When we look at Nigeria as a country, we all know there is more to it than just its challenges. Nigeria is a land of opportunities, rich in resources and talent. When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was elected, we could say that was the beginning of the needed reform.
He came in with the Renewed Hope agenda, a vision put in place to transform the economy and governance. But a vision alone is not enough. Execution matters, so he surrounds himself with people who can turn ideas into reality. In this administration, if you cannot deliver, you cannot stay.
Therefore, the President carefully selected several people, “the reliable,” who can confidently translate his ideas and policy reforms of making Nigeria greater to reality and something to behold. Amongst these eggheads is the indefatigable, dependable, and ever reliable Zacch Adedeji.
Dr. Zacch Adedeji, Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), is one of those delivering. He has proven this time without numbers.
He is a results-driven technocrat who has taken on some of the toughest responsibilities in this administration. He has introduced automation, shut down leakages, and made it easier for people and businesses to comply with tax laws in Nigeria.
Government revenue is growing, and money is being channeled into critical projects that benefit everyday Nigerians.
Despite his demanding role at FIRS, Dr. Zacch has taken on national assignments, including ensuring the seamless implementation of the Naira-based crude oil supply framework.
He has worked closely with the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) to ensure that local refineries like Dangote, Port Harcourt, and Warri are not sidelined in crude allocation. By supporting structured agreements that promote transparency and efficiency, he is preventing unnecessary forex exposure and protecting the naira from further depreciation.
With so much on his plate, distractions in the form of misinformation and fake news could have been a stumbling block. However, Dr. Zacch is unmoved.
When reports falsely claimed that the Naira-for-Crude initiative had been scrapped, he wasted no time in setting the record straight.
He does not engage in distractions. His focus is on ensuring that Nigeria moves forward. As Chairman of the Technical Sub-Committee overseeing the policy, he immediately reaffirmed that the policy is still in place, and local refineries continue to receive crude in naira.
Every Nigerian wants a country that works. We want to see leaders who take action, not just make speeches and post on social media. Dr. Zacch is proving daily that he is one of the doers. He is not just working in one sector; he is handling multiple national projects and delivering results. He remains committed to making Nigeria better for everyone.
With every reform, policy, and initiative, the Tax Boss proves that Nigeria does not just need ideas—it needs action. And that is exactly what he brings to the table.
• Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi is the technical assistant to the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service
Ukraine is at an existential crossroads. President Donald Trump’s war on Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky shows no signs of abating.
Kyiv, as a result, is facing a stark choice. Capitulate to Trump – and by extension Russian President Vladimir Putin – or pivot toward building a European coalition of the willing to continue fighting on to expel the Russian invader.
Europe is increasingly the better option. The European Union heads of state unanimously approved an €800 billion “ReArm Europe Plan” – and France’s offer to provide the EU with a nuclear umbrella alongside a proposal called “Sky Shield” to enforce a no-fly zone in Western Ukraine are gaining momentum.
Opting for Europe over the US is not without risk. As evidenced by Team Trump suspending military aid and intelligence sharing, the implications on the battlefield are all too real and immediate.
Yet sticking with Trump is no longer a sure bet either. While Trump says that he “likes Zelensky personally,” his actions reflect a different reality.
As Mafia boss Michael Corleone told his brother Sonny in the 1972 film The Godfather, “It’s not personal, it’s strictly business.” And this, for Trump, is business.
In the world of high-stakes geopolitics and international diplomacy, personal sentiments often take a backseat to strategic interests and national priorities.
Trump carries a personal bias – conscious or not – against Zelensky. It stems from the fallout over the “perfect” phone call that eventually led to Trump’s first impeachment.
During that conversation, Trump suggested “future US military support for Ukraine might be contingent on [Zelensky] helping investigate the business dealings [in Ukraine] of Hunter Biden.” Despite Zelensky defending Trump by insisting he faced “no blackmail,” it devolved into guilt by association.
Transcending Trump’s ill-will was made all the harder as a result of Zelensky clashing with the president and Vice President JD Vance in the Oval Office. It also made it easier for Team Trump to move past Ukraine.
Just as the Trump Administration is aggressively focused on undoing everything former President Joe Biden put into place during his one term in office. Now, that clearly also includes ending Biden’s policy of “supporting Ukraine for as long as it takes.”
Ukraine could become Trump’s Afghanistan – and his legacy.
Team Kyiv needs to understand what they are up against. Trump narrowly views US national security from a business transaction perspective.
What is the rate of return? From his perspective, it has not been nearly enough to justify continued investment.
Trump sees Ukraine as a money pit, an endless war that is draining the US Treasury. Money he thinks would be better spent on domestic issues: illegal immigration, spiraling criminal and gang activity, and the influx of fentanyl into the country.
Hence Trump insisting on the $1 trillion rare earth minerals deal with Ukraine that ended up being left unsigned.
By walking away, Zelensky made it easy for Trump to pivot to Putin. Already, Trump sees Russia as a potential business partner due to its vast natural resources and strategic access to the Northern Sea Route. He envisions a series of deals and transactions with Russia that could benefit the US economically and geopolitically.
However, Zelensky’s resistance to Russian aggression blocks the way ahead. Trump sees Zelensky as an obstructionist who hinders his path to peace and subsequent economic opportunities with Russia.
Trump’s resulting crackdown on Ukraine is brutal. To begin advancing his agenda, Team Trump immediately began taking measures to discredit and delegitimize Zelensky on the world stage and in Ukraine.
It began with Secretary of State Marco Rubio expressing doubt over “whether [Zelensky] wants to forge a peace agreement to end the war in Eastern Europe.” Then Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) piled on calling for “Zelensky to resign or be dismissed.”
The campaign culminated with Trump declaring on X, “I have determined that President Zelensky is not ready for Peace.”
Then all hell broke loose.
A few days earlier the Trump Administration had voted against a Ukraine-sponsored United Nations General Assembly resolution condemning Russia’s war against Ukraine. Team Trump began echoing Russian demands for Ukrainian elections while arbitrarily ceasing offensive US cyber activities against Russia.
After the Oval Office fiasco, the White House turned off the intelligence-sharing with Kyiv and blocked Ukrainian access to satellite imagery from Maxar Technologies. Trump is also considering revoking temporary protections for thousands of Ukrainian refugees in the US.
Trump’s irrational disdain for Zelensky puts Ukrainian civilians and soldiers on the front lines defending their country at risk. Russia continues to strike residential neighborhoods and critical energy infrastructure with ballistic missiles and drones.
Meanwhile, Ukrainian troops in the Kursk Oblast are trying to contain a Russian advance to prevent a partial or complete encirclement. While on the front lines in the Donbas, relentless Russian “human wave” assaults, often with previously wounded and disabled soldiers leading the way, results in over 1,000 soldiers being killed or wounded everyday – 882,950 as of March 7.
Increasingly, it is evident that Team Trump’s path to a peace plan is not in Ukraine’s best interest. Rather, it appears designed to get Putin to the negotiation table.
Trump’s scorn for Zelensky is only getting worse. On Friday during an Oval Office press spray, Trump said that he is “finding it more difficult… to deal with Ukraine.” Adding that it may be “easier to deal with Russia.”
Zelensky is clearly the odd man out in this three-way drama. Team Trump is doing everything they can to make that happen and accommodate Putin – at the expense of Ukraine.
To reverse course, Zelensky and his generals might well need to call Trump’s repeated bluff that either Ukraine accepts in effect what would be a Washington-Moscow dictated peace agreement or “I’m out.”
Turning to Europe would be the most expedient way of doing that. It would leave Trump on the outside looking in. Not only in terms of future EU expenditures on “ReArm Europe” weapons and munitions, but also Europe bagging the $1 trillion REM deal.
Contrary to Trump’s assertion, Ukraine does have cards to play. And Europe, increasingly, is willing to deal.
· This article was originally published in www.kyivpost.com
Beneath the widely celebrated American slogan, “Only in America,” lies a reality unknown to the majority. The Founding Fathers envisioned this nation as a domain exclusively for White men of wealth and power. Had their original framework remained intact, individuals such as Vivek Ramaswamy, Nikki Haley, the embattled Kash Patel, and others would have been returned to India. Similarly, Huyen Cheung, Trump’s campaign spokesperson, and others of Asian descent would have been returned to their ancestral homelands. Hispanics would have been forcibly transported to Mexico, and Black figures like Dr. Ben Carson, the conservative neurosurgeon, would have been exiled to Liberia.
From its inception, the United States was structured to be governed by affluent White men. The first elected legislative assembly in 1619 was exclusively composed of White male landowners known as the Burgesses. During that historic gathering, they crafted the early instruments of government, outlawed drunkenness, mandated the observance of the Sabbath, and, most significantly, sanctioned slavery. The Founding Fathers, driven by economic interests, sought to capitalize on the most lucrative trade of the era—human bondage. Their efficiency was unparalleled, as demonstrated in the summer of 1619 when the first enslaved Africans arrived in America aboard the “White Lion,” a private American vessel. Having intercepted a Portuguese slaver bound from Angola, this ship redirected its human cargo to the American shores, thus inaugurating the system of free labor that would fuel the nation’s prosperity for centuries.
Even amid extraordinary wealth and abundant prosperity, there was still extreme poverty in the land, like an unquenchable thirst. The level of opulence and abundance for the very wealthy was unimaginable, yet the level of abject poverty in the land was like hell. Enslaved individuals toiled without compensation, while poor Whites labored under conditions of subsistence wages, devoid of benefits, insurance, or retirement security. The gap between the affluent and the impoverished widened to unprecedented levels.
The Burgesses monopolized every facet of economic life, carving out power domains for themselves. John D. Rockefeller dominated oil, Cornelius Vanderbilt controlled shipping and railroads, and industrial titans such as Andrew Carnegie, J.P. Morgan, and Charles Schwab dictated the steel industry. Essential services—including banks, schools, hospitals, and fire brigades—were privatized, serving only those who could afford them. The social order was brutal: if one lacked financial means, they were denied access to education, medical care, and even emergency response. A fire brigade once arrived at a burning house to find the owner had not paid. The brigade parked before the house and watched it burn to ashes. These are not tales; these are things that have happened on this soil. This grim past serves as a harbinger of an impending reality. We are heading in that direction again.
Although significant strides have been made toward inclusivity and social justice, education has been a key driver of progress. Yet, as I write, Mr. Trump is poised to issue an executive order dismantling the Department of Education, a move that threatens to erode hard-won advancements in access to knowledge and upward mobility.
An economic siege is looming. History reminds us that in early America, only White male landowners could vote or hold office, wielding unchecked control over resources while leaving the working class in perpetual struggle. Today, the distribution of wealth reflects a similar paradigm: the top 1% of Americans control 30.8% of the nation’s wealth, while the next 9% holds 37%. Together, the top 10% possesses a staggering 67% of the country’s wealth. The top 50% controls 98% of wealth, leaving the bottom 50%—a demographic composed largely of Black, Brown, and poor White Americans—scrambling for a meager 2.5% share. Stock ownership is similarly skewed, with the wealthiest 1% holding 50% of all stocks while the bottom half of the population owns a mere 0.5%. These disparities are not incidental but result from deliberate policy decisions and by design.
Trump’s tax agenda further exacerbates this inequality. His proposed tax plan seeks to dismantle agencies such as USAID, eliminate the Department of Education, and terminate healthcare programs like Medicare and Medicaid. These cuts are designed to redirect public funds into the pockets of the ultra-wealthy. Should these policies come to fruition, the wealthiest 10% will consolidate their grip on an estimated 85% of the nation’s wealth, leaving the remaining 90% of Americans to compete for a dwindling 15%. The bottom 50%—a staggering 166 million people—will be left with less than 0.5% of the nation’s financial resources, creating a class of “desperate workers” serving the economic elite. Meanwhile, upon arrival, a new class of “Gold Card Citizens”—individuals who purchase citizenship for $5 million—will exploit this desperate labor force for their industries and enterprises.
The consequences extend beyond economics. With overwhelming financial dominance, the wealthiest elite will dictate the political landscape and buy elections. Already, Trump has dismantled the Independent Election Commission, consolidating electoral oversight under his direct control. This erosion of democratic safeguards threatens to entrench oligarchic rule, turning elections into transactions. The impending financial crisis will disproportionately impact Black, Brown, and impoverished White communities, plunging them into unprecedented hardship. Unlike past economic downturns—such as the 2008 recession or the COVID-19 pandemic—when public support mechanisms provided a safety net, even those lifelines will be severed this time. The elimination of public news outlets, including PBS, will further silence marginalized voices, stripping away avenues for awareness, advocacy, and hope.
America is under siege from within. The robbery is happening; the nation is plundered in darkness, with security dismantled and the lights deliberately extinguished. The media, once a pillar of truth and accountability, has been silenced. The United States is regressing to its plantation roots, where the ruling elite controls wealth, labor, and governance while the masses toil in servitude.
May God be with you. May God save America.
• Ariyo is a U.S.-based cardiologist and International Bestselling author of The Heart Chronicles.
The central bank of any country is a uniquely influential institution. Due to its mandate of maintaining monetary and financial stability in line with the economic vision of the government, everything it does can impact everyone. That is why a PhD. Economists and experienced bankers are the top picks for heading the banks.
This is why appointments at the central banks are always of interest to institutions, groups, and individuals. In Nigeria of today, the Central Bank of Nigeria is an institution of utmost public interest due to the state of the economy and the ongoing economic and financial reforms of the President Bola Tinubu administration.
But sadly, in Nigeria, appointments into the CBN are not seen as part of the building block for the country’s economic rejuvenation. The CBN is seen only as a juicy institution where the elites scramble for a seat at the table and where politicians invoke Federal Character provisions of the Nigerian Constitution to put their cronies in positions to access the wealth of the nation.
Whereas, in other times, where economic engineering is taken seriously, only the most talented look forward to a career in the institution. A statement about recruitment into the Bank of England (similar to that of the US Federal Reserve) describes the bank as an “intellectually stimulating” environment that is “highly professional.”
It further states that “While organisations in the private sector are focused primarily on profits, the ultimate objectives for us are always the quality of our thinking, the rigour of our analysis and the overall deliverables in line with our vision of promoting the good of the people of the United Kingdom by maintaining monetary and financial stability.”
Emphasising the importance of competence and professionalism for the bank, it says, “The issues we deal with on a daily basis have implications for everyone in the country.” This statement is as true for the United Kingdom as it is true for Nigeria today.
This is why the Central Bank of Nigeria under Governor Yemi Cardoso has broken with tradition. Cardoso, like his counterpart at the US Federal Reserve, Jerome H. Powell, is confronted by an economic reform that has brought financial hardship to the majority of citizens due to rising inflation.
But Cardoso’s reforms at the CBN portray a governor who takes his job seriously and is determined to deliver for the good of the country.
Aside from the monetary policy reforms of the CBN, many will welcome the thrilling news that the CBN recently recruited 16 new directors through a highly competitive process and not through arbitrary promotion. These appointments, which were more of an internal promotion exercise, took effect from March 3, and it affects critical departments of the apex bank such as Monetary Policy; Trade and Exchange; Banking Supervision; Payment Systems and Consumer Protection, among others.
The CBN reportedly engaged the global consultancy firm PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) to conduct the selection process for the directors from among top officials of the bank who applied, following an internal advertisement, to ensure only the most competent are elevated. It is highly commendable and in line with global best practices for central banks. It is certainly the type of promotion process needed by the CBN at this time.
Reports indicate that the PwC conducted a two-phase appointment process designed to eliminate bias in the recruitment and ensure the process is transparent. Many would wish that all critical national institutions in the country could also conduct their recruitments in this manner to ensure the right persons, no matter their ethnicity or religion, are put in charge.
Usually, for central banks, the recruitment process will include competency-based interviews, ability testing, occupational or motivational questionnaires, written assessments, case studies, and/or presentations. Anyone who scales through all these is an asset to the institution and must not be denied the chance to help the country because of their religion or where they come from as long as they’re Nigerians.
No one will be surprised by reports that the staff of the bank commended the selection process as objective, transparent, and merit-based. It is a far cry from past tradition, where directors are arbitrarily selected because of their connections with VIPs or because they’re favored by the CBN governor.
This break with tradition is widely seen in economic and financial circles as a step towards strengthening governance and operational efficiency of the apex bank. It signals a significant internal restructuring aimed at enhancing the bank’s operational efficiency and regulatory oversight. An internal memo quoted by Premium Times said the appointments were aimed at “achieving the Bank’s vision and mission for long-term success.”
A look at some of the new appointees also shows that diversity was one of the selection criteria – a point that can never be over-emphasised in a diverse country as Nigeria. While economic policy should be driven by capacity rather than regional or ethnic consideration, inclusivity is essential in a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country like Nigeria,
Mallam Abdullahi Hamisu, the newly appointed director of Banking Services, is from the north of the country. Before his appointment, he served as coordinator of banking services under the Operations Directorate. He now occupies a position that is pivotal to ensuring smooth banking operations across the nation.
Sike Rita Ijeoma, one of the appointees from the South East, is the director of the Financial Policy and Regulation Department. She was formerly the director of the Banking Supervision of CBN. Her expertise and leadership earned her the new position where she is expected to significantly push the CBN’s mission of maintaining a stable and efficient financial system in Nigeria.
Akinwunmi Olubukola Akinniyi, from the southwest, is the director of the Banking Supervision Department. He was an assistant director in the Payments System Management Department of the CBN before his new appointment. He is credited with leading the team responsible for the formulation of payment system policies and facilitating stakeholder consensus on payment system development strategy in Nigeria.
He also participated in major reforms in the Nigerian Payments System, including the implementation of the Nigeria Central Switch, Cashless Policy, and the Payments System Vision 2020.
Oboh Victor Ugbem, a senior development economist, is the new director of the Monetary Policy Department. Victor, who is from the South-south of the country, has over 20 years’ experience in the areas of monetary, financial, and agricultural policies as well as private sector development.
He was formerly an assistant director in the CBN, providing technical support to the design and implementation of the Bank’s policies.
In what appears to be a reflection of the prominent role women now play in the board rooms of commercial banks in the country, the CBN has promoted six women to the position of directors in charge of crucial departments. They are: Yusuf Rakiya Opeyemi – Director, Payment System Supervision: Mrs. Jide-Samuel Omoyemen Avbasowamen – Director, Information Technology: Aisha Isa-Olatinwo – Director, Consumer Protection: Mrs. Sike Rita Ijeoma – Director, Financial Policy and Regulation: Mrs. Monsurat Vincent (Strategy Management and Innovation and Dr. Adenike Olubunmi Ojumu (Medical Services).
Other directors named in the appointment are Dr. Usman Moses Okpanachi (Statistics), Mr. Farouk Mujtaba Muhammad (Reserve Management), Dr. Adetona Sikiru Adedeji, (Currency Operation and Branch Management Department), Mr. Mohammed-Jamiu Olayemi Solaja,(Other Financial Institutions Supervision Department) and Mr. Musa Nakorji (Trade and Exchange Department).
Analysts of the CBN reforms have commended the inclusivity of the appointments despite being merit-based as proof of its objectivity and transparency. Kudos to the CBN Governor for navigating the vexing challenge of federal character while searching for the brightest minds within the system.
It is only when we put people in positions where their skills and qualifications are best suited that we can get positive results. This is what the US Federal Reserve, the Bank of England, and other central banks do to be at the top of their game.
It is hoped that the processes leading to the appointments of these 16 directors would become a tradition to ensure that only bright minds are put in charge of executing the mandates of the apex bank. For the sake of Nigeria and Nigerians.
Cardoso has raised the bar and blazed the trail. He would be judged by the success or failure of his reforms and innovations. On the economic horizon, the weather is getting brighter, and there are reasons to be optimistic.
Nigeria’s economy is recovering faster than anticipated. Inflation eased to 24.5% in January, while Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows are rising, and the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is expanding.
The BusinessDay reported over the weekend that the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN)-led Monetary Policy Committee’s decision to maintain interest rates at its last meeting has fuelled a rally in Nigeria’s Eurobond market, reinforcing foreign investors’ confidence in the domestic economy.
The paper wrote that the investment report shows that Nigeria’s Eurobond market closed the month of February in positive territory, signaling sustained foreign investor confidence. Quoting data from the Debt Management Office (DMO), it said the average yield on Nigeria’s Eurobonds closed at 8.80 percent, 41 basis points down from 9.21 percent at the beginning of February, signaling “strong investor appetite.”
The CBN is proving doubters of its reforms wrong. Cardoso and his team of brilliant deputy governors are doing a good job of brainstorming for the public good. They are showing that the central bank is a laboratory of ideas and not a casino for sleazy men in suits. They deserve the support of all Nigerians to rescue the country from the economic abyss into which years of thoughtless leadership have plunged it.
But no doubt, critics would continue to analyse every action of the CBN because of what the organisation represents. So, just as several economic analysts have done, the purpose of this write-up is to urge the team not to rest on its oars.
Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, is facing a daunting challenge: feeding its growing population amidst the devastating effects of climate change. Rising temperatures, erratic rainfall patterns, and increased frequency of extreme weather events are taking a toll on the country’s agricultural sector, putting food sustainability at risk.
Agricultural Productivity Declines:Climate change is altering the delicate balance of Nigeria’s ecosystem, leading to reduced agricultural productivity. Farmers, who rely heavily on rain-fed agriculture, are struggling to adapt to the changing weather patterns. The consequences are dire: lower crop yields, reduced livestock productivity, and decreased food security.
Food Insecurity on the Rise: The impact of climate change on food security is already being felt in Nigeria. An estimated 25 million Nigerians were undernourished in 2018, a staggering 180% increase over the previous decade. The situation is likely to worsen unless urgent action is taken to address the root causes of climate change and its effects on agriculture.
Way Forward
To mitigate the effects of climate change on food sustainability, Nigeria must adopt a multi-faceted approach, in the following ways:
Sustainable Agriculture Practices: Promote climate-resilient agricultural practices, such as irrigation, drought-resistant crop varieties, and agroforestry.
Climate-Smart Agriculture: Invest in research and development of climate-smart agricultural technologies and practices.
Food Storage and Distribution: Improve food storage and distribution infrastructure to reduce post-harvest losses and ensure food availability.
International Cooperation: Collaborate with international partners to access climate finance, technology, and expertise.
A Call to Action
The threat of climate change to food sustainability in Nigeria is real and pressing. It requires immediate attention and action from policymakers, farmers, and the international community. We must work together to ensure that Nigeria’s growing population has access to nutritious and sustainable food, now and in the future.
Climate-smart agriculture (CSA) is an approach to agricultural development that aims to increase agricultural productivity and incomes while reducing greenhouse gas emissions and improving resilience to climate change.
Key Principles of CSA include the following:
Sustainable Agricultural Productivity: Improve crop yields, livestock productivity, and agricultural efficiency while maintaining ecosystem services.
Climate Change Adaptation: Enhance farmers’ ability to adapt to climate-related stresses, such as droughts, floods, and heatwaves.
Climate Change Mitigation: Reduce greenhouse gas emissions from agricultural activities, such as nitrous oxide and methane emissions.
Resilience and Risk Management: Strengthen farmers’ resilience to climate-related shocks and stresses, and improve risk management practices.
CSA Practices and Technologies:
Agroforestry: Integrating trees into farming systems to promote biodiversity and reduce soil erosion.
Conservation Agriculture: Minimizing soil disturbance, maintaining soil cover, and using crop rotations to reduce erosion and improve soil health.
Irrigation Management: Improving water use efficiency and reducing water waste through precision irrigation systems.
Climate-Resilient Crop and Animal Varieties: Developing and using crop and animal varieties that are tolerant to climate-related stresses.
Soil Carbon Sequestration: Implementing practices that enhance soil carbon storage, such as reduced tillage and cover cropping.
Benefits of CSA:
Improved Agricultural Productivity: Increased crop yields and livestock productivity.
Enhanced Resilience: Improved ability to adapt to climate-related stresses.
Reduced Greenhouse Gas Emissions: Lower emissions from agricultural activities.
Improved Livelihoods: Increased incomes and improved food security for farmers and rural communities.
Challenges and Limitations:
Limited Access to Finance: Insufficient funding for CSA practices and technologies.
Lack of Institutional Support: Inadequate policies, regulations, and extension services.
Climate Information and Advisory Services: Limited access to climate information and advisory services.
Soil Degradation and Water Scarcity: Pre-existing soil and water constraints can limit the effectiveness of CSA practices.
Here are some climate-smart agriculture (CSA) practices:
Dr. Adebayo Matthew, Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan), Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control – badeleye@gmail.com +234 803 525 6450
The Sisters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus (SSH), has a unique history and mission.
It is a Roman Catholic female Religious Institute founded on April 6, 1975, by the Late Most Rev. Patrick Ebosele Ekpu, the Emeritus Archbishop of Benin City Archdiocese.
In the aftermath of the Nigerian Civil War, the then Bishop Patrick Ebosele Ekpu envisioned an indigenous female Religious Institute that would promote healing, unity, and reconciliation among Nigerians.
Recognizing the devastating effects of tribal animosity and hatred, he established the Institute on a foundation of love, welcoming women from diverse ethnic backgrounds.
This visionary approach embodied the Gospel prayer of Jesus Christ: “That they may be one” (John 17:21). Reflecting this ideal, the Institute adopted the motto “Ut unum sint” – “That they may be one” – and a heartfelt greeting: “In Jesus, we are one!”
On August 24, 1986, during one of the Institute’s temporary Religious Profession of Vows, the Father Founder opined “In the spirit of Christ and His Church I am sending you to be a sign of God’s presence among His children, to salvage the battered image of the Nigerian womanhood, to reform morals, to bring care and upliftment to the downtrodden, to bring the light of the Gospel to those in darkness and superstition, spiritual freedom to those enslaved by their desires and sins, faith to the doubtful, hope to the despondent, love to those rejected by the society, succour to the ailing in spirit and joy to the sorrowing, in short, to be a leaven of our society and recreate a world fit for our God.”
To this day, the Sisters remain committed to fostering unity and love, bridging ethnic and tribal divides across Nigeria and beyond. As African daughters living the spirit of the Gospel, they seamlessly integrate their cultural heritage into their lives, embracing the continent’s rich values and traditions.
Their distinctive religious habit proudly reflects this African identity, featuring traditional hand-woven “Aso-Oke” fabrics crafted into a vibrant blue and white buba and wrapper, symbolizing the dignity and beauty of African womanhood.
Dedicated to evangelization and service, the SSH focus on promoting devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, empowering and uplifting marginalized women, providing education through school and community development initiatives, offering compassionate care through hospital ministry and counseling services, and collaborating in pastoral ministry to support the local community.
As the SSH marks her Golden Jubilee, they reflect on their blessings and losses, gratefully acknowledging their service to humanity. One poignant loss still deeply felt is the heroic sacrifice of Sr. Dr. Henrietta Ebosiogwe Alokha, SSH.
Like the selfless Pelican, symbolized in the ancient hymn “Pie Pellicane Iesu Domine” (O good Pelican, Jesus my Lord), Sr. Henrietta gave her life to save others on March 15, 2020, during a devastating gas pipeline explosion at Bethlehem Girls College, Abule Ado, Lagos. She courageously evacuated all 200 students from the collapsing building, ultimately surrendering her own life in the process.
Sr. Josephine Ebuehi, SSH, the present Superior General of the Institute, in a recent interview said: “Late Sr. Henrietta embodied the spirit of the Religious Institute – the spirit of love, which she depicted even unto death. This is the same spirit of love that forms our essence as an Institute, as well as in the discharging of our work of service to humanity. Her sacrifice will always be remembered.”
In honour of Sr. Dr. Henrietta’s legacy, the Institute established the Sr. Henrietta Alokha Endowment Fund for Indigent Children (SHAEFIC), which provides educational opportunities to underprivileged children, with a special focus on empowering young girls through education.
Through their ministry of presence, the Institute has established a strong presence in Nigeria, operating in 20 communities across the Country, as well as in 4 communities overseas.
The Institute is grateful to God for all that He has done for them, all that He has made possible through their ministries for the past 50 years of their existence, while trusting Him to continue to uphold them in His Sacred Heart.
Embracing their African heritage and fostering unity among diverse cultures, the Sisters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus incarnate love, compassion, and selfless service to humanity.
With hearts open to welcome young Catholic women from every tribe and tongue, they invite those with a deep faith in God and a willingness to follow in Christ’s footsteps to join them in this noble service to humanity. Rooted in the conviction that “in God’s presence, there is fullness of joy” (Psalm 16:11), they radiate joy, peace, and hope to all they serve.
Heartfelt congratulations to our dear Sisters on this milestone occasion! Your unwavering dedication to God’s work through evangelization and your consecrated life is truly inspiring. May this Golden Jubilee celebration be filled with joy, gratitude, and blessings.
50 Hearty Cheers to many more years of faithful service!
Written by Peace Omozusi Uzama, a Mass Communication Student of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai (IBBUL)
Opposition politicians have revved up their engine again ahead of the 2027 election. They are busy meeting, engaging in visitations, regrouping, and strategising under various platforms. And recently at a two-day event in Abuja themed “Strengthening Nigeria’s Democracy: Pathway to Good Governance and Political Integrity,” some of these opposition figures huffed and puffed, upbraiding the present government and disparaging President Bola Tinubu and the governing All Progressives Congress. Some of them, like the former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, have taken advantage of various public speaking opportunities to condemn the government’s policy options and decisions but offered little or no alternative course of action.
This is dismaying. During the Second Republic when the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria leader, the late sage Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was the Leader of Opposition, he would dissect the policies of the National Party of Nigeria government of President Shehu Shagari, cut it down into granular details and offer clear, convincing and actionable alternatives. Awolowo’s interventions provided useful solutions that would have bolstered Nigeria’s economy and enriched our democracy, but unfortunately, that era lasted only four years and three months as the military struck.
President Tinubu has barely spent two years in office. Yet, political opponents have upped the ante in a desperate move to grab power in 2027. The latest move in this direction was the visit last week of the defeated Peoples Democratic Party candidate in the 2023 presidential election, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, to former President Olusegun Obasanjo at his Abeokuta, Ogun State hilltop residence. Atiku was in company with former Sokoto State governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, former Cross River State governor Liyel Imoke and Senator Abdul Ningi from Bauchi State, all of the crisis-ridden PDP. The former vice president claimed the meeting had nothing to do with 2027. Anyone who believes him on that will believe anything. There was also New Nigeria People’s Party leader, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwanso, who travelled all the way to Lagos from Kano to confer with former Osun State governor Rauf Aregbesola to discuss issues believed to be in connection with 2027. Ogbeni Aregbesola is leading the Omoluabi Group in Osun.
Three sets of opposition groups are discernible at the moment. One group comprises President Tinubu’s opponents in the 2023 election who have refused to see, and perhaps may never see, anything good in the present government, hard as the administration works to reverse the past mistakes and dwindling fortunes of the country. These men contested the last election with the President and were roundly defeated both at the ballot and in court. However, they have continued to carry on as if the 2023 election cycle has not ended. In this group are former VP Atiku and former Labour Party presidential candidate Peter Obi. Their depleting rank of supporters, called the Atikulated and Obidents, are in league with them in this cantankerous behaviour.
The second group is made up of some erstwhile APC chieftains who claim to still belong in the party but have constituted themselves into opposition elements within. Bitter and vicious, they include former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi and some others who rightly or wrongly feel entitled to political appointmens and government patronage. Amaechi had detached himself from the APC since he lost out at the APC primaries in August 2022.
The last group is composed of former APC leaders who are completely out of the party but now vigorously working against the party’s interests. Ogbeni Aregbesola belongs in this group.
These three groups of opposition figures are working to take over power in 2027. They are aiming at forming a coalition to unseat APC. None has been consummated as of this time.
It is relevant to ask: why are opposition parties in our climes unduly fixated about taking over power? It may be argued that the zero-sum nature of our politics, the winner-takes-all syndrome, is a contributory factor. But then, the role of opposition parties in a democracy is much more crucial. It is critical in determining the level of accountability and acceptability of governing parties as well as the overall quality of a country’s democracy.
In his seminal work on the “Role of Opposition Parties in Developing Democracies” published in a journal by Democracy Works Foundation, Williams Gumede posits that,
“Opposition parties provide alternative visions, policies, and leaders to the governing party. They scrutinise government decisions, policies, and actions – and play oversight over the executive and the public administration. They defend the voters’ interests – not only their constituencies, but all the country’s voters.”
Indeed, opposition parties’ capacity to show the electorate they are credible alternatives is crucial to the credibility of the democratic system. The strength of the opposition in a democracy plays a key role in the quality of that democracy and, by extension, the effectiveness of the state. Gumede adds that, “a democratic system is significantly undermined if the opposition does not offer any credible alternatives to the governing party, is invisible in the public debate or does not have a public profile beyond during elections.”
Although many will reckon that 2027 is still a long time and according to a Yoruba adage, the sun out there can still dry the clothes, nonetheless, it is doubtful if the opposition as currently constituted in Nigeria is capable of ousting the APC in 2027.
This is why I surmise this way: the major opposition parties, the PDP, Labour Party, and of course NNPP are neck deep in crisis. They parade fragile leadership with seemingly unending court litigations. Generally, the opposition seems too uncoordinated and lacks focus. Any alliance by such groups can only be fickle and fissiparous. These opposition politicians are being driven by personal ambition, and not the interest of the country.
Also, the matter of power rotation between the North and South over two terms is also an important factor that may work against the opposition. This factor and the machinations over 2027 may have prompted the Secretary to the Government of the Federation Senator George George Akume and APC National Chairman Abdullahi Ganduje to ask the North to wait till 2031 for another shot at power, arguing that President Muhammadu Buhari from the North had done eight years in office and that the South should be allowed to complete its eight years as well.
APC National Secretary Senator Ajibola Basiru spoke on this seeming emptiness of the disgruntled opposition groups. In an interview with the Nigerian Tribune published on Wednesday, February 12, 2025, he doubted if the opposition parties had what it takes to successfully cobble a merger or form a united front against the APC.
He declared: “The question is, for the economic policies of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, what are the alternatives that the opposition has brought out, beyond just planning for the 2027 election. If 2027 comes, what do they want to campaign with, and what alternatives are you giving the people. They don’t have any alternative. The so-called opposition groups are just power-mongers. The only job they have is that they want to access government power for personal aggrandizement without any program or policies for the Nigerian people. I’m not a soothsayer, but they will not be able to merge because all the leading opposition figures are driven by personal ambitions.”
Do I agree with the APC National Secretary? I think so.
-Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media, Publicity and Special Duties.
When the politics-administration dichotomy inaugurated the practice of public administration, what was intended was a critical need to bifurcate the logic of the two in ways that will extend the relationship between the politicians and the administrator and make it more efficient. The politician is then, within the logic of the dichotomy, restricted to policy formulation while the administrator is confined to the realm of policy implementation. Reality however defeats the neat boundary between the two. Politics and administration, in practical reality, are almost inseparable. And one would expect that the relationship between political science and public administration discourse will reflect this inseparability. Unfortunately, it does not. The separation undermines the fundamental urgency of addressing the political foundation of administrative research and practices, especially as they relate with the issues of power, governance, politics and democracy.
Political science descriptively and critically studies political phenomena and how they contribute to our understanding of the political community. Significantly, political science analyzes the fundamental role that power plays in the articulation of politics especially in the attempt to unravel the dynamics of the political community and its social and political circumferences and trajectories. Public administration is the very embodiment of the state as the most critical embodiment of politics. The state is made most visible within the frameworks and institutional workings of public administration, especially through the public sector and the public services. The straightforward argument is that the political and administrative reality of any state cannot be studied in isolation of each other. This seems obvious enough given that each of political science and public administration reinforces each other in terms of shedding light on the complex and intricate workings of the state and its response to the citizens and the commonwealth. In other words, there is no way the concepts of power and governance, for example, would not intersect political and administrative questions, and complicate them. The issues of democratic governance and innovation, and collaborative governance demand thinking of the interplay between politics science and administration.
In my many years as a deep insider career bureaucrat in the public service, I have been aware not only of the role that politics play in administrative matters, and vice versa. I have also been apprised of how political acts of commission and omission actively promote or undermine the public service. Indeed, my theoretical and practical researches into the dynamics of government business and institutional reforms highlights how political and administrative factors interact. My deep worry however is that political science and public administration discourses in Nigeria carry on as if these interactions and interrelations are at best trivial or at worst non-existence. For instance, in institutional terms, there is nothing to write home about in the existence and possible cross-fertilizing relationship between the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA) and the National Association for Public Administration and Management (NAPAM). Indeed, there cannot be such a cross-fertilization because while NPSA is active, NAPAM has remained comatose. And the vision and mission statement of NPSA is not broad enough to take in administrative matters and concerns, or the interplay of politics and administration.
The most fundamental observation that my status as a scholar-bureaucrat in the federal civil service afforded me is a practical understanding of the nature of the fundamental disconnections in public administration practices and the consequences on the state’s responsibility to her citizens, all due to crucial assumptions and principles that have been left lying fallow and unattended to in an interdisciplinary discourse and cross fertilization between political science scholarship and public administration theories and practice. A few examples suffice. In 1966, Nigeria shifted away from the parliamentary system of government and, after the long interregnum of military administrations, resumed with the presidential system, enshrined in the 1979 Constitution. This move was preceded by the Dotun Phillips studies report of 1985, and the Civil Service Reorganization Decree of 1988, which aligned the civil service with the presidential system of government. However, even with the reversal of the reform frameworks by the Ayida reform of 1995, it is still clear that many of Nigeria’s administrative practices still retain aspects of parliamentary elements that could be one source of unresolved structural troubles necessitating performance inefficiency.
This has some other implications for the practice of federalism and the stabilization of Nigeria’s governance structure. Since the intervention of the military in 1966 and the subsequent militarization of Nigeria’s political and governance structure of the Nigerian state, the federal arrangement that ought to have been the natural remedy for the unruly ethnonational diversity became compromised. For instance, inter-governmental relations and the critical need for fiscal federalism became caught in the cracks of constitutional and institutional dysfunction. The Babangida administration, through the recommendation of the IBB’s Presidential Advisory Committee, established the National Council for Inter-Governmental Relations (NCIS) as one in a series of government’s efforts—like the Centre for Democratic Studies (CDS), National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies, Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies, etc.—to rehabilitate Nigeria’s governance and administrative structures.
All this goes to demonstrate a cogent reason why the political and the administrative in Nigeria’s governance context cannot be separated, even in terms of theoretical argumentation. Political science scholarship, in longing for an interdisciplinary relationship with public administration, must recognize how the latter has evolved first as a sub-discipline of political science, and later as a multidisciplinary endeavor that encompasses insights drawn from management science, organizational psychology, sociology, statistics, industrial engineering, computer science, etc. from which it draws to invigorate its curriculum and pedagogy. This point is still not demonstrated in the disciplinary silos that define the existence of political science on the one hand and public administration on the other in Nigerian universities. In some universities, public administration functions in a different faculty, or is its own faculty, as different from the faculty of the social sciences. And so, scholars carry out their scholarly discourses in different contexts, oblivious of the grave challenges that the Nigerian administrative and governance predicament pose to their theoretical and practical separation.
In what follows, I will point attention at a few contentious institutional matters to which I have gestured in many of my works, but which I contend require the critical interrogation of political scientists.
First, there is the recurrent issue of the need to keep clarifying the nature and the role of the state in terms of administrative efficiency. While the state is central to the analysis of power, and constitutes one of the central thematic focus of political science scholarship, the fundamental need to redefine the role of the state has often not been taken up in terms of its significance for the restructuring of the ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) that are the critical engine room for measuring the developmental successes of the state. Aligning the role of the state to the understanding of the MDA becomes crucial as it facilitates the reform of the MDAs in terms of the need to remodel and strengthen their core vis-à-vis their non-core functions as both relate to the service delivery function of government. This could also instigate the urgency of conducting institutional audit that is crucial not only to determining the performance status of many state agencies, but to also jumpstart organizational development dynamics that are meant to motivate the movement of structures to institutions. It is institutions, rather than mere structures that government requires to undermine governance failure.
Second, political science scholarship in Nigeria is necessarily confronted by the need to clarify and explicate the thorny issue of the relationship between the administrative operational dynamics of the executive arm of government in terms of its apparatuses—like the Federal Executive Council—and the working of the American-styled presidential system of government. This is a key concern given that Nigeria’s adoption of many institutional dynamics has remained problematic in terms of relating them to her political and administrative realities. For instance, acute and critical attention need to be paid also to the political economy involved in the executive-legislature relations, and the implications deriving from the planning and budgeting processes from legislative oversight to appropriation and budget implementation. Peter Ekeh’s analysis of migrated structures alert us to the danger of adopting these structures without paying critical attention to their value orientation and the political realities of where they are coming from.
Democratic governance and all its ancillary structural and administrative apparatuses encompass a host of issues that require critical analyses. Since the notion of the public good and the commonwealth, in the idea of good democratic governance, constitute the formidable core of the relationship between politics, public management and public administration, then the discourse around stakeholder management, participatory governance, performance management and accountability become key and critical core issues that interact with the way we see politics, administration and citizenship. The recent discourse on the resuscitation of local governance, through the landmark decision of the Supreme Court to legally reinvigorate the constitutional strength of local government in Nigeria, points at the significance of connecting community development structures and traditional institutions to the state systems and democratic enablement through the principle of social capital and subsidiarity.
To reiterate, the predicament of the postcolonial Nigerian state demands that political science scholarship must necessarily and urgently signal an interdisciplinary collaboration that will instigate a ferment of theoretical, practical and institutional discourses from which both can expect not only to refresh their internal discursive vibrancy, but also collectively contribute to the understanding of the working of the Nigerian state and her capacity to induce participatory democratic governance.
Climate change has emerged as one of the most pressing global challenges of our time, affecting ecosystems, economies, and communities. The ability to predict its impacts is crucial for effective planning, mitigation, and adaptation strategies. This article explores the methods used to predict climate change and showcases notable cases of predicted climate-related disasters and occurrences.
Methods of Predictions
Climate Models: Climate models are fundamental tools for predicting future climate conditions. They simulate the Earth’s climate system, incorporating various elements such as the atmosphere, oceans, land surface, and ice. There are several types of models. These include:
General Circulation Models (GCMs): These are complex simulations that account for the physical processes in the atmosphere and oceans. GCMs can project temperature changes, precipitation patterns, and extreme weather events under different greenhouse gas emission scenarios.
Regional Climate Models (RCMs): RCMs focus on smaller geographical areas, providing detailed predictions that are crucial for local planning and adaptation. They are often used to assess the impacts of climate change on specific regions.
Statistical Methods: Statistical techniques analyze historical climate data to identify trends and patterns. By applying these methods, researchers can make projections about future climate conditions. Common statistical methods include:
Regression Analysis: This technique helps to establish relationships between climate variables, such as temperature and CO2 levels, allowing for future predictions based on historical trends.
Time Series Analysis: Time series data can be examined to forecast future climate conditions by identifying cyclical patterns and trends over time.
Remote Sensing: Remote sensing technology utilizes satellites and aerial imagery to gather data on climate variables such as land surface temperature, vegetation cover, and ice melt. This data is invaluable for monitoring changes in climate and assessing the impacts of climate change on different ecosystems.
Machine Learning and Artificial Intelligence (AI): Recent advancements in machine learning and artificial intelligence (AI) have opened new avenues for climate predictions. These technologies can analyze large datasets, identify patterns, and make predictions about climate impacts more efficiently than traditional methods. AI is increasingly used to improve the accuracy of climate models and enhance predictive capabilities.
Cases of Predictions and Climate Change-Related Disasters
Hurricane Katrina (2005): Predictions of increased hurricane intensity due to climate change have been a subject of intense study. In 2005, Hurricane Katrina devastated New Orleans, leading to massive flooding and loss of life. While specific forecasts for Katrina were not directly tied to climate change, scientists had warned of the potential for more severe storms as global temperatures rise.
California Wildfires: In recent years, California has experienced an increase in the frequency and intensity of wildfires, attributed to rising temperatures and prolonged drought conditions. Climate models had predicted these trends, and as a result, state agencies have implemented proactive measures for fire prevention and response.
European Heat waves: Predictions of extreme heat events in Europe have become more frequent. The summer of 2019 saw record-breaking temperatures across the continent, leading to health crises and agricultural losses. Studies using climate models had indicated that such heat waves would become more common due to climate change, prompting discussions on heat adaptation strategies.
Melting Polar Ice Caps: The accelerated melting of polar ice caps has been a stark prediction of climate models. Observations from satellites have confirmed that Arctic ice is declining faster than expected, contributing to rising sea levels. Predictions of coastal flooding and habitat loss for polar species have been substantiated by ongoing research.
Droughts in Sub-Saharan Africa: Predictions of increased drought frequency in Sub-Saharan Africa have been linked to changing rainfall patterns due to climate change. Many regions have experienced severe droughts, impacting food security and water availability. Climate models had indicated that these trends would worsen, prompting humanitarian responses and adaptation strategies.
In conclusion, as the effects of climate change become increasingly apparent, the importance of accurate predictions cannot be overstated. Through the use of advanced climate models, statistical methods, remote sensing, and AI, scientists are better equipped to understand and anticipate the impacts of climate change. Notable cases of climate-related disasters serve as reminders of the urgency to act. By leveraging predictive methods, societies can develop more effective strategies for mitigation and adaptation, ultimately working toward a more sustainable future.
• Dr. Adebayo Matthew, Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan) is a Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control badeleye@gmail.com +234 803 525 6450
His concern for the dilapidated Zik Hostel at the University of Nigeria was what drove him home to see the value he could add. But his desire to see the renovation of the infrastructure named after the first President of Nigeria, Dr Nnmadi Azikiwe was not to be, due to the bureaucratic bottleneck of the civil service system. He opted to build a mind-blowing 13,000-bed space Hostel from scratch. That dream is nearing completion. This generous soul, who is publicity shy, has endorsed President Tinubu as the “Orekelewa” of Enugu.
Ahead of 2027, it is of strategic importance that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu builds political goodwill in the Region. Reflecting on his tortuous journey to the villa in 2023, the South East as a whole, gave the President 136,521 votes. Thank God for the earliest intervention of the Supreme Court in the politics of the Region that saw Hope Uzodinma through to the Government House in January 2020. From Imo came the highest votes in the region of 66,408, followed by Ebonyi 42,402, Abia 8,914, Anambra 5,111, if the President’s performance in the region in 2023 was abysmal, Enugu State was the worst for it, giving him only 4,772 votes of his total 8,794,726 with which INEC declared him the President. A state that gave Atiku 15,749 and Obi 428,640 votes gave the President just 4,772 votes.
Politicians in Lagos, the base of the President didn’t help issues. Their recourse to tribal politics unleashed “war” against the Igbo that left many observers worried about future elections in the country.
Intended or not “Awa lokan” made the President look like a tribal lord in pursuit of the conquest of Nigeria for his tribe. The Yoruba jumped on this and marketed him among his tribe with such phrases as: “omo eni ki se idi bebere, ka fi ileke si idi omo elo miran”. Meaning; you can’t have a child with a robust waist and put waist beads on another person’s daughter’s.
Politics, someone once said, is war without blood and war, is politics with blood. This philosophy, more than anything, is what is lost on many of us who are advocates of a civilized political process. 2023, was no doubt a political “war”!
Was it with or without blood?
Beyond the media hype are our various encounters, from Rivers to Lagos, Kano, Delta and Anambra. The Tracker placed to record their findings, Kano State recorded the highest deaths consequence of electoral violence at 20 deaths, a total of 109 stories were of blood. In spite of scoring less than 0.06, the peace that produced the result in Enugu no one should deny. While leaving you to decide on the bloodiness of 2023, one thing is clear, it was fiercely fought by the side in power today.
Ours is a divided country, along the line of tribes and religion. This however gets widened during the political seasons. There is no such thing as fairness at war, except victory! To a Generalissimo, peace can wait till after the victory is obtained.
This is the lesson from the visit of the President to Enugu State. The war is over, it is time for peace. Particularly with a State that peacefully established their political preference. The mission of the President in my estimation is the need for peace before the next electoral war.
It is amusing that the “ajagun gbade” of Nigeria who scored 4,772 votes in the last election, like an ancient warlord arrived at Enugu to the chanting of songs by the women in Enugu State, all dressed in white blouses and red wrappers with matching head gears.
Many songs were sung but one caught my attention;
“Eke eke, with the chorus, “Asiwaju”.
Eke eke, Asiwaju,
Orekelewa, Asiwaju,
2027, Asiwaju.
2027 ki Olorun gbega!
“Iku Kole muyin”; a prayer line that death wouldn’t snatch him, also made the line of the song. The leader, welcomed the President in Yoruba; with “Your Excellency, e kaabo si ilu Enugu”!
It was followed by Peter Mbah’s street genre: Peter Mbah is here! Our tomorrow is here. If 2027 is tomorrow and Peter Mbah as the symbol of that tomorrow is set to fly APC brand, Tinubu obviously can’t produce the same result he did in Enugu in 2023 come 2027.
The Omo Eni of the Yoruba Nation whose waist was decorated with beads of political power of the office of the President, had the purpose of the bead on his waist realized when he arrived to a warm welcome of over 4,772 citizens of Enugu State. The word “orekelewa” interjected the songs of the women from time to time. Added “Ewa” is the goal of fixing beads on the waist of one’s daughter, “oreke” is the swinging seductive movement made by a waist that is decorated with beads. The Omo Eni of the Yoruba Nation as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has been confirmed as the “orekelewa” of Enugu State, will this seductive visit lead to a happy marriage between the state and the “orekelewa” presented to the people by His Excellency Peter Mbah, come 2027? Time and engagements will determine the faith of the beautiful bride that President Tinubu has become to the people of Enugu state.
Significantly remarkable is this visit, being President Tinubu’s first official visit to any state this year. The President commissioned many completed, ongoing and near-completion legacy, people-oriented, developmental projects. Some inherited from the previous administration, many of which were initiated, commenced and completed by Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah since assuming office nineteen months ago.
Major among projects commissioned by President Tinubu include some completed Smart Green Schools, Dazzling International Conference Centre that has made Enugu a conferencing state of international standard and first of its type in any state in Nigeria, completed primary healthcare centres, several kilometres of asphalted urban and rural roads, completed modern bus terminals and others.
President Tinubu’s visit, I believe, has confirmed and affirmed the testimonies and statements others who had visited the state before him, among such is Alhaji Kashim Shettima, and other federal government appointees who had seen and testified to Governor Mbah’s outstanding performance, good governance and giant strides that have transformed and changed the landscape of Enugu State within a short period like never before.
Amplifying the relevance of the President’s support for Local Government Autonomy as a means of grassroots political control and development ahead of 2027 is a statement personally signed by, Dr. Ndu the Chairman of Ezeagu Local Government Area of Enugu State, “This commissioning visit will undoubtedly stimulate the anticipated economic growth of our state and reinforce the confidence of Ndi Enugu in your administration as well as that of our esteemed Governor, His Excellency Dr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah.”
The statement reads: ”Ndi Ezeagu heartily welcomes our amiable President, His Excellency Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR, the Commander in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Federal Republic of Nigeria to our dear Enugu state.
”Sir, your project commissioning visit indeed will stimulate the expected Economic growth of our state and reaffirm the confidence of Ndi Enugu on your administration and that of our beloved Governor; His Excellency Dr Peter Ndubuisi Mbah.
Ndi Ezeagu joyfully congratulates our dear polyfunctional Governor, His Excellency Barr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah for his giant developmental strides and massive infrastructural impacts on Ezeagu LGA”.
He went on to list the projects that touched the lives of his people in Ezeagu Local Government Area as;
1. Construction of 44.8km Ama Brewery -Eke – Akama – Iwollo- Olo to Umulokpa Road with a spur (Completed) to Aguobu Owa.
2. On-going construction of the 39km Omughu- Obeleagu- Obunofia – Aguobu Umumba- Ugwuoba Road.
3. On-going construction of 21km Aguobu Umumba- Orie Engine – Umumba Ndiagu – Ebenebe border Road.
4. Construction of 20 Enugu Green smart schools across the 20 wards in Ezeagu Local Government Area
5. Construction of 20 type 2 primary health care facilities in 20 wards in Ezeagu Local Government Area
6. Revitalisation of the United Palm Project for integrated Palm project in Ibite Olo Ezeagu LGA and many more.
He cast the dice of the 2027 game when he said; “God has blessed our state and nation with the best leaders of our time. Indeed our tomorrow is here!
Will the President play along with Mbah in the ‘tomorrow’s’ game?
The visit also offered President Tinubu the opportunity to see why Governor Mbah’s administration has consistently been in the news for good reasons and remained a reference point for good governance and intentional leadership in Nigeria, in recent times.
President Tinubu’s visit to Enugu State to see and commission some completed and ongoing projects, despite party differences with Gov. Mbah is clearly a steward of Nation and a Nation Builder’s approach to leadership against the unfortunate practice of political enmities that has robbed us of leadership productivity. Mbah, is a leader who understands the dynamics and limitations of opposition politics and how to balance the same for the good people of Enugu to attract development to his State.
If Governor Mbah is elected to do what he is doing, there are sons and daughters of Enugu State whose appreciation of Mr President as a result of the visit is further decorating the “orekelewa” that the President has become in Enugu. Such generous individuals, particularly some of whom are residents of Lagos. Governor Mbah and the President should be partnering with. Worthy of mention is the effort of a Lagos born, ‘bred and buttered’ business mogul, an Apostle, and a nation builder, who has exported the goodwill of his sojourn in Lagos back to Enugu State.
The CEO Viagem Property and Investment said he is prepared to name the facility after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu if given the opportunity to immortalise the visit of the President to Enugu on the Campus of UNN and to embark on the renovation of the monument named after the Zik of Africa at the UNN.
The 13,000-bed space project began in 2020. When I asked him why he would do a thing like that? He said, contrary to what many in the East are fed with, the Yorubas are friendly to the Igbos amongst them and Lagos as the home and political base of the President has been so kind to him.
The project:
The VIAGEM / UNN Build-Operate-Transfer Students Hostels, designed to accommodate on full completion, about 13,000 students of the University Of Nigeria Nsukka is a Project being solely financed by Viagem Property & Investment Limited; a Construction Company solely owned by our modern day “Joseph of Arimathea”.
The Project construction works began in the year 2020 and since then 14 foundations of the proposed 25 buildings have been fully completed. The 14 buildings with fully completed foundations are at various completion stages, with 3 now at the roofing stages structurally.
The three buildings that are at the roofing stages need to be made ready for the use of about two thousand five hundred and sixty students before the 4th quarter of 2025.
In his words, education is the biggest value that Enugu has added to Nigeria, through the University of Nigeria Nsukka. Hence the need to cite his first education intervention project on the campus of UNN. His plan is to have such facilities across all the regions of the country as his contribution to education.
Some prominent politicians who graduated from the University of Nigeria (UNN) are: Peter Obi, the candidate of Labour party who swept Enugu clean and denied other candidates the required 25% to qualify them for two-third majority. Other politicians and leaders from UNN are: Chris Nwabueze Ngige former Minister of Labour and Employment; Ike Ekweremadu, former Deputy President of the Senate; Chimaroke Nnamani, former Governor of Enugu State. In Art and Entertainment are; Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, renowned author and writer and Waje, a singer and songwriter, etc.
Beyond government projects, monumental presentations of Asiwaju by persons from the South-East resident in the South-West back at home may be the bond required for a new development alliance between the regions.
The pendulum swinger in 2027 may be the Lagos Residents who are Indigenes of the SouthEast Region. How many of such are hidden from politics to avoid the war of tribes that comes with it? The President stands to gain if politics is de-tribialised and the likes of our Joseph of Arimathea are allowed to trade the goodwill of Lagos in their home states without fear of political consequences of such commitment. There are 36 governors and 774 Local Government Chairmen; if Abuja is added for a state it will be 37 Governors and 780 Area Councils Chairmen.
Whereas there are a thousand and one persons of such a large hearted individual across Lagos whose support for Mr President is beyond the mundanity of politics but driven by nation building values. The question is, would they be recognized and encouraged to invade the South East to trade in the goodwills of Lagos for the benefit of the idi ileke of Yorubaland and the “orekelewa of Enugu; Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
• Bolaji O. Akinyemi, an Apostle and nation builder, is President Voice of His Word Ministries and Convener Apostolic Round Table. BoT Chairman, Project Victory Call Initiative, AKA PVC Naija. He is a strategic Communicator and the C.E.O, Masterbuilder Communications.
