The Nation Newspaper

Category: Opinion

  • Climate change crisis deepens: New findings reveal alarming rate of global warming

    Climate change crisis deepens: New findings reveal alarming rate of global warming

    By Adebayo Adeleye

    The latest Research shows that our planet on is on track for a catastrophic 3°C temperature rise by year 2100. A groundbreaking new study recently published in a high impact scientific journal has revealed the alarming rate at which the planet is warming, sparking fresh concerns about the devastating consequences of climate change. The research, conducted by an international team of scientists, analyzed global temperature data from the past century and found that the planet is about to experience a major phenomenon leading to large increment in the global temperature.

    This projected increase far exceeds the 1.5°C limit set by the Paris Agreement, which was signed by almost 200 countries in 2015. The agreement aims to limit global warming to well below 2°C and pursue efforts to limit it to 1.5°C.

    The outcome of the said research and other studies are a wake-up call for heads of countries, businesses, organisations and individuals around the world. The need to embark on immediate plan of actions with the intention to reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and transition to renewable energy sources, has become inevitable.

    The study’s authors warn that a 3°C temperature rise would have catastrophic consequences, including. These include; Sea-level rise of up to 1 meter, displacing millions of people living in low-lying coastal areas, Extreme weather events, such as heat-waves, droughts, and floods, becoming more frequent and intense, Water scarcity and food insecurity affecting millions of people, particularly in vulnerable communities. The study’s findings have been met with alarm by climate experts and activists, who are calling for urgent action to address the crisis.

    Climate activists in Nigeria also offered their voices that these findings are a stark reminder of the devastating consequences of climate change. Nigerian leaders are without choice but to take immediate action to reduce emissions and transition to renewable energy.

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    As the world grapples with the challenges of climate change, one thing is clear: the time for action is now.

    Recommendations to forestall the catastrophe of climate change

    Transition to Renewable Energy: The Nigerian Government can implement transition to renewable energy by ensuring Increase investment in renewable energy. Also Governments and private sector should invest in solar, wind, hydro, and geothermal energy to reduce dependence on fossil fuels. The government should implement policies to promote renewable energy. Governments can implement policies such as tax incentives, feed-in tariffs, and net metering to encourage the adoption of renewable energy.

    Energy Efficiency: The energy efficiency can be achieved by Improving energy efficiency in buildings, buildings can be designed and retrofitted to be more energy-efficient, reducing energy consumption and greenhouse gas emissions. Also, to be encouraged is the Promotion of energy-efficient technologies. Governments and private sector can promote the adoption of energy-efficient technologies such as LED lighting, smart grids, and electric vehicles.

    Electrification of Transportation: the Government can promote manufacture or /and usage of electric vehicles, offer incentives such as tax credits, rebates, and investment in charging infrastructure to encourage the adoption of electric vehicles. Moreover, the Government can invest in public transportation systems such as buses, trains, and subways to reduce reliance on personal vehicles, thus reducing overall carbon emission.

    Carbon Capture and Storage: Development and deployment of carbon capture and storage technologies can be looked into. Governments and private sector can invest in the development and deployment of carbon capture and storage technologies to reduce emissions from industrial sources. Further to this, Government can implement policies to support carbon capture and storage, such as tax credits, grants, and low-interest loans to support the development and deployment of carbon capture and storage technologies.

    Sustainable Land Use: Promotion of sustainable agriculture practices. Governments and private sector can promote sustainable agriculture practices such as agroforestry, permaculture, and regenerative agriculture to reduce deforestation and promote carbon sequestration, and restore natural ecosystems such as forests, wetlands, and oceans to promote biodiversity and carbon sequestration.

    Climate-Resilient Infrastructure: Investment in climate-resilient infrastructure such as sea walls, levees, and green roofs can be done, to protect communities from the impacts of climate change. Implementation of policies to support climate-resilient infrastructure such as tax incentives, grants, and low-interest loans, may be adopted by Governments to support the development of climate-resilient infrastructure.

    International Cooperation: Governments of countries both wealthier nations and developing ones may collaborate to strengthen international cooperation in order to address the global challenge of climate change and support climate change adaptation and mitigation efforts in developing countries. Developed countries can provide financial, technical, and capacity-building support to developing countries to support their climate change adaptation and mitigation efforts.

    Climate Education and Awareness: Advocacy works should be enhanced to promote climate education and awareness. Governments, private sector, and civil society organizations can promote climate education and awareness to inform and engage citizens on climate change issues. More importantly, support for climate change research and development should be at the front burners of the Government, organized private sector, and civil society organizations, to improve the general understanding of climate change and develop effective solutions.

    By implementing these recommendations, we can reduce greenhouse gas emissions, promote sustainable development, and forestall the catastrophes associated with climate change.

    • Dr. Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan) is a Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control – badeleye@gmail.com, +234 803 525 6450

  • Ojudu’s shameless life of lies and blackmail

    Ojudu’s shameless life of lies and blackmail

    By Omisakin Iluyomade

    Viewing Babafemi Ojudu’s latest media outing few days ago, my first reaction was to laugh deliriously at the tomfoolery of the proverbial “shigidi” (Yoruba idol) daring anyone to a bathing contest in the river. It is like the futility of a pinch of salt claiming superiority over a glass of water.

    But, after further reflection, I think what Ojudu actually deserves is pity. He is battling the trauma of idleness and now desperately seeks relevance, even if that means telling self-deprecating lies in attempt to inflate his political worth.

    That is my summary of his performance in a current viral videos where he makes a lot of fictive assertions at the expense of the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari and his successor, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    To start with, just consider this stark contraction: the Ekiti-born journalist-turned-politician declares that Buhari as president “did not have a vision”. Yet, this is the same man in whose government Ojudu had served as “Political Adviser” for eight years! Seriously? The question then is: why did he remain in the government of a leader who lacked vision?

    Of course, the answer is blowing in the wind. Ojudu is only a political hustler looking for what to eat. Truly, what a rabbit will eat never allows it to reason or understand the meaning of dignity and integrity. 

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    Another instance of Ojudu’s shameless contradiction: he claims that he and other Asiwaju’s “political disciples” in 2007 persuaded the ACN leader from taking an offer of “Finance Minister” from the PDP administration of President Umar Yar’Adua. Seriously? At this point, I couldn’t help laughing again in Ojudu’s native Ekiti dialect. The lie in this claim can easily be established from the fact that at that material time, Ojudu was the executive editor of The News/PM News. It was not until 2010 that he resigned to bid for the senatorial ticket of Ekiti Central.

    In fact, but for Asiwaju Tinubu, there is no way Ojudu, a political lightweight, could have won the ticket against better known and far more accomplished journalist like Dr. Dele Alake.

    So, isn’t it shameful that a supposed journalist/editor could now claim to be a “political disciple” to the National Leader of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) around 2007? It is characters like Ojudu that are giving journalism a bad name in Nigeria! Where is journalism ethics?

    In the early 2000s, the earlier victim of Ojudu’s lies and blackmail was “Oshoko” himself, Ayodele Fayose. Using his media platform, Ojudu had hounded then Governor Niyi Adebayo to a political defeat in 2003. Once Fayose came in, Ojudu tried to hijack the new administration. So chummy was their relationship initially that Fayose once alleged that Ojudu handled the job of sewing the “Aso Ofi” (hand-sewn traditional attire) he wore on his inauguration on May 29, 2003. Fayose only started to resist when Ojudu’s interference, among others became too excessive. So bitter was their falling-out that “Oshoko” started calling him “Oju-dudu” (the black face). Predictably, Ojudu launched a relentless media witch-hunt against Fayose in retaliation until he was controversially impeached in 2006.

    Now, taking about the scramble for Ekiti Central Senatorial ticket in 2011, not a few observers believed that Asiwaju “forsook” Alake, a long-standing and time-tested loyalist, for Ojudu, who soon showed his true colour when he failed to gain ACN’s nomination for second term in 2015.

    Of course, by 2014, Asiwaju could not save Ojudu from his constituents in Ekiti who were tired of his arrogance, insolence and  incompetence.  Once Opeyemi Bamidele got the nomination, Ojudu suddenly became “radicalised” overnight against Asiwaju. It is a mark of better judgment and  performance on the part of Bamidele that he is today in his third term in office and also the Majority Leader at the senate.

    After all said and done, the true test of character is what someone does in the face of great temptation. Note that when Alake lost out in the Ekiti powerplay of 2011, he never switched camp to PDP nor launch a media war against Asiwaju. Not Ojudu who, after losing the Ekiti primaries in 2014, lobbied and lobbied and was rehabilitated with the position of “Political Adviser” under Buhari in 2015 and was posted to Vice President Yemi Osinbajo’s office. Thus began his vicious and relentless campaign of calumny against Tinubu.

    In retrospect, it was perhaps a strategic move by Buhari that he did not keep a political snake like Ojudu close, but offloaded him to Osinbajo. Of course, everyone still remembers the despicable length Ojudu went in 2022 in a desperate effort to discredit Tinubu and assassinate his character in the build-up to the APC presidential primaries, calling him unprintable names, even though Asiwaju is yet the same man who had made him politically in 2011.

    Perhaps, what Ojudu did mostly for eight years under Osinbajo was bearing false tales and idle gossips. And finding or creating enemies for Osinbajo. In fact, not a few believe he was one of those who kept egging on Osinbajo to the political disgrace he suffered at the APC primaries in June 2022. It is a measure of the quality of “political advice” Ojudu gave that his principal, a sitting vice president, was beaten silly by a cabinet minister at the APC primaries. 

    Ever a sham political strategist, Ojudu was so confident of Osinbajo’s landslide victory at the APC primaries that he boastfully told an interviewer in a viral video prior that he would retire to the farm if Tinubu ever won and became president. Shameless enough, he is yet to fulfil that pledge, almost two years after Tinubu’s inauguration. Had Ojudu truly retired to his much-touted cassava farm, perhaps public interest would be better served. At least, with a promise of better food security for Nigeria, instead of his current toxic career of lying and revisionism.

    Meanwhile, who will remind Ojudu of his 2022 pledge to retire to the farm if Tinubu became president?

    • Chief Omisakin Iluyomade, a political analyst, is based in Ibadan.

  • Kemi Badenoch: It’s time for a rethink

    Kemi Badenoch: It’s time for a rethink

    By Tunde Rahman

    Kemi Badenoch’s ill-advised denigration of Nigeria has refused to go away. Her belittlement of the country of her ancestry is still generating passionate public discourse within and outside the media space, and it appears the matter will not go away anytime soon.

    Exasperated by Kemi Badenoch’s misguided attacks on Nigeria, Vice President Kashim Shettima recently counseled her to drop the Kemi in her name and bleach her ebony skin to white to further appease her Tory party and British establishment. And perturbed and seemingly lost by all that, my daughter, Kemi Mushinat, who recently graduated in Communication Studies, asked what was wrong with the name Kemi. There is nothing wrong with the name, I explained. But a lot is wrong with Kemi Badenoch (Nee Adegoke), the Leader of the British opposition Conservative Party, who opted to behave, as the Yoruba would describe it, “bi omo ale to fi owo osi ju we ile baba e”, meaning like a bastard who would go out to denigrate her ancestry by pointing the offensive finger at her roots.

    Honour and dignity are inherent in the name Oluwakemi, indeed in any name. But what confers dignity, what glorifies a name, is the character the bearer brings into it. Kemi Badenoch left much to be desired, disparaging Nigeria, our motherland. She painted a gory picture of her growing up years in Nigeria from the middle of the 80s to around 1996, highlighting stories of poverty, infrastructure decay, decadence, corruption, police excesses, and leadership failure.

    Perhaps some of her narratives could be true, particularly in the time that immediately followed the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) misrule and the indiscretion of the emergent military regime. However, her stories reek of generalisations and prejudices often associated with most analyses by a section of Western media and commentators. They view Nigeria with their jaundiced lenses, describing the country as made of a Muslim North and Christian South, oblivious of the various Christian minorities in the North and, the plethora of Muslims in the South and the multiplicity of ethnic groups in the two divides that make a mockery of any analysis of a monolithic North or South. They view us Africans with many unproven, unorthodox assumptions.

    My problem is with Mrs. Badenoch, an African, whichever way you slice it, and the character she has chosen. When Vice President Shettima lambasted her for demeaning Nigeria, Kemi Badenoch thought she had a clincher:

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    “I find it interesting that everybody defines me as Nigerian,” she said. “I identify less with the country than with the specific ethnicity (Yoruba). That’s what I am. I have nothing in common with the people from the North of the country, the Boko Haram where the Islamism is; those were our ethnic enemies and yet you end up being lumped in with those people.”

    In that statement, the Tory leader disavowed Nigeria and excoriated the North but exalted the Yoruba. She repudiated the whole, attacking one part of the nation but embracing another. Kemi Badenoch grossly misfired, hiding under the finger of ethnic nationalism.

    Perhaps it would have been pardonable if, for instance, she opposed Nigeria’s federal system and canvassed regionalism or confederacy. To condemn one race and elevate another is like playing one part against another. That utterance is dangerous in a diverse and volatile society like ours. The North (read the Hausa-Fulani, Kanuri, Tiv, Birom, Mangu, Ibira, Nupe, and many others who cohabit the entire Northern region) is no enemy of the Yoruba as Mrs Badenoch insinuated. The North voted massively for Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba man, to emerge president in 2023, as they did for the late Bashorun MKO Abiola, the winner of the annulled June 12 election in 1993. To label them the enemies of the Yoruba is condemnable.

    Badenoch’s Yoruba roots emphasise good character and promote good neighbourliness, religious harmony, peaceful co-existence, respect for elders, and respect for other people’s rights. That is why Yoruba intermarry with members of different ethnic groups. It’s also commonplace in Yorubaland to find members of the same family having adherents of Islam and Christianity cohabiting together without any hassles. Boko Haram or its last vestiges poses a security challenge, perhaps a religious and sociopolitical challenge, for Nigeria, not just for the North or the North-east  which is why the government and our armed forces have battled to a standstill and are still battling the insurgents.

    Therefore, the values the UK Conservative leader espoused did not represent the Yoruba. They are not the values the Yoruba would showcase, uphold, and promote. Yoruba has a rich history of culture, tradition, leadership, and loyalty to constituted authority.

    Mrs Badenoch’s formative years, which she derided with negative stories of decadence, perfidy, and corruption, were part of Nigeria’s dark periods when the military held the country and the people by the jugular.

    Is Kemi Badenoch now giving the impression that nothing has changed in Nigeria, particularly in Lagos, where she grew up after birth in London? Is she giving the impression there have not been significant improvements in the standard of living and infrastructure, with the rehabilitation of existing roads and opening up of new ones; in transportation with the multi-modal system complemented by water transportation and now the rail system, among other things? Despite its challenges, there is no doubt there has been a remarkable development in Lagos from the foundation laid by then Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu (now President Tinubu) from 1999 to 2007 till the present Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to the point that Lagos has emerged as one of largest economies in Africa.  Lagos State has made significant progress across all indices of development such that if it were a country, it would have ranked the sixth largest economy on the continent.

    What has emerged in the entire Kemi Badenoch’s saga is her seeming double-face or multiple-face. When she was campaigning to represent her diverse Dulwich and West Norwood Constituency in the UK Parliament in 2010, she had appealed to the Nigerian community, comprising Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani and Igbo, under the aegis of “Nigerians for Kemi Badenoch,” pleading for help in the election. A campaign document that surfaced on social media showed she had reached out to all Nigerians in that constituency while highlighting her roots. In that document, Badenoch had said to her Nigerian supporters:

    “I need your help. I’m running for parliament in the 2010 UK general elections. The race is very tight. Last year, the News of the World surveyed this constituency, and the forecast was that I would win. Things are much tougher this year as the party has dropped nationally in the polls. I need your help.

    “I am asking for your help now to support a Nigerian trying to improve our national image and do something great here.”

    After winning the election, however, she deployed her situation in Nigeria as a talking point to rally support for her policies, for which she was accused of exploiting her roots for political gains.

    Her rhetoric has drastically changed with her emergence as the Leader of the Conservative Party. In the carriage, conduct and statements, she is now out to please the White establishment, particularly the White wing of her Conservative Party, subjugating her people to make Britain look good. She doesn’t mind running down anyone, including the Nigerian people and the British blacks generally.

    Will this advance her politics or status? I do not think so. The British respect culture and tradition. Running down a country’s history and culture may not attract much attention. Britain also respects her relations with other countries, particularly Nigeria, given our age-long relationship. Nigeria is a significant trade and investment partner of the UK in Africa. According to the UK Department for Business and Trade, as of December 20 2024, the total trade in goods and services (exports plus imports) between the UK and Nigeria amounted to £7.2 billion in the four quarters up to the end of Q2 2024, an increase of 1.2% or £86 million in current prices from the four quarters to the end of Q2 2023.

    Britain would not want to harm that substantial trade partnership and excellent relationship between the two countries in any way.

    Also, several Badenoch’s Conservative Party members do not share her attitude towards Nigeria. In Zanzibar, I recently ran into Jake Berry, a top Tory Party member and former Cabinet member in the UK. While discussing the Badenoch matter, he said most Conservative Party members disagreed with her.

    Kemi Badenoch has recorded an outstanding achievement in two decades of entering British politics. She joined the Conservative Party at the age of 25. Today, she stands not just as the Leader of the biggest party in Britain’s history but also as the highest black person in the United Kingdom. Her extraordinary accomplishment should have been used to inspire young people to achieve similar feats and as a foundation to inspire positive change in her country of origin, not to denigrate Nigeria or cause division and disaffection among her people. It is not too late for Mrs Badenoch to rethink and toe the line of rectitude.

    • Rahman is Senior Special Assistant on Media Matters to President Tinubu.

  • What will Palestine’s future be in 2025?

    What will Palestine’s future be in 2025?

    By Michael Lynk

    In 2024, there were a host of startling developments occurring in the Middle East and the wider world that impacted Palestine, most of them unforeseen 12 months ago: the continuation of the unrelenting Israeli genocide in Gaza, the battlefield defeat of Hezbollah and the devastation in Lebanon, the overthrow of Bashar Assad in Syria, the isolation of Iran, the election of Donald Trump, and a series of seminal rulings by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC).

    All of these seismic events make the assignment of imagining what Palestine’s future will be in 2025 a precarious task. Yet, with caution thrown to the wind, we can make some educated guesses on six leading features.

    Leading scenarios for Palestine’s future

    Donald Trump’s return to the US presidency will certainly encourage Israel’s accelerating subjugation of the Palestinians. His major appointments on the Middle East – including his secretary of state, his ambassador to Israel, and his two regional envoys – are all diplomatic gifts to Israel’s far-right nationalist government. His political instincts are all about respecting the strong and disparaging the weak. The only restraint that Trump may impose on Israel would result from his quest for a substantive deal with Saudi Arabia, which is publicly demanding a credible path to Palestinian statehood.

    A genuine Palestinian state is further away than ever. In 2025, more Palestinian land will be confiscated, more illegal Israeli settlements will be built, and settler violence, already at record levels, will only intensify. While Trump might restrict Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu from formally annexing parts of the West Bank, de facto Israeli annexation will continue unabated. The ability of the Palestinian Authority to shape events in its favor will likely shrink even further. As for the comatose peace process, the Palestinians long ago arrived at a traffic intersection, and the red light never changed. It remains red today, its only color.

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    The genocidal war on Gaza will finally end with a formal ceasefire, the release of Israeli hostages, and some Palestinian detainees. However, the unimaginable toll of deaths and suffering among the Palestinian civilians in Gaza will continue, as starvation, infectious diseases, a decimated economy, and a devastated landscape afflict the population. Hamas won’t be completely defeated, but it has suffered a grievous blow in the short run. Israel will push hard to build settlements in the north and for clan warlords to run the rest of Gaza, which Trump might allow. Another great test will be the raising of the $40-60 billion needed for the reconstruction of Gaza; this will create tension between Trump and his Gulf states allies, who will resist paying the lion’s share of the consequences of a war they opposed.

    Will the international community face the Palestine issue in 2025?

    Respecting Palestine, the United Nations will face some of its most perilous challenges in 2025. The one-year deadline set by the General Assembly for Israel to completely end its occupation of Palestine arrives next September, with Israel and the US committed to defying the obligation. In addition, Israel – with Trump’s backing – is seeking to dismantle UNRWA, the UN agency that delivers education, health, and social services to Palestinian refugees in the Levant. The challenge for Europe and the Arab world will be whether they will defend the UN, its core commitment to successfully resolving the oldest item on its political agenda (Palestine), and the preservation of its largest agency.

    Israel’s diplomatic isolation will continue, even as its relationship with its superpower patron will deepen. Its outlier status at the United Nations – particularly at the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council – will see even more lopsided votes against its 57-year-old occupation, its denial of Palestinian self-determination, and its abuse of international law. The arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court against Benjamin Netanyahu and his former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant will make him politically radioactive, with heads of state and government that have signed the 1998 Rome Statute refusing to meet him. Pressure will grow within Europe to rethink various trade and cooperation agreements with Israel as a reaction to the war and its horrendous humanitarian consequences.

    Role of international law more important for Palestine than ever

    The role of international law in pronouncing on the question of Palestine will become even more momentous in 2025. After the signature rulings by the ICJ and the ICC in 2024, we are likely to see a growing movement to insist upon a rights-based approach to peacemaking in Palestine, replacing the discredited (but still very much alive) realpolitik approach of the Oslo process.

    The momentum created by the recent genocide reports by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch will continue to echo through UN corridors and foreign ministries. But there are also headwinds: Republicans in the US Senate are determined to sanction the ICC for issuing the arrest warrant against Netanyahu, meaning that the viability of the court will require a stout defense by the 124 members of the Rome Statute, particularly from Europe.

    As we learned from the past year, there will almost certainly be unexpected surprises in 2025. And while there will continue to be dark times for the Palestinians in the year ahead, the war in Gaza has also sparked a global movement of solidarity – particularly among the young – that will continue to inspire courageous thinking and bold acts. Its lasting impact should never be underestimated.

    • This article was first published in www.aa.com.tr

  • 2024 Recap: How Zacch Adedeji broke record of tax administration in Nigeria

    2024 Recap: How Zacch Adedeji broke record of tax administration in Nigeria

    By Arabinrin Aderonke

    Change is never easy, but it is often necessary. In 2024, Nigeria witnessed a series of reforms that underscored the power of determined and purposeful leadership. Dr. Zacch Adedeji, Executive Chairman, Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), has redefined the tax sector in Nigeria. His efforts were not merely about adjusting policies; they were about reconstructing a fractured system, ensuring its efficiency, and promoting trust between the government and its people.

    Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, there was a clear mandate for action and progress. Leadership under the Renewed Hope Agenda has been about assembling people who are not just capable but also willing to work tirelessly toward Nigeria’s development. Dr. Zacch exemplified this character. From the get-go, he took on the challenge of transforming Nigeria’s tax system. He understood the assignment that leadership is not about holding a position; it’s about making an impact, and he wasted no time in doing so.

    The Tax Boss focused on leveraging technology and data to enhance tax collection, achieving a huge reduction in inefficiencies. One of his key projects was the complete modernization of the TaxProMax system, introducing new modules that have automated over 80% of the previously manual processes, improving transparency and service delivery for taxpayers. This has allowed for smoother interactions between the FIRS and various stakeholders, making the tax process more accessible and user-friendly, especially for small business owners.

    Alongside this technology, Dr. Zacch has made an effort to expand Nigeria’s tax base. Traditionally, the country’s revenue has disproportionately relied on the oil sector. Still, with global oil prices being volatile and unpredictable, he understood that Nigeria’s financial stability would require a much more pool of tax revenue. He worked to bring more small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) into the tax system by offering them support and incentives. This helped businesses that might have otherwise been left out to join the system and contribute to the country’s revenue. His approach made it easier for SMEs to pay taxes, ensuring they could be part of the system and grow within it.

    This 2024, FIRS exceeded its N19.4 trillion revenue targets by a long margin, far surpassing the N12.3 trillion revenue collection for 2023. This speaks volumes about the effectiveness of Dr. Zacch’s reforms. His leadership has turned FIRS into a high-performing agency, one that is now regarded as a major player in driving Nigeria’s economic recovery and growth.

    The Tax Boss has developed policies that cater to Nigeria’s economic realities. For instance, his insistence on a fair tax system that does not burden the poor while ensuring that wealthier people and corporations contribute fairly has helped redefine tax equity in Nigeria. His approach, which prioritizes fairness, has made the system more inclusive, encouraging more people to pay taxes without feeling overburdened. This strategy is necessary for ensuring that the government has the resources it needs to invest in infrastructure, social services, and other projects that will drive Nigeria’s long-term growth.

    One of Dr. Zacch’s legacies for 2024 is his push for transparency and accountability. He introduced the Anti-Corruption and Transparency Unit (ACTU), in collaboration with the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC). This was designed to eliminate corrupt practices within FIRS, ensuring that the tax administration process is conducted with the highest standards of integrity. This step aligns with his broader vision for an equitable tax system that emphasizes prosperity rather than burdening the disadvantaged. His philosophy “We tax the fruit, not the seed” has shaped the direction of tax reforms, making the system fairer and more accessible.

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    To enhance Nigeria’s global trade standing, he introduces the National Single Window Project (NSWP) to simplify trade and improve Nigeria’s ease of doing business. This initiative aims to integrate Nigeria’s tax and trade systems, ensuring that businesses can interact with the government through a single, streamlined portal. The benefits of the NSWP are extensive, as it helps reduce red tape, improve efficiency, and make Nigeria more competitive in the global marketplace.

    His role as the President of the Commonwealth Association of Tax Administrators (CATA) has had an impact on Nigeria’s tax administration. Under the Tax Boss, CATA has become a platform for tax administrations across the Commonwealth to exchange ideas and best practices.

    Beyond operational reforms, the Tax Boss has focused on improving the welfare of FIRS employees, understanding that a motivated workforce is necessary for the success of any organization. He has supported and eased staffs’ levelling up processes, and other welfare programs, resulting in a more committed and energized workforce. His leadership style, which combines compassion with insight, has created a positive work environment at FIRS.

    The 2024 Tax Reform Bill 2024 is one of the most anticipated legislative pieces. It has successfully passed the second reading in the Senate. This bill aims to overhaul the country’s fragmented tax laws by consolidating them into a more unified and transparent framework. One of the objectives of this reform is to simplify the tax compliance process, which has long been seen as overly complex and discouraging for businesses.

    By streamlining tax laws, the bill is designed to reduce bureaucratic hurdles, thereby making it easier for businesses, particularly SMEs, to navigate tax and invest in growth. Additionally, the bill is set to introduce measures that will promote tax compliance and fairness, ensuring that all sectors of society contribute fairly to the national revenue.

    Another component of the proposed reforms is the establishment of tax tribunals and a tax ombudsman. These entities will provide a formal, transparent mechanism for resolving tax disputes, which have often been a source of frustration for taxpayers. Moreover, the proposed Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill aims to replace the outdated FIRS Act, ushering in a more contemporary framework that can better address the challenges of the modern economy.

    Once the Tax Reform Bill is passed and implemented, it will simplify Nigeria’s tax system by reducing taxes. People earning up to the minimum wage will no longer pay income tax, and small businesses with annual turnover under ₦50 million will be tax-exempt. The corporate tax rate will gradually decrease, and there will be a new system to ensure that double taxation is eliminated. VAT on essentials like food, healthcare, and education will remain exempt, while states will get a larger share of VAT revenue to support their development.

    This year has been about far more than just increasing revenue, it has been about setting Nigeria on a path toward fiscal independence and resilience. For the Tax Boss, the journey is far from over. While progress has been made in transforming Nigeria’s tax system, there are still challenges to overcome.

    He is committed to ensuring that all the reforms are fully implemented across the country, and this will require the government to keep pushing forward and maintain the momentum already built. The Tax Boss has laid a solid foundation for a tax system that will benefit Nigeria and its people, and we are all here for it, eagerly watching as the impact continues to unfold.

    – Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi is the technical assistant on broadcast media to the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service

  • Embracing Tax Reform: A call to action for Nigeria’s youth 

    Embracing Tax Reform: A call to action for Nigeria’s youth 

    By Dare Ojepe

    At this significant crossroads, the future prosperity of Nigeria heavily relies on visionary reforms and active civic participation. One such critical reform, currently being pursued by President Bola Tinubu,  involves the restructuring of our nation’s tax system—a move that promises to lay the foundation for sustainable economic growth and enhanced socio-economic equity.

    Let us begin with the essence of the reform. These changes are not just about numbers and policies; they represent a transformative vision for our country; one where resources are judiciously managed, and opportunities are equitably distributed among all Nigerians, especially the youth, who are the backbone of our nation.

    Driving economic growth

    The proposed tax reform is designed to foster an economic environment where businesses can thrive and innovation is encouraged. By broadening the tax base and ensuring efficiency in collection, the government aims to create a more stable economic foundation. 

    This stability is crucial for attracting domestic and international investments, which, in turn, translate to increased job opportunities, particularly for young Nigerians entering the workforce.

    Enhancing public service delivery

    The link between tax reform and effective public service delivery can not be overstated. With better compliance and fairer distribution, tax revenues can significantly boost funding for essential services such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Imagine schools with state-of-the-art facilities, hospitals with modern equipment, and roads that connect our nation seamlessly, all attainable with the right fiscal policies and when government can mobilise enough revenue to deliver on them. 

    As it currently stands, Nigerian government is unable to mobilise tax revenue to fund our development compared to our peers in Africa like South Africa, Kenya, Algeria, Egypt, Angola and Ethiopia where government tax to GDP ratio is well over 18%. 

    Empowering youth and entrepreneurs

    One of the exciting aspects of these reforms is the focus on creating a supportive environment for youth entrepreneurship. The reforms include some tax exemptions for businesses with annual turnover of less than fifty million naira, which significantly benefits budding entrepreneurs. 

    This measure encourages startups and small enterprises, enabling young Nigerians to transform their innovative ideas into flourishing businesses without the immediate pressure of financial burdens.

    Furthermore, the reform proposes some tax exemptions for employees whose annual income is less than ten million naira. This initiative directly impacts young professionals entering the workforce, allowing them to save more and invest in their future, thereby enhancing their economic stability.

    Ensuring transparency and accountability

    At the heart of any effective reform is transparency. The proposed changes include measures to enhance accountability in tax administration, ensuring that every naira collected is directed towards meaningful development projects. This approach aims to build public trust and foster a civic culture where contributing to national growth is seen as a collective responsibility.

    A call to action

    To the vibrant youth of our nation, your role in this transformation is indispensable. We urge you to engage in this dialogue, to understand the nuances of these policy shifts, and to advocate for transparent and equitable reforms. Your voices, your ideas, and your actions are essential in driving this change and securing a prosperous future for all.

    Let us unite with purpose and determination, embracing these reforms not as mere policy adjustments but as the stepping stones to a brighter Nigeria. Together, we can create an enduring legacy of prosperity and equity for generations to come.

    – Ojepe is the senior special assistant to the president on youth engagement

  • South Sudan’s delayed peace: Can 2025 deliver hope and stability?

    South Sudan’s delayed peace: Can 2025 deliver hope and stability?

    By Malual Bol Kiir

    As South Sudan nears the end of 2024, the hopes of millions for a peaceful Christmas have been overshadowed by the adjournment of the Tumaini peace process. For a nation that has endured decades of war, political instability, and economic hardship, this setback raises pressing questions: Can South Sudan achieve lasting peace in 2025, or will unresolved issues continue to undermine the country’s progress?

    The stalemate and its implications

    The Tumaini process was intended to be a platform to resolve critical political and security challenges in South Sudan. However, key issues such as the unification of armed forces, constitutional reforms, and the establishment of a framework for equitable governance remain unresolved. The adjournment of the process reflects entrenched political divisions and growing mistrust between leaders, which continues to hinder the implementation of meaningful solutions.

    While previous agreements, including the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS), showed initial signs of progress, delays in implementation have eroded public confidence. This most recent impasse has left citizens disillusioned and increasingly concerned about the future trajectory of their country.

    The human cost of delayed peace

    The ongoing absence of peace in South Sudan is taking a devastating toll on ordinary citizens. According to recent reports, over 9 million South Sudanese—nearly 75 percent of the population—are reliant on humanitarian aid to survive. Prolonged insecurity has exacerbated displacement, poverty, and the collapse of essential services.

    In rural areas, violence fueled by cattle raiding, communal conflicts, and armed skirmishes continues to destabilize communities. For refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), the dream of returning home remains distant, as many spend yet another year separated from their families and livelihoods.

    The adjournment of the Tumaini process has further diminished hope, leaving many to question whether 2025 will bring tangible progress or simply prolong the cycle of political stagnation and suffering.

    Is there still hope for peace in 2025?

    Despite the setbacks, there are still opportunities for meaningful progress in the coming year. Achieving sustainable peace will require bold leadership and a renewed commitment to dialogue, compromise, and action. South Sudan’s leaders must rise above personal political agendas and prioritize the collective interests of their people.

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    Civil society, youth groups, and women’s organizations continue to play an essential role in advocating for peace, justice, and accountability. Their efforts highlight the urgent need for inclusive decision-making and grassroots involvement in the peace process.

    Equally critical is the role of regional and international partners, including the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the African Union (AU), and the United Nations. These organizations must continue to exert consistent pressure on South Sudan’s leaders to ensure that their commitments are honored and that tangible progress is made toward peace.

    A call for leadership and accountability

    Although the adjournment of Tumaini may have delayed immediate solutions, the resilience of South Sudan’s people remains a source of hope. For the country to move forward, leaders must demonstrate political will and moral courage. Delivering peace is not just a political imperative—it is a moral responsibility to future generations who deserve to grow up in a nation defined by stability, opportunity, and unity.

    As South Sudan enters 2025, the call for peace grows louder. The time for delays and excuses has passed. Now is the moment for decisive action, cooperation, and a shared vision for a peaceful South Sudan.

    Conclusion

    While the challenges ahead are significant, the prospect of peace is still within reach. South Sudan’s leaders, with the support of citizens and international partners, have the power to make 2025 a turning point in the nation’s history.

    Peace remains the most precious gift South Sudan can offer its people—a gift that must be realized through trust, compromise, and collective action.

    • This article was first published in www.radiotamazuj.org

  • Of tariff scam, segregation in power privatisation

    Of tariff scam, segregation in power privatisation

    By Fidelis Soriwei

    Last Week, a former Governor of Edo State, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, raised the alarm about the suffocating exploitation of Nigerians by electricity distribution companies. Oshiomhole, leaned on his background as a former President of the Nigerian Labour Congress to interrogate an issue that is perhaps one of the most discussed on WhatsApp platforms in communities and households facing gripping electricity frustrations.

    While Oshiomhole brought some new perspectives to the putrid abnormality of the electricity privatization and the daylight robbery endorsed against Nigerians by the electricity firms, what he did is not particularly different from a chief who calls attention to the stench oozing from the King’s dead  cow at the village square.

    In Abuja the AEDC wields the powers of a raging man menacingly holding a cutlass over the necks of helpless men  whose hands are tied behind them in besieged communities. The AEDC holds all the aces in the electricity issue and could deploy them in most tormenting manner that shares a boundary with the unimaginable.

    Unknown to him, Adams Oshiomhole did not speak for himself or the people of Edo North that he represents as Senator. The labour leader in him only released his prominent voice on loan to millions of angry frustrated Nigerians who do not have the platform at his disposal – the Senate Chambers.

    The community I share with angry, bitter electricity users with no protective line and succour whatsoever is a classic example.

    In 2011, we started the process of converting a bush into a livable estate of 650 houses in Karsana area of Abuja. Each household was made to cough out the sum of N2 million for infrastructure development because the developers and aspiring homeowners knew that Karsana was lost and not traceable on the government’s map of priority. The determined inhabitants pulled the resources together in batches and bought all the transformers, procured all the cables, all the electricity polls. Of course, it is given that each household in Nigeria must pay for a meter. I can say with a certainty above the realm of contestation that all households paid for their meters in spite of the national deceit that customers are not supposed to pay for meters. Those behind the enforcement of this clause in the nation’s electricity house of horrors have turned a blind eye on its enforcement because they are either powerless or in cahoots with this regime of terror and horror against the Nigerian user of electricity.

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    In addition, when the transformers go bad, we replace them. We bear the cost of installation and pay for minor repair work. Our transformers, bought with our sweat, maintained with our hard earned resources, become property of a private company courtesy of a law scripted against the citizens of Nigeria, with no benefits!

    Like vultures waiting in the ‘shadows of their talons’ to reap where did they not sow, the AEDC dangles its conditions for putting extorted transformers to work. To install them, the community would be required to write the firm to donate the transformer as a precondition to install and energize it.

    My community in Abuja is a metaphor for electricity misery and agony. The inhabitants adopt a resilience that borders on a stoic resignation to electricity deprivation occasioned by ruthlessly harrowing exploitation by the AEDC for years.

    For years, we remained a community in the custody of darkness foisted on us by the AEDC. One thing about darkness is that the absence of electricity bites harder with the reality of other estates within the same city having regular power supply. We became beggars of electricity to the AEDC with strings of promises not meant for fulfillment.

    Then this year, our story witnessed a slight change. After completing a major electricity infrastructure, the AEDC started giving us power supply from its 33 Kva line. This, we thought was a reassuring experience until the operators of the nation’s electricity empire unleashed their joker of power supply based on the heinous electricity tariff segregated into band A and others.

    The cruel scam threw the community into turmoil. Many cried out that as they simply could not afford the tariff which thru ragged only yahoo yahoo that was sanctioned by law in Nigeria! The electricity tariff band A or B is a scam scripted against Nigerians by a clan of untouchable private investors whose equipment are provided by the a virulently exploited public.

    The community members besieged the WhatsApp platform  in search of an elusive  solution. Pushed to the wall by despair, the residents cried out to the executive to plead with management to return the community to the affordable Band B. Two hundred homeowners led by a serving general and deputy director opted to be remigrated to Band b. They embraced the capitalist contention that existence precedes essence. Band A was a threat to their existence as the tariff was clearly spiking blood pressure and contributing to many deaths at the twilight of the receding year. But another group of homeowners reminded them of the lethal regime of darkness and its consequences foisted on the estate by the same AEDC. This group believes that applying to be moved to band B would mean an invitation to the ire of the almighty AEDC which might wield the sledge hammer of darkness against them.  They reasoned that the estate should wait till the peak of the dry season when power supply drops to take an informed decision. This estate is the metaphor for all the estates cringing before the electricity regime of impunity by the DISCO.

    Without contestation, Senator Adam’s Oshiomhole is a mighty man. He represents the exclusive class of the wealthy and powerful in our society. He called attention to the huge investment of the Federal Government in the electricity sector with no governing board to moderate their activities. This brand of privatization is a curious mix of the absurd with the ludicrous unknown to normal business principle anywhere outside Nigeria. Oshiomhole’s cry or clarion call on the hallowed chamber of the Senate shows that the rich had started crying also. Truly, the tears are also at the door steps of the rich. While it is normal for the poor to lament and cry, the tears of the wealthy is a taboo which the king and the palace cannot ignore for too long.

    A privatization process that empowers a business venture to swindle communities of transformers, cables, cost of installation casts a slur on the nation’s legal system and its preparedness to defend the weak.

    Although, Oshiomhole left Abuja to dwell on the Benin Disco, the AEDC which provides electricity for his household in Abuja and the National Assembly which serves as his office is a bull that has gone berserk in a market of helpless women. The Senate and indeed the National Assembly should take a look at this policy that has done no good to average households in this country.

    A law that resides ownership of electricity equipment bought by individuals on business owners, that protects private companies against helpless Nigerians is an aberration in need of national  condemnation. Senator Adams Oshiomhole and all other legislators of good conscience should dwell on this particular issue of concern to Nigerians of all communities.

  • Why Netanyahu is still on top

    Why Netanyahu is still on top

    By Yisrael Medad

    Over 14 months have passed since hordes of Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists brutally invaded Israel’s Western Negev communities, killing 1,200, kidnapping 250, and committing other heinous crimes. It was like a throwback to 627 CE, when the Jewish tribe of Banu Qurayza surrendered to Muhammed’s forces. In that case, all the men and one woman were beheaded and the rest of the women and children were enslaved, except for a few converts. In Be’eri, Sderot and Nir Oz, no one was even given the choice to convert.

    The October 7 attacks resulted in enormous devastation, both physical and psychological, and monumental surprise. The public reverberations of anger, frustration, and shock at the failures of the military and the government were palpable. Yet Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has remained in power.

    US President Joe Biden is out of the political picture. There’s a new prime minister in England, and France’s president is tottering. Bashar Assad has fled Syria. Meanwhile, Israel’s prime minister continues to serve. He does so despite the attacks on October 7, despite the hostages still held in Gaza, and despite the cries from the parliamentary opposition and the anarchists who protest on Kaplan Street.

    How and why has he succeeded?

    A central complaint of the anti-Netanyahu crowd is that he “lacks a strategy and a plan” or that he “lacks a vision.” Those claims have been proven false. Although the Israeli military began its campaign slowly, it is now obvious that there was a plan from the beginning. The generals simply needed someone to force them put into practice a plan they had probably previously rejected as it ran against their mindset that Hamas had been deterred and was an ineffective military force.

    The person who forced the military to adopt that plan was the prime minister. If former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant hadn’t been overly concerned with his own future (hiring his own lawyer to protect him from charges of war crimes), the partnership between the two would have been more successful in the field.

    Moreover, that criticism smacks of sour grapes. At the root of the criticism is that Netanyahu did not adopt the self-destructive strategy that the opposition wanted him to follow. An example of such a self-destructive strategy was Yair Lapid’s government surrendering Israeli territory to Lebanon under the threat of Hezbollah’s Hassan Nasrallah.

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    As for the genuine problem of the Qatari money permitted into Gaza to prop up Hamas, Rafi DeMogge (the pseudonym of a researcher who writes on political demography) had an answer for that in a piece published in Mosaic on October 21. He acknowledged that Netanyahu went along with the popular conception that transfer of Qatari funds to Gaza would protect Israel’s security, but he also said that the prime minister had no real alternative. He noted that even the Bennett-Lapid government did not “make any meaningful change to Netanyahu’s decade-old Gaza policy.”

    To think that the prime minister could have nixed that financial flow prior to October 7 is naive. He would have faced the sloganeering of his opponents that he would be inviting a war. It was, as usual, Hamas that allowed him to finally unleash the Israeli military’s withheld power. The situation in Lebanon illustrates that success is often the result of political leadership overriding the politicization of the army chiefs.

    On the issue of the hostages, Netanyahu has benefited from most of the population realizing that Hamas, not Israel, has been the recalcitrant partner in possible release deals, something even American diplomats have admitted is the case.

    Another aspect that indicates his success is the economic situation.

    This past week, Globes reported record figures for mergers and acquisitions in the Israeli tech industry over the past year. A new report from Vintage Investment Partners indicates that merger and acquisition deals set a new peak of $10.5 billion, 22% higher than the previous peak of $8.6 billion in 2021. Even a cursory reading of business media sites indicates that all the bleak prophecies of Israel’s economy did not come to pass, even if the situation is not perfect.

    True, Israel will need to invest huge amounts in rebuilding the Western Negev and northern Israel, as well as in shoring up small businesses and industry. Nevertheless, the prime minister is still orchestrating a firm and reliable economic balance for the country. Financial suffering in Israel has been limited, and the people realize that.

    Netanyahu has also displayed diplomatic leadership and expertise in presenting the Israeli narrative, two skills that are appreciated by the electorate. It is quite possible that his performance since October 7 assisted Donald Trump’s showing in the election by providing his supporters with an additional reason to vote against the Democratic elite, which is perceived as weak and “woke.”

    Anti-Israel actions on college campuses and in the streets of American cities were seen as threatening to average Americans. When Americans saw the Israeli prime minister’s firm stand and considered his strong friendship with Trump, they were further convinced to lend Trump their support for Israel’s sake. No other Israeli politician could have achieved that.

    That same situation also convinced Netanyahu’s Israeli coalition partners not to rock the boat too much. Moreover, the onslaught of genocide and war crimes charges from the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court shored up his base and provided him with another layer of public support.

    His errors and the various court cases concerning his personal affairs have not outweighed his apparent brilliance in managing the affairs of state. Even the delay in releasing the hostages has not affected his political standing. His appearances both on the international stage and within Israel’s political and security spheres have been successful. And now, with the developing situation in Syria, few would wish him to leave office.

    Netanyahu has proven that Israel has a strong leader in the face of continuing terror, an increasingly anti-Zionist Europe, and the developing security situation. And that is what the people want.

    • This article was first published in www.themedialine.org

  • Jibrin Ibrahim and the shaping of Nigeria’s discursive space

    Jibrin Ibrahim and the shaping of Nigeria’s discursive space

    There is something really intriguing and fascinating about having a wonderful friend of yours grow into the septuagenarian circle. And this is even more crucial when that colleague has a history of stubborn ideological inclination that has kept him in shape as a scholar of note within Nigeria’s combustible intellectual firmament. From our mutual commitment to the political science scholarship and different approaches to the understanding of the Nigerian nation-building project, Professor Jibrin Ibrahim—Jibo to all of us—and I have become intellectual partners in progress. Both of us keep investing our intellectual and scholarly resources in the ongoing commitment to the understanding of the task of making the Nigerian state, on the one hand, more meaningful from the perspective of scholarship, and on the other hand, more citizen-friendly in terms of its capacity to leverage advocacy and discourse to achieve good governance.

    Jibo is one academic that one can really say has kept up a coherent ideological trajectory since he emerged in the heydays of the radical Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movement as a key figure in the Nigerian Marxist circle. And yet it would seem that Jibo has made a critical shift away from the Marxist ideological framework that enabled his intellectual stature in the 1970s and 1980s. This shift says a lot about the current ideological state of the postcolonial Nigerian society. Professor Ibrahim was educated at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and in the virile Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at a time when the university campuses in Nigeria constituted the hotbeds of ideological theorizing and mobilization; when scholars from Bala Usman to Mokwugo Okoye and Eskor Toyo to Molara Ogundipe-Leslie to Patrick Wilmot to Bala Takaya, and from Claude Ake to Edwin Madunagu to Bade Onimode to Akin Oyebode rallied round Marxism as the pathway to radical intellectual traditions. For these intellectuals, Marxism provided the ideological commitments to reflect on the possibility of a progressive framework through which Nigeria could be re-visioned as a postcolonial state.

    I do not know whether there is still any coherence to the concept of the Nigerian Left—a body of progressives that are connected by the collective Marxian ideological framework for rethinking the dynamics of the Nigerian developmental and national manifestations. And my reason is not far-fetched. It would seem that the depth and extent of the Nigerian postcolonial predicament, the reach and strength of the neoliberal capitalist hegemony, and the fluctuating fortunes of Marxism have outstripped the capacity of the Nigerian Left to keep up their intellectual mapping of the relationship between ideology and reality. Indeed, it would seem that the Nigerian Left has become so fragmented as to be incapable of mustering the coherence required to push a progressive front. And this could also be because the fortunes of Marxism keep shifting conservative Marxism to Antonio Gramsci, and from the neo-Marxism of Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse and Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School to the post-Marxism of Chantal Mouse and Ernesto Laclau, and from Samir Amin to Immanuel Wallerstein.

    Maybe the fundamental issue in keeping Marxism relevant to the Nigerian postcolonial predicament would be how theoretically congruent Marxism and postcolonialism are. How, for instance, is Marxism’s Eurocentric foundation to be squared with the anti-Eurocentric stance in that animate postcolonial scholarship? Maybe this significant tension to get the utmost from an ideological position without any intellectual baggage is what led to the subtle shift of Jibo away from Marxism—or specifically activist Marxism—towards a more resilient and contextually malleable paradigm that enables the facilitation of radical politics within a space like Nigeria. For Jibo, the political end should justify the ideological means. He believes there must be a better way than doctrinaire Marxism to achieve radical politics that will reorient democracy and democratic governance on behalf of Nigerians.

    This is where Jibo and I share many seminal platforms. The first critical platform is the political science scholarship in Nigeria. While I was the permanent secretary at the Ministry of Communication Technology in 2015, Professor Jibrin Ibrahim was asked to deliver the keynote paper at the 60th anniversary celebration lecture of the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. I was to be the chairman of the occasion. Jibo regrettably could not make the occasion. And the Department prevailed on me to take his place as the guest lecturer. In that lecture, titled “The Legitimacy of Political Science Scholarship in Nigeria,” I made the pungent argument that Nigeria’s postcolonial predicaments since independence have thrown series of debilitating unresolved challenges to query the relevance of political science scholarship in the country. Insurgency, corruption, youth unemployment, insecurity, dysfunctional federalism cum constitutional order, misgovernance, bad leadership—the list is endless—raise the critical question of the role of the Nigerian political scientists in the articulation of frameworks or paradigms of understanding and resolutions for redressing the Nigerian state and redesigning democratic governance.

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    These are not strange questions for me to ask as I have been a theorist and practitioner of public administration scholarship since I became a public servant many years ago. On resuming at the Presidency first in 1988, and much later in 1992, I was nudged by mentors to take on the additional task of studying the civil service as a means of understanding the dynamics of its dysfunction and the possible paths towards its institutional redemption. It was not too long for me to determine that the (mis)fortunes of the civil service system are tied in with those of the Nigerian state. My search for paradigms of institutional reform in Nigeria inevitably took me to expressing concerns for all forms of institutional reformative transformation, including those that affects political science scholarship. In that same lecture, I lamented not just the invisibility of Nigerian political scientists in the critical matters of the state, but also the ailing of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA), a reality that has since significantly improved.

    However, one political scientist that constitutes the exception in my lamentation is Professor Ibrahim. He is not just the political scientist par excellence since he completed his doctoral dissertation at the University of Bordeaux in 1990. He has become the lone ranger in the fight to deepen democracy through civil society activism. Civil society for him was the continuation of the struggles for progressive politics by another mean. It was simply the other side of the same coin in the fight to entrench radical politics that put people on the front burner of government’s policy decisions. I would say, on his behalf, that civil society engagement is closer to realizing the objective of democratic reforms than academic Marxism that leans more on the theoretical than the practical. But that is not to say, as most scholars believe, tragically, that theory and practice are disjointed. As a development expert, civil service engagement allows for a cogent involvement with the public policy processes in ways that pushes the boundaries of policy participation and ideological influence. Civil society allows Professor Jibrin Ibrahim to keep democratic and policy discourses at the level of ideological fundamental, without the baggage of Marxism.

    And this brings me to the second seminal platform that connect me with Jibo. When I had to also make the critical decision to continue my reform advocacy by other means; at the point when I had to painfully exit the civil service as a critical insider, the establishment of the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP) in 2016 was a most viable institutional platform that permits the articulation of my insider’s perspectives from the outside. And that “outside” allows me to deploy the critical significance of kindred intellectual, activist and advocate spirits in the task of making Nigeria work better for democracy and development. One of such is Jibo, of course! At the inauguration of ISGPP and in one defining piece in his celebrated column in the Premium Times, Jibo was enthusiastic about the determination of the School to return the discourse on government back to the table. According to him, “I welcome the idea, after twenty-seven years of discourse on that elusive and nebulous World Bank concept of GOVERNANCE, let’s get back to the essentials and start studying what ‘government’ actually does when it governs.”

    This fundamental discursive element connects with, say, Jibo’s presence in journalism. The fight to raise the bar of fundamental issues that impacts the issues of political emancipation and democratic liberation cannot be limited to the pages of books and monographs. It must be delivered in digestible soundbites that an average Nigerian can understand and relate with. Indeed, the journalistic space further allows Professor Jibrin Ibrahim to bring the challenges of fixing the Nigerian state right into the context of the Nigerian masses and the need for them to also weigh into the determination of their destiny. And this speaks critically to the emergence of the post-truth social media. If democracy must be deepened through civil society vigilance, then Nigerian scholars, intellectuals and advocates need to mediate the tight rope between traditional journalism and the new media, plus the dangers of challenging social facts.

    Professor Jibrin Ibrahim is a critical septuagenarian, the type of intellectual who never stops fighting, who is never slowed down by age, who keeps pushing the boundaries of what they believe. We can only pray that your dream for the Nigerian masses may be realize just in time.