training has been central to building a skilled workforce that drives its technology and manufacturing sectors. Even closer to home, Rwanda has prioritized TVET, making it a key pillar of its economic transformation agenda.

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    These examples prove that scalable skills among the populace are critical to driving industrialization, reducing poverty, and curbing social vices. A country without a skilled workforce is doomed to stagnation.

    This is why I was heartened by the recent announcement that the federal government has declared technical education fully free in all Federal Technical Colleges nationwide, covering not just tuition but a wide range of associated costs. The Minister of State for Education, Yusuf Tanko Sununu, made it clear in Abuja that this initiative is in line with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

    This is a massive step in the right direction; however, the policy will only be as impactful as the willingness of Nigerians to embrace it.

    We must shed the old belief that it is university or nothing. The truth is that not everyone will attend university, and not everyone needs to. What everyone does need, however, is a skill, one that can create opportunities, build livelihoods, and even turn one from job seeker to job creator.

    Nothing beats skills acquisition. It gives dignity. It creates agency. It makes you your own boss and equips you to employ others. This is the real engine of sustainable development.

    Imagine pairing our already thriving tech innovators who have scaled global heights with a deep pool of skilled vocational professionals who deliver world-class quality. Just imagine it. That is when the true picture of national transformation emerges.

    It’s time to build a future where Nigeria is known, not for its untapped potential, but for the power of its skilled, entrepreneurial people.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro chiechefulamikebuiro@gm