Category: Comments

  • Mahmood Yakubu’s legacy

    Mahmood Yakubu’s legacy

    • By Precious Shuaibu

    When Professor Mahmood Yakubu assumed office as chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in November 2015, Nigeria’s democratic system was at a crossroads. Years of manual operations, logistical breakdowns, and allegations of electoral manipulation had eroded public confidence. To many, INEC was a bureaucracy struggling under the weight of its own inefficiencies. But to Yakubu, it was an institution on the verge of transformation — one that could be modernised through innovation, data, and technology.

    Ten years later, as he stepped down — the first INEC chairman in Nigeria’s history to complete two full terms — his legacy is widely viewed through the lens of the digital revolution that took root under his leadership.

    Yakubu on Tuesday handed over to May Agbamuche-Mbu as successor on an interim basis. In recognition of decade-long legacy at INEC, President Bola Tinubu conferred upon him the befitting national honour of Commander of the Order of the Niger.

    As acting chairman, Agbamuche-Mbu inherited an INEC that has undergone one of the most profound technological transformations in its history. Much of that transformation bears the imprint of Professor Mahmood Yakubu, whose years at the helm redefined how elections are conducted, monitored, and perceived in Africa’s largest democracy.

    When Professor Yakubu assumed office in November 2015, Nigeria’s electoral landscape was mired in challenges — logistical inefficiency, accusations of bias, and a pervasive distrust of official results. Yet, for Yakubu, the task was not just to conduct elections, but to reinvent the machinery that made them possible.

    Over the years, he pursued a vision of technology-driven credibility, anchored in the belief that democracy must rest on systems that are transparent, verifiable, and resilient against manipulation. His leadership style blended academic precision with institutional pragmatism, and his reforms would ultimately turn INEC from a manual bureaucracy into a data-driven agency.

    At the heart of Yakubu’s reforms was the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) — a device that became synonymous with Nigeria’s new electoral era. Designed to authenticate voters using both fingerprints and facial recognition, BVAS addressed one of the country’s longest-standing problems: voter impersonation and multiple voting.

    Replacing the old Smart Card Reader, BVAS added a layer of biometric verification that significantly reduced irregularities. It also transmitted accreditation data electronically, linking the number of verified voters directly to the results uploaded from polling units. This innovation drastically curtailed opportunities for result manipulation and established a digital trail for every stage of the process.

    BVAS was first tested during the Anambra State governorship election in November 2021, marking a cautious but ground-breaking departure from traditional methods. The results encouraged broader adoption. By the time Nigeria held its 2023 general elections, BVAS had become the centrepiece of electoral accreditation nationwide, backed by the provisions of the Electoral Act 2022.

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    Despite isolated technical hitches, BVAS symbolised Yakubu’s commitment to using technology as a bulwark for integrity. It represented the institutionalisation of trust — a message that every vote must count and that every voter must be verified.

    If BVAS strengthened the mechanics of voting, the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV) redefined electoral transparency. Launched in 2020, the portal allowed polling unit results to be uploaded in real time and viewed publicly by citizens, journalists, and observers.

    For the first time, Nigerians could monitor their elections live, tracking results as they appeared from even the most remote corners of the country. This digital innovation shattered decades of opacity in the collation process, transforming what had long been a closed-door exercise into a public spectacle of accountability.

    Yakubu often described transparency as “the oxygen of democracy,” and the IReV portal embodied that conviction. Even when technical issues or connectivity gaps arose, the system represented a cultural shift — a move toward open governance in electoral administration.

    Beyond BVAS and IReV, INEC under Yakubu underwent a quiet but sweeping digital overhaul. Several core processes that had once relied on manual inputs were automated. The online candidate nomination portal, for instance, allowed political parties to upload the names and details of their nominees electronically, minimising human interference and reducing disputes.

    Observer accreditation, collation templates, and logistical data management were also digitised. The commission’s adoption of secure digital platforms streamlined its workflow and created a database-driven environment where decisions could be monitored, verified, and audited.

    Another landmark achievement was the institutionalisation of Continuous Voter Registration (CVR). The CVR initiative enabled citizens to register or update their details year-round rather than only before elections. This digital inclusion policy broadened the voter base and enhanced the accuracy of Nigeria’s voter register — now among the largest and most comprehensive in Africa.

    To improve operational efficiency, Yakubu also introduced the Election Monitoring and Support Centre (EMSC), a data analytics hub that tracked polling activities in real time. Using dashboards and key performance indicators, the EMSC provided field updates that helped INEC identify and resolve problems promptly during elections. This internal digital infrastructure, though less publicised, became one of the most powerful tools of reform — turning INEC into a responsive, data-literate institution capable of rapid decision-making.

    Yakubu’s vision of reform was not only technological but also humanistic. He believed that innovation should promote inclusion and access. Under his leadership, INEC developed systems to accommodate persons with disabilities, the elderly, pregnant women, and internally displaced persons (IDPs).

    Tactile ballot guides were introduced for the visually impaired, while new digital mapping techniques allowed INEC to locate IDP settlements and ensure their participation in elections. These efforts underscored the idea that technology in democracy is most meaningful when it empowers the most vulnerable.

    Yet, the journey was not without obstacles. The 2023 general elections exposed the limits of Nigeria’s digital readiness. Delays in result upload to IReV, network disruptions, and logistical lapses fuelled public frustration. Critics accused the commission of overpromising, while supporters defended the reforms as evolutionary rather than instantaneous.

    Yakubu was candid about the challenges. “Technology is not a magic wand,” he said after the polls. “It is an enabler that requires constant refinement.” He maintained that the real value of innovation lies in its ability to provide traceable evidence — allowing every dispute to be resolved on the basis of data rather than speculation.

    Despite the criticism, independent observers, including the European Union and ECOWAS Election Mission, acknowledged that Nigeria’s elections had become more transparent and technically verifiable than ever before.

    Perhaps Yakubu’s most underappreciated legacy was his defence of INEC’s autonomy. Throughout his decade-long leadership, he faced pressure from powerful political interests but consistently emphasised the commission’s neutrality. His tenure preserved INEC’s independence as a constitutional body, even amid heated national contests.

    Under his watch, INEC expanded polling units for the first time in 25 years, regularised the electoral calendar, and professionalised its staff through training in data management, cyber security, and election technology. The cumulative effect was the birth of an institution that not only conducted elections but also evolved as a learning organisation — one that understood its duty to adapt, innovate, and improve.

    Professor Yakubu’s decade at INEC was not without flaws, but it was undoubtedly transformative. He envisioned a commission that used technology not for show, but as a safeguard — a tool to anchor democracy in transparency and verifiable truth. Today, Nigeria’s electoral process stands on a stronger digital foundation. Voter accreditation is more credible, results are more transparent, and institutions are more accountable. The road ahead will require fine-tuning and resilience, but Yakubu’s legacy has already altered the DNA of election management in Nigeria.

    As one analyst put it, “He did not perfect the system, but he gave it a soul — a digital conscience.”

    •Shuaibu wrote from Abuja.

  • FOCAC at 25: The China-Africa journey

    FOCAC at 25: The China-Africa journey

    • By Charles Onunaiju

    At the turn of the 21st century, precisely from October 10 – 12, 2000, the first ministerial conference of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) held in Beijing, following earlier consultations. Nearly 100 ministers from China and 44 African countries were in attendance. A joint declaration at the end of the conference among other things explained that the two sides were “highly appreciative of the stable development of Sino-Africa relations over the past decades, have full confidence in the future cooperation and agree that there exists a solid foundation for friendly relations and cooperation between China and Africa, given their time-honoured traditional friendship”.

    Twenty-five years later, the trajectories of China-Africa cooperation have justified the optimism expressed at the inaugural conference that the two sides “have full confidence in the future cooperation”, even as they agreed “that there exists a solid foundation”, for such cooperation, nurtured by “their time-honoured traditional friendship”.

    China-Africa cooperation even before the founding of the FOCAC process has time-honoured pedigree. From 1967, China set out to construct in Zambia and Tanzania, the nearly 2,000km railway line, offered an interest-free loan to cover costs of constructing the line and supporting infrastructure of stations and training school as well as the supply of motive power and rolling stock. The interest-free loan was repayable according to the agreement in 30 years.

    The proposal for the project, later dubbed the freedom line or Tazara railways was outrightly rejected by major Western powers then, and even the former Soviet Union as economically unviable. China accepted to build it and duly completed in 1974.

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     In 1971, 26 African countries including Nigeria were among 76 other countries in the world that voted in the UN General Assembly to enable China regain her seat at the United Nations and provided the subsisting international consensus that there is only “One China” in the world, and that Taiwan is an inalienable and integral part of China’s sovereign expression and territorial integrity.

    The vigorous exchanges and mutual support were the basis for the time-honoured traditional friendship between China and Africa and consequently formed the “solid foundation”, on which the FOCAC process was built. The point need to be made that despite the phenomenal growth in China-Africa cooperation especially at the turn of the 21st century, with the establishment of FOCAC, the relationship is neither new nor transactional as some commentators want to describe it. It is rooted in traditional friendship and solidarity shaped by common experience of colonial domination and imperialist exploitation but more importantly a shared aspiration of social and economic well beings for their respective peoples.

    In her traditional support for infrastructure construction, which began with the Tazara railway, China within the framework of the FOCAC mechanism  further energised and reinforced by the Belt and Road framework for international cooperation have helped Africa to build and renovate more than 10,000 kilometres of railways, about 100,00km of roads, more than 1,000 bridges and nearly 100 ports.

    Among the major infrastructure projects, includes the first transnational electrified railway line between Ethiopia and Djibouti, spanning over 750km and have significantly reduced both the time and cost of travel between the Ethiopia industrial heartland and the Djibouti port, the Mombassa-Nairobi standard gauge railway in Kenya, and the Lekki Deep Sea port in Lagos. The Lekki Deep Seaport with estimated economic benefits of about $360 billion would also create about 170,000 new jobs.

    These are few among the many infrastructure connectivity projects in Africa built by China in the elaborate framework of the cooperation between the two sides. The projects respond to the original deficit in the struggle for Pan African Unity, a challenge taken up at the meeting of the defunct Organization of Africa Union (OAU) at its special session at Lagos, in 1980. The vision of continental connectivity and industrial take-off contained in the iconic document, Lagos Plan of Action” was immediately countered by the World Bank and vitiated by lack of political will but has through the framework of the FOCAC process returned to the earlier blueprint with “Africa engaging more with herself through connectivity and trade than at any other time in her post-colonial history.

    Economic and Trade cooperation have emerged as the flagship of the engagement between the two sides. For 16 years in a straight row, China has been Africa’s largest trading partner with the volume reaching a record of 295.74 billion USD in 2024, an increase of 6.1% from the previous year. Since the establishment of FOCAC in 2000, the trade volume between China and African countries have risen with average annual growth of 14.2%, rising from meagre 13.94 billion US dollars  to the current record level.

    More importantly, the structure of trade which previously revolved around export of Africa energy and mineral resources and imports of China’s manufactures are shifting in favour of high value-added sectors such mechanical and electrical products, digital services and green technologies. In 2024, African countries exports of processed agricultural products to China demonstrating strength in agro-processing and manufacturing significantly increased. China’s exports to Africa which includes photovoltaic modules, industrial robots and smart phones showed remarkable boost.

    In overall, the shift in China-Africa trade towards diversification, higher value-added and technology intensive sector is becoming increasingly significant. Additionally, Chinese investments in the manufacturing, agro-processing sector energy and digital economy is scaling up Africa’s industrialization with cumulative investment that reached $42.12 billion, with nearly Chinese 3,300 operating in 51 African countries . To give greater impetus to Africa’s access to the Chinese market, the Chinese side instituted the China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo, specifically designated to give products from Africa’s exposure to China’s huge market.

    At this year’s 4th edition of the Expo, 176 contracts worth $11.39 billion were signed, a 45.8% increase to the previous edition of the Expo held in 2023. In addition to existing mechanism for concessional access of African products to the Chinese market, China proposed last June as a part of the implementation of Ten Partnership Action Plan, outlined by President Xi Jinping at the heads of State Summit of FOCAC held in 2024, to grant zero tariff treatment on 100% of tariff lines for exports from 53 African countries with diplomatic ties.

    Since the creation of FOCAC in 2000, it has propelled bilateral cooperation of the two sides into a phase of rapid, comprehensive and stable development. In addition to the creation of multiple cooperation mechanism and trade facilitation initiatives, it has enabled a long term institutional support for China-Africa relations.

    While China-Africa engagements at different levels are well known for tangible outcomes and deliverable, it is also fostering values through mutual learnings and governance experience sharing. Through the FOCAC process, inter-party consultations and civilizational dialogues are gaining momentum, and bridging the geographical gaps between the two sides.

    The China-Africa journey within the framework of the FOCAC process is still a work in progress despite the crucial milestones it has reached. At the Beijing summit of last year, President Xi Jinping proposed to characterize China-Africa as “all-weather China-Africa community with a shared future for a new era”.

    More than 60 years ago, when the Chinese Venerable Premier, Zhou Enlai visited Africa, in Ghana he outlined the eight principles of China’s support and assistance to Africa. Among the eight principles, the forth explained that “in providing aid to other countries, the purpose of the Chinese government is not to make the recipient countries dependent on China but to help them embark step by step on the road to self-reliance and independent economic development”. This position is as valid today as it was, more than six decades ago, when it was pronounced on African soil.

    The historic imperative for Africa is to meet China half way in the open brotherly embrace and make the opportunity of China to contribute to the concrete advantage of Africa’s renaissance, with FOCAC as the mutual roadmap.

    •Onunaiju is research director of Abuja based think tank.

  • Whose report shall we believe on economy?

    Whose report shall we believe on economy?

    • By Dapo Okubanjo

    There has been a lot of public commentaries on the state of the Nigerian economy in the last 28 months, from the sublime to the outrightly ridiculous.

    Indeed almost as soon as President Bola Tinubu assumed office in May 29 2023 and made his “subsidy is gone” announcement, it looked like all hell was let loose in the aftermath of the decision.

    Presidential candidates who described fuel subsidy as “criminality” on the campaign trail and vowed to stop it “immediately” suddenly became the lead choristers of the public recriminations.

    it was at a time that prices of goods and services literally went through the roof in reaction to the inevitable rise in fuel price and things became tougher for the average Nigerian, and not surprisingly, we began to hear words like ‘hunger in the land’. And trust politicians, they swooped in to capitalize on the public outrage.

    But any unbiased and well-read Nigerian should have known that the cost-of-living crisis was an expected reaction to the shock therapy of removing a scheme that had been institutionalized in the country for decades.

    Ironically, some of the opposition figures who were leading the charge against the President and his reforms were also praising another President in a different clime, Javier Milei, who was experimenting with tougher reforms in Argentina.

    Now, twenty eight months down the line, those politicians are still holding on to their position.They are refusing to acknowledge what sovereign credit rating agencies, international bodies like the World Bank, as well as global investors and renowned economists have been saying, all in the name of politics.

    Few months ago, the Director General of the World Trade Organization (WTO), Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was in Nigeria and after a courtesy call on the President told the media that the Tinubu administration “has to be given the credit for the stability of the economy”. She added that President Tinubu’s economic reforms “have delivered much-needed stability” and “have been in the right direction”.

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    But what we saw from naysayers in the political space was a rat race to interpret what the notable economist said, in a bid to water down comments that put a lie to what they have been putting in the media space.

    Only recently, Mr Adebayo Ogunlesi, the founder of Global Infrastructure Partners (GIP) and a leading executive of Blackrock, a global investment firm with assets in excess of $12 trillion across the world, expressed the willingness of his company to extend its footprints to Nigeria.

    Speaking after his latest meeting with President Tinubu, Ogunlesi was emphatic that Nigeria is now an exciting place to be for investors, adding that Blackrock would be interested in investing in energy (LNG plants) and the aviation sector as well as in the ports especially as one of his companies has investments in ports in Benin and Togo, but none in Nigeria.

    It should be of interest to Nigerians that Ogunlesi pointed out that his investment plans were fired by the series of Tinubu reforms including the removal of fuel subsidy, a  liberalised foreign exchange market and the overhaul of outdated tax laws, which according to him have resulted in “fundamental transformation” of the economy.

    So when President Tinubu said in his Independence Day broadcast that the worst was over after 28 months of stabilizing the economy, this was the point he was making.

    Conversely, there are people in the public space who insist that the same reforms are a disincentive for investments and investors, and a blight on economic growth. One of them, Peter Obi, a former Presidential candidate who is angling for another shot at the Presidency, painted a bleak picture of the economy that was clearly at odds with that of Adebayo Ogunlesi.

    This now takes us to the title of this piece, “whose report on the economy shall we believe?” As much as it looks and sounds like a rhetorical question, it is clearly food for thought for Nigerians.

    Would our people believe a global investment icon with a track record who is keen on putting funds into the economy or a politician who has opted for selling gloom and despair as a political strategy?

    It is actually easy to see when politicians, especially those in the opposition play politics, so the onus is on Nigerians to call them out for who they are.

    •  Okubanjo, a journalist and public affairs analyst, writes from Abujavia dokubanjo@yahoo.co.uk
  • Again, potpourri

    Again, potpourri

    • By Abdu Rafiu

    There are three burning issues that call for deep reflection at this time. The first is: Should former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan throw his signature hat into the ring to battle his way back to the Villa in 2027? Whether he is warming up and rehearsing for the battle royal would seem to have left the realm of speculation even though his wife is not keen. There are pointers to this longing. But his wife has said she does not see herself in the Villa any more. In other words, not at Aso Rock wearing the headgear stamped with the glittering label of Nigeria’s First Lady. Those familiar with this column know its position on the abundance of power at the disposal of uncorrupted womanhood. If Dr. (Mrs.) Patience Jonathan says she does not see herself at Aso Rock again, forget it. A determined but uncorrupted woman does not lose a battle without grave consequences. Her weapon is her intuition and connection with the Light Realms. I will come back to this presently.

    The second is the issue of tinted glasses. In April the police high command said cars with tinted glasses would no longer be allowed thenceforth on the roads without police permit. The requirement finally took effect last week Tuesday, 02 October, 2025, amidst serious controversies and after a postponement. The day it was taking effect coincidentally fell on a day Nigerians were returning from what could be described as an extended weekend for the National Independence Anniversary celebrations–which for some was a short period for reflection. The police said they were implementing a decree, now an act, promulgated in 1991 by General Ibrahim Babangida Administration. That law expressly forbade vehicles with tinted windows, as well as front and back wind screens not plain enough to make people in them visible. A breach of the law would attract a fine of N2, 000, a heavy sum of money at the time, or a jail term of six months. The decree did not attract attention at the time because vehicles with tinted glasses were rare. Even in 2013 when the police first dusted the legislative book not many knew there was any such law. Again, in 2016, the police sought to implement the law. It was not much of a success. But this year, the situation is different. For a great many, dusting it up came as a rude shock, largely because of the harsh economic situation. The law became noticeable and it is being fiercely resisted with the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) leadership in the forefront. Nigerians see it as a revenue generating ploy by the police and as an added tax burden for a people reeling under crushing high inflation and all manner of taxation and levies.  What it would fetch into the police kitty is put at N19billion in a year. And the permit is also henceforth to be collected yearly.

    The police did not state any reason for the enforcement of tinted glasses permit. The citizens themselves reading the thoughts of the police hierarchy are hazarding a guess: That it is help in the seemingly intractable mounting security challenge in the land. While the reason may be plausible the argument is defeated by the fact that where the challenge is untrammeled and worrisome, there is hardly any presence of vehicles with tinted glasses. The terrorists and bandits use only motorcycles and ramshackle vehicles. They arrive in communities they invade in long columns of motorcycles, according to accounts by traumatized members of rural communities. Not one car is seen. Motorcycles are the veritable means of transportation in every part of the country, including cities. 

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    Of course, in fairness, some cars are completely covered in very dark colours– windows, and windscreens. Such vehicles present obscene, suspicious and frightening spectacles.  Tinted vehicles are factory fitted, imported or manufactured or assembled. All the police need do is to stop the suspicious ones totally tinted on the road and ask that the driver wind down the glasses to see those in the vehicle, and may even search them. What will reduce the workload for the police is to ask that the tinted driver’s window side and the passenger’s as well as the windscreens be changed and made plain, leaving only the back seats covered. Since vehicles with tainted glasses are prevalent now all over the world, there is very little Nigeria can do to stem their inflow into Nigerian market. Those being manufactured within our shores—Nord by Ajayi Joshua Oluwatobi; those by Lanre Shittu, Nnoson in Nnewi owned by Innocent Chukwuma; Toyota by Elizade (Michael Ade Ojo) and Dona producing KIA will need to be patronized more. It is then suggestions can be made to the local manufacturers on what our peculiar circumstances require. It is objectionable that the tinted glass permit is a yearly requirement. It is odd that a permit given to a vehicle and all the attendant processes will be repeated for the same vehicle every year. The ownership has not changed; the police authority signatures are of the police authority. On deep reflection and second thoughts, the police high command themselves will find the exercise is extortionist. It should be thrown out of the window, not suspended which is the case after pressure from the NBA.

    Ultimately, what a majority of Nigerians have seen as the most compelling curb to escalating security challenges is the establishment of State Police. Governors’ Forum, stakeholders, respectable leaders of thought and the media have all clamored unceasingly for this panacea. Those to bring about the establishment of this tier of policing are living shielded in impregnable fortresses and at no cost to them. So, the foot-dragging and unfeeling continue, giving no inkling of when the obstinacy will terminate. The police themselves have long recognized the imperative of another tier of policing for a large and disparate country as Nigeria such that as far back as 2003 they sent some of their men to Britain to train in community policing.

    Is Babangida’s Voice not weighty enough to move the legislators to action or Obasanjo’s. The North thought to be reticent for a long time has thrown its weight behind the establishment of state police. Former Head of State, Ibrahim Babangida said in 2022, speaking on the subject of restructuring, and I have quoted him several times because of the profundity of his thoughts: “Added to this desire is the need to commence the process of having state police across the states of the Federation. The initial fears of state governors misusing men and officers of state police have become increasingly eliminated with renewed vigour in citizens’ participation and confidence to interrogate power: We cannot be detained by those fears and allow civilization to leave us behind. We must as a people with one destiny and common agenda, take decisions for the sake of posterity in our shared commitment to launch our country on the path of development and growth. Policing has become sophisticated that we cannot continue to operate our old methods and expect different results.” On another occasion, he had said that the fears of misuse by governors are unfounded and exaggerated.” He would Know.

    At the security summit organized by the Senate in the Buhari years, the then Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo said: “The nature of our security challenges is complex. Securing Nigeria’s over 923, 768 square kilometres and its 180 million people requires a continual re-engineering of our security architecture and strategies. We cannot realistically police a country the size of Nigeria centrally from Abuja. State police and other community policing methods are the way to go.” Governor Henry Dickson  at the time in the saddle in Bayelsa State, corroborating what Professor Osinbajo said, went on to argue that the prevailing security situation and the need for an effective response to the challenge had made the establishment of state police mandatory. In the heat of the debate, the then Ekiti State Governor, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, first spoke on security vote: “You say what do we do with it? Without mincing words, I can’t speak for others, but I also get feedback from other states in my capacity as chairman of the Governors’ Forum. There are hardly any of these institutions that you are talking about that we do not fund. We fund the police. Quote me. State governors fund the police more than the Federal Government. We buy them vehicles. We pay them allowances. In some cases we even buy ammunition, of course under authority. And if we do engage our Military in aid to civil authority which you will find actually in 36 states in this country, we fund it.”

    Former President of the Nigerian Bar Association, Joseph Daodu said in strikingly disarming simplicity that state police is for law and order. The Sultan of Sokoto has called for the establishment of state police. The Bishop of Sokoto, Bishop Hassan Kukah has done the same, indeed, with strident vehemence of a cleric that he is, draping his call with his accustomed scholarship wrapped in ecclesiastical touch.

    If governors do all Dr. Fayemi listed indicating that for a long time the governors have been roaring to go, why foot-dragging on the state police? What I am getting at is that what the Inspector-General of Police, Dr. Kayode Egbetokun, need concentrate his attention on is strengthening the consensus that the nation has forged that the only way to go is the establishment of State Police and begin to think of operational border guidelines for both the Nigeria Police Force and State Police when the latter eventually takes its place in the maintenance of law and order everywhere. Further evidence of that consensus is 2014 National Conference Report which had strongly recommended state and community policing. The establishment of state police will not be tantamount to the abolition of the Nigeria Police, after all. Swaths of Nigerian land have been left at the mercy of terrorists, bandits, kidnappers and all sorts–the agents of Darkness for too long!

    There is now no doubt any longer that former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan wants to try his luck again, fixing his gaze at the possibility of returning to the Villa come 2027.  Everyone is the name he bears. No name is an accident. When a person asks what’s in a name the answer should ring out loud: It is everything. In all and for all activities we draw the power of God the Almighty Creator expressed in radiation threads. It is such that there is no vacuum, there are no gaps. It is a mesh of radiations. We draw and use the power as we may choose through our free will. There is a multitude of unseen beings, loyal servants of the Most High, the Creator. For the use of that power, for thinking, for speaking and for actions, of course, we are accountable. These also crystallize into forms woven by the beings who take on every action, every speech, as well as thoughts which are actions, and weave them into forms which constitute our carpet of fate, including the parents and the name we bear. Our activities today lead to the name we will inexorably bear tomorrow. Every baby in the womb whispers the name it would bear to its mother or who is open to receive it in the family in the family or from someone far away.

    We are told about every man: “Every stirring of his spirit, every weaving of his soul, every action of his body, and every word he utters automatically and unconsciously ties ever new threads to the existing ones, attaching them, connecting one with the other, and interweaving them. The human being forms and forms, and even thereby forms in advance the earth-name which he must bear in his next life on earth, and which he will inevitably bear because the threads of his own weaving surely and unswervingly lead him to it.”

    Goodluck Jonathan first dared to live his name albeit unconsciously when he became deputy Governor to Diepreye Alamieyeseigha. The governor was impeached following a charge of gross misconduct bordering on misappropriation and fraud. Goodluck Jonathan succeeded him on 09 December, 2005. When Umaru Yar’Adua was looking for a deputy, a Vice-Presidential Candidate he settled for Goodluck Jonathan. Half-way through his term of four years, Umaru Yar’Adua passed away. Jonathan succeeded him through a doctrine of necessity. He was defeated as President in 2015 by Muhammadu Buhari.  He retired to his village from where notable international organizations beckoned to him to run one errand or the other. In his time Nigeria boasted of the largest economy in Africa. He built schools for Almaijiris in the North to uplift the children of the poor in the Region. He organized a highly successful National Conference seen as a luminous ray of light and hope in Nigeria’s dark tunnel. What raised him really high in the estimation of the world was his decency and courage both nationally and internationally was in conceding defeat to his political rival for the Villa, Muhammadu Buhari even before the counting of the votes was concluded. He saw the signs of his defeat and called Buhari that he was throwing in the towel with a statesman’s high-minded and enthralling pronouncement that his ambition was not worth the shedding of blood of his fellowmen. His action was unprecedented. But then, he was seen by many as clueless on the myriad of problems afflicting the country, weak and incompetent. The country was raven with unprecedented level of corruption. The national resources became a bazaar. Many made away with billions from the public till. The country was turned upside down with insecurity under his watch. School children were abducted in hundreds from their dormitories, what he himself, as he is wont to in his candour, described as a permanent stain on his name. And Nigerians began to yearn for delivery.

    What crystal ball has he looked into that has told him that another streak of Goodluck is on the way to him? What is the constellation of stars saying that triggered him to begin to warm up and rehearse- that there are prospects of another go at the Presidency, that no matter the obstacles, like Mr. Trump, he would surprise the world. Efforts are being made through the courts to disqualify him in the argument that no one can be sworn in whether as governor or president more than twice. The judge was persuaded by the argument that he only succeeded Yar’Adua and not through election to the Presidency. When attention was drawn to the amendment to the provision of the constitution, the judge said: “I declare that the provision of 137 sub-section 3 of the Constitution acquired the force of law with effect from 7th June, 2018, and as such does not have a retrospective application.” The constitution is being put to test again in Abuja. From an intellectual dissection of his daring towards the Presidency, I would say, what goodluck magic is he going to invoke against Bola Ahmed Tinubu who is well known as a formidable candidate and fighter and one with an undoubted crowd pulling power. See the spate of defections. And so I dare say, Dear Mr. Goodluck Jonathan, please, you leave when the ovation is loudest. Don’t over stretch your luck.  But then, what does man know! Every man is the name he bears!!

  • Senator Ladoja: The uncommon Olubadan

    Senator Ladoja: The uncommon Olubadan

    • By Tunde Rahman

    The emergence of Senator Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja as the 44th Olubadan of Ibadanland on Friday, September 26, at the ancient Mapo Hall in the heart of Ibadan, is uncannily symbolic in many respects. The symbolism lies not just in the rare recurrence of the number 44 in his life’s journey—as seen in his year of birth and his position in the lineage of Olubadans—but also in several other significant ways, which I will explore in this piece.

    Ladoja was born on September 25, 1944. He emerged as the 44th Olubadan in September 2025. This is more than mere coincidence; it feels like the affirmation of a future foretold. And, like a man destined and prepared for the high position he now occupies, Ladoja was inaugurated in a blaze of elegance and glory.

    He rode to Mapo Hill, the site of the historic Mapo Hall, in a gleaming white Rolls-Royce, resplendent in white traditional Aso Oke, with his wives in tow.

    Mapo Hill was a sight to behold that day. The people of Ibadan trooped out en masse, swarming the venue, while many others lined the streets leading to Mapo in a bid to catch a glimpse of the spectacle. Indeed, Ibadan rose up for him.

    Oba Ladoja is, indeed, an uncommon Olubadan. To label him another “Koseleri” in the Ibadan landscape would be most fitting. He is in the mould of the late Senator Abiola Ajimobi, who made history as the first governor of Oyo State to break the second-term jinx. However, this is not about political office or term limits—traditional rulers hold their positions for life. It is about the rare peculiarities of Ladoja’s kingship.

    The new Olubadan has a solid pedigree and a rich academic and professional background. A true son of the soil, Ladoja hails from Gambari Village in Ibadan. He graduated with a B.Sc. in Chemical Engineering from the University of Liège in Belgium and spent 13 years working at Mobil before venturing into business.

    Oba Ladoja is in a class of his own. That said, there have been other well-lettered monarchs in Ibadan’s history, such as the 42nd Olubadan, Senator Lekan Balogun, who held a doctorate.

    Oba Ladoja is among the few in this country who have headed a government before ascending the throne. His story is similar to that of Alfred Diete-Spiff, who was the first military governor of Rivers State—created from the old Eastern Region—before becoming the Amayanabo of Twon-Brass in Bayelsa State. Ladoja was elected governor of Oyo State in 2003. Earlier, in 1992, he served as a senator representing the Oyo Central District.

    As governor, he ran a people-oriented administration that prioritised education, agriculture, housing, and water projects. However, he faced serious challenges from his political godfather, the late Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu, over control of state resources. The conflict led to Ladoja’s sensational impeachment in January 2006, which was later declared null and void by the court. He successfully challenged his removal in court, returning to office in December 2006 to complete his tenure. His determination to overturn the illegality reveals another facet of the new monarch: his faith in constitutional processes and his confidence in the courts as a means of redress.

    Last week, at his residence in Bodija, Ibadan, Oba Ladoja recounted the story of his illegal impeachment to this writer and a few friends who visited to pay homage. He spoke of how those who orchestrated his removal as governor did so without the constitutionally-required number in the state assembly. He also recalled the invaluable support of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu during those challenging times and how he ultimately regained his mandate.

    “(President) Tinubu arranged for me to move quickly to Lagos after the incident. He put me in a place that was comfortable, safe, and hidden. Even before I arrived, he had assembled a team of legal luminaries to handle my case against the removal. It was such a solid team. We eventually won in court, and I regained my office.”

    Read Also: Olubadan: CCII, Mogajis, others honour Oba Ladoja at Jumat Thanksgiving

    Given their close relationship and the significance of the Olubadan throne in Yorubaland, it was no surprise that President Tinubu graced Ladoja’s inauguration. The President’s presence not only added glamour to the event, but his speech also resonated deeply with the people of Ibadan. Tinubu spoke of his connection with Oba Ladoja, their time together in the Senate, and the impeachment saga. He recounted his campaign visit to Ibadan, during which he canvassed for votes, and the people of the state supported him massively. Part of his speech, delivered mainly in Yoruba, can be translated thus: “When I came to Ibadan during the campaign and spoke at this same Mapo Hall, urging that you vote for me—that it was my turn to be president—you voted massively for me. I appreciate your support. I’m most grateful.”

    Oba Ladoja boasts a rich network of friends and associates. In attendance at his inauguration, besides President Tinubu, were governors, former governors (some from the Class of 1999 and 2003), past and present National Assembly members, ministers, members of the diplomatic community, captains of industry, and many other dignitaries. His friends in the opposition who were unable to attend the inauguration visited him in the days that followed.

    The Oba Ladoja story is an inspirational tale of fortitude, grit, courage, and determination—qualities emblematic of a true Ibadan man. Through it all, Oba Ladoja kept his eyes on the big picture. Becoming Olubadan was his lifelong ambition. When his aspiration seemed threatened and he had to fight, he fought resolutely. When the situation demanded humility, he stooped to conquer. Ladoja initially resisted wearing a beaded crown, but in 2024, he eventually accepted it, embracing the then-evolving Ibadan chieftaincy arrangement.

    At this point, I would like to share a humorous encounter I once had with Oba Ladoja. It was in the run-up to the 2003 governorship election, which he eventually won. The Punch newspaper had asked me to interview Ladoja ahead of the election.

    The build-up to that election was very tense in Oyo State, especially in Ibadanland. Two sons of the soil—Ladoja and the late Alhaji Yekini Adeojo—were battling for the Peoples Democratic Party ticket to contest against the incumbent, the late Comrade Lamidi Adesina of the old Alliance for Democracy. Given the tension and rivalry between Ladoja and Adeojo, there were talks in some quarters of disqualifying both men, much like the late Prof. Femi Agbalajobi and Chief Dapo Sarumi were disqualified in Lagos by the Babangida regime in the run-up to the 1991 governorship election.

    During the interview, I asked Ladoja about the possibility of his disqualification. His reply was both shocking and revealing: “What have we done in Ibadan? What has happened here to warrant our disqualification? Only one person’s leg was broken, and another person was blinded. What have we done?” I was flummoxed.

    Though neither candidate was disqualified, in retrospect, that response—cold as it may have seemed—speaks to the nature and politics of Ibadan and the popular aphorism about its people’s pugnacious spirit.

    The adage goes: “Ija igboro lo’ro Ibadan,” meaning an Ibadan man is never shy or afraid to pick a street fight.

    With Oba Ladoja on the throne, it seems the full glory and power of Ibadan—the city of seven hills and the town Nobel Laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka describes so glowingly in his memoir, “Ibadan: The Penkelemes Years”—are unfolding before our eyes. May the reign of Oba Ladoja be long, peaceful, and prosperous!

    • Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media & Special Duties.
  • Debunking the “genocide” frenzy by Senator Ted Cruz. bill Maher. Van Jones. et al

    Debunking the “genocide” frenzy by Senator Ted Cruz. bill Maher. Van Jones. et al

    • By Sunday Dare

    These three above are piling on false narratives. Orchestrating wild allegations about unproven ongoing “Genocide” in Nigeria. We disagree.  Nigeria must reject this attempt to robe it with a garment that is not hers.  

    Nigeria’s elected President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu was forged in the crucible of religious tolerance and understanding, that of democracy and respect for individual rights and of course modern politics. His words and testimony ring out about Nigeria and religious tolerance.  Nigeria stands by what their President Said.

    The words of the President of Nigeria, Bola Tinubu holds strong and that’s what we believe.

    1.“ Let me also say this clearly, Nigeria is a proud, sovereign nation built on the faith and resilience of its people. Here, no faith is under siege, no community is excluded. Our churches, mosques, and traditional shrines stand side by side – not as rivals, but as symbols of the unity that binds us.

    2.”We must never allow outsiders to tell us who we are or sow division among us. We are Nigerians, and we will stand together. Nigeria will not accept lectures from those who seek to profit from our divisions. No one loves this country more than Nigerians themselves, and no one will define us except us.

    3.”Our duty is to stand guard over our unity, protect every citizen, and continue to prove to the world that our diversity is not our weakness, but our strength and when Nigeria stands united, no falsehood can prosper against her. So help us God,”

    4.”Hate is not an option for us Love is what we preach and we should love one another.

    “I inherited Islam from my family, and I didn’t change; but my wife is a pastor, and she prays for me. No conflicts ”I have never tried to convince or convert her. I believe in freedom of religion. We all pray to and are answerable to the same Almighty God. Our love and compassion for others are what truly matter. We must learn to live together as one people.”

    Recent comments by Bill Maher and Senator Ted Cruz alleging a “Christian genocide” in Nigeria are both misguided and deeply troubling coming from these ones who should know better.

    Such narratives, if left unchecked, distort the reality on the ground and risk inflaming tensions in an already fragile region.

    Nigeria is a multi-religious nation founded on principles of freedom of worship, mutual respect, and coexistence. Its Constitution guarantees religious liberty for all — Christian, Muslim, or adherent of any other faith — and successive governments have consistently upheld this right.

    Read Also: Army, DSS arrest suspected kidnap kingpin Emmanuel Akpan

    What Maher and Cruz have labeled as a “Christian genocide” is, in fact, the brutal wave of terrorism and banditry that Nigeria, like many other nations, continues to battle. These acts are carried out by non-state actors — violent extremists and criminal elements — whose objectives have nothing to do with faith or theology but with chaos, profit, and destabilization. They target soft civilian populations, attacking churches, mosques, markets, motor parks, schools, and villages indiscriminately. Their victims are Nigerians of every religion, ethnicity, and creed.

    To suggest that these atrocities amount to a campaign of Christian extermination is to misunderstand and oversimplify a complex security challenge. It also plays directly into the hands of the terrorists, who thrive on division and global misperception. By framing Nigeria’s collective struggle against terrorism as a religious war, such narratives undermine the sacrifices of both Christian and Muslim communities who have stood together in defiance of terror.

    Nigeria’s fight against terrorism is national, not sectarian. The government has continuously collaborated with faith leaders across divides — from the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) to the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs — to strengthen peacebuilding, community dialogue, and counter-extremism initiatives. This inclusive approach reflects the reality that Nigeria’s strength lies in its diversity and the shared humanity of its people.

    Bill Maher and Senator Cruz  et al would do well to engage with the facts before amplifying falsehoods that embolden extremists and malign an entire nation. Nigeria deserves solidarity in its fight against terror — not careless rhetoric that fuels misunderstanding. The truth remains simple: Nigeria is not witnessing a Christian genocide; it is confronting terrorism that targets everyone. And whoever alleges must prove.

    • Sunday Dare, CON is the Special Adviser/ Spokesperson to President Bola Tinubu of Nigeria.
  • Tali Shani property dispute and its implications for Nigerian Law

    Tali Shani property dispute and its implications for Nigerian Law

    • Shola Adebowale

    In the complex world of international property transactions, where substantial assets change hands based on documentation and legal representations, a recent case involving a disputed London property has raised significant questions about due diligence, professional responsibility, and institutional safeguards in Nigeria’s legal system. The matter, which came before a UK property tribunal in September 2024, centers on a North London residence at 79 Randall Avenue originally purchased in 1993. The dispute involves Chief Mike Ozekhome, SAN, a prominent Nigerian legal practitioner known for his advocacy on issues of governance and human rights, and competing claims over ownership of the property valued in the millions of pounds. The tribunal’s findings, delivered by Judge Ewan Paton in Case No: REF/2023/0155, have sparked broader discussions about property law vulnerabilities and professional standards within Nigeria’s legal community.

    The controversy began when Ozekhome sought to register a property transfer executed in his favor by someone identified as “Mr. Tali Shani” in 2021. However, an objection was lodged by a party claiming to be “Ms. Tali Shani,” who asserted she was the rightful registered proprietor. This competing claim triggered a tribunal investigation that would ultimately reveal a more complex situation than initially apparent. What followed was a legal drama that exposed layers of questionable documentation, conflicting testimonies, and allegations of identity fabrication that would eventually draw the attention of Nigerian federal authorities and anti-corruption agencies.

    According to the tribunal’s findings, neither party could adequately prove their claimed ownership. Instead, the evidence pointed to the late General Jeremiah Useni as the actual owner of the property, which he had allegedly purchased in 1993 using the alias “Tali Shani.” This revelation formed the foundation of the tribunal’s ultimate determination regarding the disputed ownership and raised uncomfortable questions about property acquisition during Nigeria’s military era. The use of aliases in high-value property transactions, particularly by public officials during periods of military rule, has long been a subject of concern for transparency advocates and anti-corruption campaigners in Nigeria.

    The tribunal conducted an extensive examination of the evidence presented by both parties, with proceedings that stretched over multiple hearings and adjournments. Central to the case was the identity of “Ms Tali Shani”, who never showed up before the tribunal, despite multiple adjournments on her instance. Her lawyers, who had in 2024 told the tribunal that she was hospitalised, later produced documents claiming she had died in Nigeria. This shift in the narrative, from claims of hospitalization to assertions of death, raised immediate red flags for the tribunal and demonstrated the evolving nature of the claims being advanced. The failure of this supposedly central figure to ever appear before the tribunal, despite being the named applicant in the case, became one of several factors that undermined the credibility of the claims being made on her behalf.

    The tribunal’s investigation revealed significant inconsistencies regarding the identity and existence of the person claimed to be “Ms. Tali Shani.” According to reports of the proceedings, the tribunal found that documentation presented to support this individual’s existence could not be verified as authentic. An obituary notice was created for “Ms Tali Shani” stating that she died on November 30, 2024, which was listed as a Sunday. However, November 30, 2024 was actually a Saturday, with the Sunday falling on December 1. This mismatch was one of the factors that led the tribunal to dismiss the obituary as a forgery. Such elementary errors in fabricated documents often serve as telltale signs of fraudulent schemes, and in this case, the tribunal seized upon these inconsistencies as evidence of a broader pattern of deception.

    Beyond the flawed obituary, witnesses who testified on behalf of the “Ms. Tali Shani” claim provided conflicting accounts that further eroded their credibility. The woman’s supposed son, Ayodele Damola, and cousin, Marcel Obasi, continued pressing the case even after her reported death, but their testimonies contained contradictions. Some witnesses stated that this individual had died in a hospital, while others claimed death had occurred in a road accident. The tribunal reportedly viewed these contradictions as indicative of significant credibility problems with the claim and evidence of witness coordination failures in what appeared to be a fabricated narrative. When witnesses cannot maintain consistency on basic facts surrounding the death of a purported family member, it naturally raises questions about whether that person ever existed in the manner claimed.

    The tribunal also examined various documents submitted in support of the “Ms. Tali Shani” claim, including identity documents that became the subject of intense scrutiny. The National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) confirmed that the NIN was fraudulently created remotely from Monaco under an “amputee exception,” without biometric capture and using a non-compliant photograph. This finding was particularly damaging because it revealed that Nigerian government identification systems had been manipulated to create false documentation supporting the fraudulent claim. The amputee exception, designed as a humanitarian provision for individuals unable to provide complete biometric data due to physical disability, had apparently been exploited to circumvent normal verification procedures. The fact that this manipulation occurred remotely from Monaco, far from Nigeria’s borders, suggested a degree of sophistication in the fraudulent scheme and raised questions about the security of Nigeria’s national identification infrastructure.

    Turning to Ozekhome’s position in this complex matter, his claim rested on his assertion that the property had been transferred to him as a gift from “Mr. Tali Shani” in recognition of legal services he had provided over the years. According to his account, this transfer represented gratitude for extensive professional work he had performed on behalf of this client, a narrative that, if true, would represent an extraordinarily generous expression of appreciation. However, this explanation encountered significant skepticism from the tribunal, which found multiple aspects of the story unconvincing and inconsistent with the available evidence.

    During proceedings, Ozekhome acknowledged that he had no direct knowledge of the original 1993 purchase of the property or its subsequent management over nearly three decades. He stated that his understanding of these matters came through his relationship with General Useni, essentially admitting that he lacked firsthand knowledge of the property’s history before the purported 2021 transfer to him. This admission was significant because it undermined his ability to vouch for the legitimacy of “Mr. Tali Shani” as the property’s rightful owner who possessed authority to transfer it. Without knowledge of the original purchase or the property’s management history, Ozekhome was effectively asking the tribunal to accept his claim based primarily on his relationship with Useni and his assertion that “Mr. Shani” felt deeply indebted to him for legal services rendered.

    When asked to provide documentary evidence of the legal services he claimed to have rendered to “Mr. Tali Shani,” which would have substantiated his narrative of a grateful client making a generous gift, Ozekhome declined, citing client confidentiality and legal professional privilege. While attorney-client privilege is a fundamental principle of legal practice designed to encourage candid communication between lawyers and their clients, the tribunal apparently found this explanation insufficient in the specific circumstances of this case. The invocation of privilege, particularly given the nature of the claims being made and the substantial value of the property at stake, raised questions about whether documentary evidence of such services actually existed or whether the privilege claim served as a convenient shield against having to produce evidence that might not support the narrative being advanced.

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    The tribunal’s verdict was decisive, with Judge Ewan Paton ruling on September 11 that the narrative advanced by Ozekhome, supported by his son Osilama Ozekhome, was a “contrived story” invented to provide a plausible reason for the transfer. The involvement of Ozekhome’s son in the proceedings added another dimension to the case, as his testimony was apparently intended to corroborate his father’s account and lend additional credibility to the claims being made. However, the tribunal remained unconvinced by their combined testimony, ultimately finding that their accounts were fabricated rather than truthful. This finding represented a serious reputational blow to a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, a designation reserved for lawyers who have distinguished themselves through exceptional skill, integrity, and contributions to the legal profession.

    Perhaps the most dramatic moment in the proceedings came when the tribunal heard directly from General Useni himself, who appeared to give evidence before his death. Before his death, Mr Useni appeared before the court through a video link in 2024. Contrary to Mr Ozekhome’s defence, Mr Useni told the court plainly: “I owned it. I bought the property. It is my property.” He admitted registering the house in another person’s name but denied ever authorizing any transfer. This testimony was devastating to Ozekhome’s case because it directly contradicted the central premise of his claim that “Mr. Tali Shani” was a real person who had legitimately owned the property and chosen to gift it to him. Useni’s frank admission that he had purchased the property but registered it under a different name confirmed the tribunal’s suspicions about the true ownership structure while simultaneously undermining any basis for Ozekhome’s claim to have received it as a gift from someone other than Useni himself.

    The tribunal’s conclusion that Useni was the real owner who had used an alias for the original purchase raised important questions about the motivations and circumstances surrounding such arrangements. General Jeremiah Useni was a significant figure in Nigerian military and political circles during the 1990s, a period marked by military rule and significant concerns about corruption and asset concealment by public officials. He served as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory under General Sani Abacha’s military government from 1993 to 1998, precisely the period when this London property was purchased. Useni and Abacha had a close professional relationship spanning decades, with Useni serving as a trusted advisor during Abacha’s tenure as head of state. His influence extended to various aspects of governance, including politics, infrastructure development, and policy implementation, making him one of the most powerful figures in Nigeria during that era.

    Useni’s relationship with Abacha was built over three decades, nurtured through professional and social interactions that long predated their time together in government. He was not only Abacha’s alter ego but also had his ear on crucial matters, making him a pivotal figure in Abacha’s regime. Useni’s proximity to Abacha earned him significant power and influence, allowing him to shape policy decisions and advise on key issues affecting the nation. This closeness to the center of power during a period now widely recognized as marked by massive corruption and asset looting inevitably raises questions about how public officials accumulated wealth during this time and why they might have chosen to conceal ownership of foreign properties through the use of aliases and nominees.

    Following Abacha’s unexpected death in 1998, Useni revealed that he believed he should have succeeded Abacha as head of state based on military protocol and seniority, but was sidelined due to religious considerations. According to Useni’s account, some people opposed him because he was a Christian, and this led to General Abdulsalami Abubakar being appointed as the new head of state instead. Useni was reportedly the most senior military officer after Abacha’s death, but considerations beyond strict protocol seniority influenced the succession decision. Useni was present at Aso Rock on the day Abacha died and later recounted the events surrounding that day, claiming that he was not informed about Abacha’s death until about nine hours later because some people did not want him to know. He disputed claims that Abacha’s death was suspicious, attributing it to natural causes, though questions about the circumstances of Abacha’s death have persisted in Nigerian public discourse.

    Useni’s legacy remains complex and contested, with varying assessments of his role and contributions. Some view him as a key figure in Abacha’s regime, which was marked by controversy, human rights abuses, and allegations of massive corruption that saw billions of dollars looted from Nigeria’s treasury. The Abacha years are widely remembered as a dark period in Nigerian history, characterized by political repression, the execution of environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight others, and the systematic undermining of democratic institutions. However, others recognize contributions Useni made to Nigeria’s development, particularly in the Federal Capital Territory, where he oversaw significant infrastructure projects during his tenure as Minister that helped shape modern Abuja. This duality in Useni’s legacy makes the property dispute all the more significant, as it touches on questions about wealth accumulation by public officials during a deeply problematic period in Nigeria’s history.

    The revelations from the tribunal have prompted action from multiple Nigerian institutions concerned about the integrity of the legal profession and the potential criminal implications of the findings. The Human and Environmental Development Agenda, commonly known as HEDA Resource Centre, a civil society organization focused on transparency and accountability in governance, has taken a leading role in calling for further investigation. HEDA has petitioned the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, known as ICPC, one of Nigeria’s primary anti-corruption agencies, to investigate the matter thoroughly and determine whether criminal charges are warranted. The petition requests examination of whether fraud, document forgery, or other offenses occurred in connection with the property dispute and the creation of false identity documents.

    The ICPC has reportedly launched a probe following HEDA’s petition. The investigation will likely examine not only the actions of the individuals directly involved in the property dispute but also the systems and processes that allowed fraudulent documentation to be created. In his petition, Olanrewaju Suraju, HEDA’s Chairman, urged the ICPC to prosecute Mr Ozekhome, his associates, and the unnamed Nigerian officials who allegedly facilitated the fake documents. This call for prosecution extends beyond the immediate parties to the dispute and seeks accountability from government officials who may have participated in or enabled the creation of fraudulent identity documents, recognizing that such schemes typically require inside assistance from individuals with access to government systems.

    The apparent manipulation of Nigeria’s national identification system has emerged as a particularly troubling aspect of the case, raising broader concerns about the security and integrity of government databases. The revelation that a National Identification Number could be generated remotely from Monaco using an amputee exception, without proper biometric capture and using photographs that did not comply with established standards, suggests serious vulnerabilities in NIMC’s systems and procedures. These vulnerabilities have implications far beyond this single case, as they indicate that Nigeria’s identification infrastructure may be susceptible to manipulation by individuals seeking to create false identities for fraudulent purposes. The Nigerian police have also reportedly examined aspects of the case and found that addresses used in the fraudulent documentation scheme were fictitious or could not be verified, adding another layer to the catalog of falsified information deployed in support of the competing claims.

    The case has drawn the attention of Nigeria’s Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, himself a Senior Advocate and therefore a peer of Ozekhome within Nigeria’s legal establishment. The Attorney-General announced that he has launched a probe into the messy property controversy, describing it as a matter that bears sadly on the integrity of the Nigerian legal profession. This statement carries particular weight coming from the nation’s chief law officer and reflects deep concern about the potential damage to the legal profession’s reputation when senior practitioners become embroiled in cases involving allegations of fraud and fabricated evidence. Fagbemi has called for cooperation from the Nigerian Bar Association and the Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria in investigating the matter, recognizing that the legal profession itself has a stake in ensuring that its members maintain the highest standards of integrity and that those who fall short face appropriate consequences.

    The NBA Anti-Corruption Committee has announced its readiness to cooperate fully with the Attorney-General’s investigation and has expressed support for the probe. The committee stated that the case raised several “improper critical issues that require investigations on the authenticity of the judgment that is widely in circulation.” This response from the NBA’s specialized committee on corruption matters indicates that the organized bar recognizes the seriousness of the allegations and understands that the profession’s credibility depends on its willingness to police its own members and cooperate with investigations when serious questions arise. The committee’s reference to investigating the authenticity of the widely circulated judgment suggests some within the legal community initially hoped the tribunal’s decision might not be genuine, though subsequent confirmations have established that Judge Paton’s ruling is indeed authentic and accurately reflects the tribunal’s findings.

    This case underscores the critical importance of diligence in property transactions, particularly when alias names or pseudonyms are involved, as such arrangements create inherent risks and complications that can persist for decades. As a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Ozekhome’s entanglement in this controversy has generated significant discussion within legal circles, given his stature and experience in the profession. One would expect a legal practitioner of Ozekhome’s prominence to exercise extraordinary caution and scrutiny in property matters, particularly those involving substantial value and unclear ownership histories, rather than finding himself embroiled in a complex web of claims and counterclaims involving property whose origins are shrouded in mystery and allegedly rooted in arrangements made during Nigeria’s military era.

    Beyond this controversy, it should be noted that Ozekhome has had a distinguished and often courageous career as a lawyer and human rights advocate. He has represented numerous individuals and causes, often taking on cases that others might have avoided due to political sensitivity or personal risk. In 2013, he experienced a traumatic ordeal when he was kidnapped and held captive for approximately three weeks before his release, which reportedly occurred following payment of a twenty-eight million naira ransom. Two men, Kelvin Ezeigbe and Frank Azuekor, were later sentenced to twenty years imprisonment each for their roles in the kidnapping, bringing some measure of justice for the crime committed against him. This incident highlighted the personal dangers that Nigerian lawyers, particularly those involved in high-profile or politically sensitive cases, sometimes face in the course of their work.

    Ozekhome has also been notably vocal on various national issues affecting governance and federalism in Nigeria. He has criticized what he views as federal government overreach in matters affecting state and local governments, including speaking out against the withholding of local government funds in Osun State and other jurisdictions. He described such moves as highly political and violations of constitutional provisions and Supreme Court rulings that guarantee fiscal federalism and the financial autonomy of different tiers of government. As a Senior Advocate, Ozekhome has been a prominent figure in Nigeria’s legal landscape for many years, known for his advocacy on issues including good governance, democracy, and the rule of law, frequently appearing in high-profile constitutional and political cases. This background makes his involvement in the current controversy all the more striking and consequential for discussions about professional standards and accountability within the legal profession.

    The tribunal’s verdict, which characterized Ozekhome’s narrative as contrived and invented to provide a plausible reason for the property transfer, highlights the fundamental need for transparency and thorough verification in property dealings, regardless of the stature or reputation of the individuals involved. The case serves as a stark reminder that even seasoned legal practitioners, like the rest of humanity, can find themselves entangled in questionable transactions, whether through poor judgment, inadequate due diligence, or more troubling motivations. This reality emphasizes the paramount importance of meticulous verification of facts and ownership claims before proceeding with high-value property transactions, as the consequences of failures in this regard can be severe both legally and reputationally.

    The implications of this judgment extend well beyond Ozekhome’s individual case and raise fundamental questions about property ownership and transfer practices in Nigeria, particularly involving assets held abroad by Nigerian citizens. The case has exposed significant vulnerabilities in systems designed to prevent fraudulent transactions and ensure legitimate transfers of property. It has revealed that Nigeria’s national identification system can apparently be manipulated to create false identities, that death certificates and other vital documents can be forged with relative ease, and that even lawyers holding the prestigious rank of Senior Advocate can become involved in disputes where tribunals find their accounts lacking in credibility. These revelations point to the urgent need for robust mechanisms to verify property ownership and prevent fraudulent transactions, involving not just better legal frameworks but also strengthened institutional capacity and integrity within government agencies responsible for maintaining vital records and identification systems.

    For property owners, legal practitioners, and policymakers, the Tali Shani saga offers valuable and sobering lessons that merit careful consideration. Perhaps the most fundamental lesson is the critical importance of verifying property ownership through rigorous due diligence to prevent fraudulent transactions and ensure that transfers are legitimate and properly authorized. This verification process must go beyond simply accepting documents at face value and should involve thorough investigation of a property’s history, chain of ownership, and any outstanding liabilities or disputes that might affect title. When dealing with properties that have complex ownership structures, involve aliases or nominees, or have unclear histories, the level of scrutiny must be proportionally increased to account for the elevated risks such situations present.

    Transparency emerges as another crucial element in preventing disputes of this nature. By ensuring that all parties involved in a transaction have access to accurate information about a property’s history and ownership, and by maintaining clear documentation of all transfers and the consideration provided, transparency can help prevent the kind of complex disputes and lengthy litigation that this case has produced. When ownership structures are deliberately opaque, when aliases are used without clear documentation of the reasons and the true beneficial ownership, and when transfers occur without adequate documentation of the basis for the transaction, the stage is set for future disputes that can tie up properties in litigation for years and damage the reputations of everyone involved.

    Meticulous due diligence is absolutely essential for legal practitioners, particularly those at the senior levels of the profession who handle high-value transactions and upon whom clients and the public depend to maintain the highest professional standards. This due diligence must involve carefully examining all documents for authenticity and consistency, verifying the identity of all parties involved in a transaction through multiple independent sources, assessing potential risks including the possibility that claims may not be what they initially appear, and being willing to decline representation or walk away from transactions when red flags emerge that cannot be satisfactorily resolved. The temptation to proceed with a lucrative transaction despite warning signs must be resisted, as the long-term consequences of involvement in a fraudulent or questionable transaction invariably outweigh any short-term benefits.

    The judgment in the Tali Shani case raises important questions about the adequacy of Nigeria’s legal and institutional frameworks for property ownership and transfer, both domestically and for properties held abroad by Nigerian citizens. It highlights the pressing need for robust mechanisms to prevent fraudulent transactions and ensure that property rights are protected and that legitimate ownership can be clearly established and defended. These mechanisms must include not only stronger legal frameworks and clearer procedures but also enhanced transparency in property dealings, better training for officials responsible for maintaining property and identity records, more secure systems that cannot be easily manipulated to create false documentation, and more effective enforcement against those who engage in fraudulent activities or facilitate such conduct through their official positions.

    Policy reforms may be necessary to address the systemic vulnerabilities that this case has exposed, including reforms to strengthen Nigeria’s national identification system against manipulation, establish clearer requirements for documentation when property is held in names other than the beneficial owner, create more robust verification procedures for vital documents such as death certificates that can affect property claims, and enhance the capacity of regulatory bodies to investigate and sanction misconduct by legal practitioners. The Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee, which has the authority to investigate allegations of professional misconduct and impose sanctions including suspension or disbarment, may need additional resources and stronger procedures to handle cases involving senior practitioners where significant pressure and influence might be brought to bear to protect reputations and avoid consequences.

    Ultimately, the Tali Shani saga serves as a powerful reminder of the critical importance of diligence, transparency, and unwavering integrity in all property transactions, but particularly those involving substantial value, complex ownership structures, or international dimensions. By prioritizing these fundamental values, individuals and organizations can better protect their interests, prevent disputes that can drag on for years consuming resources and damaging reputations, and contribute to building a more efficient, reliable, and trustworthy property market in Nigeria. The case demonstrates that shortcuts in due diligence, acceptance of implausible stories without adequate verification, and involvement in transactions with unclear or questionable origins inevitably carry enormous risks that can destroy reputations built over decades and expose individuals to criminal liability.

    For Nigeria’s legal profession specifically, the matter represents a moment of reckoning that demands serious reflection on professional standards, ethics, and accountability. The principle enshrined in equity that “he who comes to equity must come with clean hands” is particularly resonant in this case, where questions about credibility and transparency have been central to the tribunal’s ultimate rejection of the claims advanced. This ancient legal maxim holds that those seeking the assistance of courts sitting in equity must approach with honesty and integrity, having acted fairly and without fraud or deception. When legal practitioners themselves become subject to findings that their accounts are contrived and invented rather than truthful, it strikes at the very heart of the profession’s role as officers of the court and guardians of the legal system’s integrity.

    The coming months will likely see further developments as investigations by the ICPC, the Attorney-General’s office, and potentially the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee proceed. The outcomes of these investigations will be closely watched by the legal community, civil society organizations concerned with transparency and anti-corruption, and the broader public. Whether criminal charges are ultimately filed, whether professional sanctions are imposed, and whether systemic reforms are implemented to address the vulnerabilities this case has exposed will all have significant implications for Nigeria’s legal system, the property market, and public confidence in institutions responsible for maintaining order and integrity in these spheres.

    What remains undeniable is that the Tali Shani property dispute has laid bare serious problems that require urgent attention and meaningful responses from all stakeholders. From the apparent ease with which national identification documents can be fraudulently created to the involvement of senior legal practitioners in transactions where their accounts are found to lack credibility, from the use of aliases by public officials to conceal property ownership to the challenges of establishing clear title when such arrangements unravel after the original owner’s death, this case touches on multiple points of institutional weakness and vulnerability to fraud and manipulation. Addressing these problems will require sustained commitment, political will, adequate resources, and most fundamentally, a shared determination that Nigeria’s legal system, property market, and professional communities must operate according to the highest standards of integrity and transparency.

    The legacy of the Tali Shani saga will ultimately depend on whether it serves as a catalyst for meaningful reform and heightened vigilance or becomes merely another example of problems identified but not addressed, lessons acknowledged but not learned, and vulnerabilities exposed but left unrepaired. The trajectory Nigeria chooses will say much about the nation’s commitment to the rule of law, institutional integrity, and the accountability of elites including senior legal practitioners who occupy positions of trust and influence. The case stands as both a warning about the consequences of cutting corners and tolerating questionable practices, and an opportunity to strengthen systems and standards in ways that will benefit Nigeria’s legal system and society for years to come.

    …..

    Note: This article is based on the September 11, 2024 judgment by Judge Ewan Paton in the First-Tier Tribunal (Property Chamber) Case No: REF/2023/0155, subsequent public statements by Nigerian officials, and reporting by Nigerian media outlets. The matters discussed remain subject to ongoing investigations by Nigerian authorities. All parties referenced are entitled to due process, and no final determination of professional misconduct or criminal liability has been concluded at the time of writing. Readers seeking additional information should consult the official tribunal judgment and statements from relevant Nigerian government agencies.

  • Can President Trump end the war in Ukraine?

    Can President Trump end the war in Ukraine?

    • By Marianna Kozintseva

    US President Donald Trump has recently shifted his stance on the war in Ukraine, voicing strong support for Ukraine’s territorial integrity and calling Russia a “paper tiger.” After meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky at the United Nations, Trump stated that with the backing of NATO and the European Union, Ukraine could “fight and win all of Ukraine back in its original form.”

    Does this imply that we will soon see the end of the war in Ukraine?

    The answer to that is complex. “Ending the war” can mean very different outcomes – ranging from a negotiated ceasefire to full territorial restoration – and Trump’s vision may not fully align with Ukraine’s goals or the EU’s strategic priorities.

    Trump’s influence centers on three areas: exerting pressure on allies and adversaries to shape negotiations, expanding US military aid to Ukraine to strengthen its position on the battlefield, and imposing sanctions on Russia and its trading partners to raise the economic costs of the war.

    All these actions, however, require coordination with multiple players, and some also face potential escalation risks.

    Since assuming his second presidency in January 2025, Trump has urged Europe to take greater responsibility for the war. This included reducing direct US military aid while continuing to supply weapons through NATO, publicly pressuring EU leaders to increase military and financial contributions, and criticizing European energy imports from Russia as “funding the war against themselves.”

    Nobel laureate Oleksandra Matviichuk joins Canada’s ambassador to Ukraine for a powerful talk on justice, truth, and documenting war crimes amid Russia’s war and Ukraine’s fight for freedom.

    His approach is already bearing fruit. According to the Kiel Institute, by June 30, 2025, Europe had allocated €167.4 billion ($195 billion) in aid to Ukraine (including €80.5 billion [$94 billion] in military support) – 1.5 times more than the total US allocation.

    In a clear break with earlier attitudes, Europe is now aggressively procuring weapons, debating repurposing €300 billion ($350 billion) in frozen Russian assets to fund Ukraine’s war and reconstruction, and drafting a proposal to accelerate the phase-out of Russian natural gas imports ahead of the original 2027 deadline.

    Bringing Russia to the negotiating table, however, will be impossible without buy-in from China and India, both of which remain Russia’s largest trading partners and the largest purchasers of Russian hydrocarbons, blunting the impact of Western sanctions.

    According to the Russian Fossil Tracker, Russia sold over €949 billion ($1.1 billion) in oil, natural gas, and coal globally between February 2022 and September 2025, with 45% of the exports going to China and India.

    President Trump has imposed tariffs ranging from 50% to 100% on select Chinese imports since taking office – including on electronics, machinery, and dual-use goods suspected of reaching Russia’s defense supply chain – and raised tariffs on Indian imports to 50%.

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    Both sets of tariffs are among the steepest the US has applied to any major trading partner and are framed as part of a broader campaign to “squeeze Moscow” by targeting its key economic allies.

    Trade connections cut both ways, however,

    China is the US’s third-largest trading partner after Mexico and Canada, with a total trade volume of $582 billion in 2024, near a record high. The United States is reliant on China for key raw and processed rare earth materials, which are essential for semiconductor production, electric motors, wind turbines and even missile guidance systems.

    China also dominates the global refining of lithium, cobalt, nickel and graphite, making it vital to the supply chains of EV batteries and energy storage. It is also the world’s second-largest holder of US Treasuries after Japan, with approximately $775 billion as of June 2025.

    Russia’s willingness to negotiate hinges on a mix of military realities, economic endurance and elite cohesion. Despite battlefield setbacks and mounting costs, Moscow has shown little appetite for compromise, largely because the war remains framed domestically as existential – both for Russia’s security and for the legitimacy of its leadership.

    Key turning points that could shift Russia’s stance include Ukraine’s advances toward Crimea, US permission for strikes deep inside Russia using US-supplied weapons, or NATO air cover over part of Ukraine.

    Any defense escalation from the US or NATO side will, of course, carry the risk of Russian retaliation ranging from cyberattacks on Western infrastructure to energy supply disruptions or even military strikes against NATO assets outside its territory.

    Ultimately, a shift in Russia’s strategy is most likely if the war is seen as unwinnable, unaffordable and politically unsustainable.

    Ukraine’s resolve also matters. It has shaped the battlefield through grit and innovative warfare, while rallying global support. President Zelensky has consistently articulated a goal of full territorial recovery, including Crimea and the Donbas, framing the war as a fight for sovereignty rather than compromise.

    Yet with rising casualties, 69% of Ukrainians now favor a negotiated end to the war as soon as possible, according to a July 2025 Gallup survey.

    Finally, there is the US domestic public opinion. According to the July 2025 Nanos poll, inflation, jobs and immigration dominate Americans’ concerns, drawing 17.9%, 15.5% and 10.6% of unprompted mentions, respectively, while foreign policy and wars generated only 3.8%.

    Though 62% of Americans support providing more arms to Ukraine (according to the Chicago Council on Global Affairs), helping Ukraine comes second to helping America.

    President Trump’s enthusiasm for Ukraine’s victory and his influence over US and global policy have energized Ukraine and its allies, with the ripple effects of his strategy potentially reshaping the future of transatlantic security, global energy markets, and Western deterrence.

    Still, actually ending the war will require sustained American commitment and strong international coordination.

    ·           This article was first published in ww.kyivpost.com

  • Osun: A cause for concern!

    Osun: A cause for concern!

    Osun State is currently in the grip of paralysis, crippled by a malfunctioning government that has turned project management into a farce. A review of recent projects reveals a glaring lack of focus and an alarming managerial ineptitude. Yet, the people of Osun are enduring with remarkable patience – a fortitude that tells a story. Elsewhere, such a situation would have long since erupted into turmoil, making their restraint all the more commendable.

    The core function of the State, as articulated by the tenets of the Social Contract, rests on its ability to guarantee the security and welfare of its citizens. Yet, in Osun, this foundational agreement appears to be under severe strain, particularly as it has been replaced by a disturbing pattern of policy paralysis and official apathy. The pressing question remains: what’s to be done?

    The tragedy of Akinlalu, for example, was not merely a localized security breach, but a symptom of a deeper crisis in the state’s political sociology. When the State Government responds to such episodes with apparent indifference, it reveals a profound philosophical misalignment that threatens the very fabric of the state.

    Of course, this inaction is not a passive omission; it is an active contribution to the erasure of citizen trust and a tacit declaration that the lives and safety of its people are, at best, a secondary concern. Unless some steps are taken in the right direction, Akinlalu is a clear signal of what to expect in 2026!

    Preparation is crucial for even the most menial of tasks, let alone the daunting prospects of running a subnational government during a profound economic transition. The Bola Tinubu administration has bravely initiated what could become seismic economic reforms. However, for these reforms to deepen and achieve a trickle-down effect, state governments must be energized and innovative.

    It is truly unfortunate that some of our governors do not understand that politics and productive governance are two different phases, and any governor who cannot differentiate between the terms is a colossal failure to society. The sadder truth is that Osun is demonstrably far from being either innovative or activated. This inertia explains why the state cannot even conceive of adopting a transformative measure like the N104,000 minimum wage to which the Imo State Government has committed.

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    Osun State is blessed with immense resources, robust human capital, and clear geographical advantage. Had these assets been managed competently and responsively, by now, the state would easily be paying its workers a minimum wage of at least N95,000 a month. Crucially, this prosperity should be sustained by determinedly increasing its internally generated revenue (IGR) through genuine production, not through the facile and oppressive measure of extra taxation.

    Be that as it may, a more profound crisis is now at work in Osun, and that’s painful! At this critical juncture, it is virtually impossible to decipher a coherent alternative, much less identify an entity capable of presenting a rigorously costed, detailed programme of governance.

    Frankly, what we observe is not a ‘government-in-waiting’, but rather a disappointing cacophony of voices – largely a collection of individuals seemingly propelled by personal ambition and ego. This political void signals that most of the state’s potential leaders are not motivated by a burning, unified desire to offer the electorate a viable alternative, leaving the populace trapped between ineffective governance and an equally ineffectual, fragmented opposition.

    Consider the impending farce: the governor will soon present the 2026 Annual Estimates, which a subservient House of Assembly will undoubtedly pass without batting an eyelid. This legislative rubber-stamping is a stark reminder that the separation of powers is effectively defunct in most states. It has reduced the Assembly to a mere appendage of the Executive.

    What is truly unacceptable in a state desperate for development is that those clamouring to take power in the next election have failed to produce an alternative, detailed budget for public scrutiny. This inaction gives expression to a bleak reality: a demented misinterpretation of politics – focused purely on acquisition, not execution – has fundamentally replaced the essential notion of governance in Nigeria. The political razzmatazz in the state capital seems to be all that matters!

    Tragically, the present government in Osun operates without a discernible programme, and critically, it is clearly not in a hurry to develop one. Likewise, the ‘opposition’, no matter how fragmented, is precisely like an applicant arriving for a job interview without any discerning understanding of the nature and temperature of the post it seeks to fill. This collective, dual failure is the sorry state of Osun politics today.

    As things stand, it is as if the state is on life support. While the ruling party is behaving like a village girl who falls in love newly, the opposition is acting like a slim girl who can be dissected easily. Otherwise, a government worth its mission would have developed a blueprint to turn the fortune of Ife-Ibadan Road into a socioeconomic hub; the opposition, too, would have presented an alternative.

    But what do we have instead? A government that dances away – irresistibly – the state’s destiny on the altar of inanities, and an opposition that equally flocks and dines with utter bewilderment. This depressing uniformity of self-interest, rather than service, tells the story of a profound ideological bankruptcy within the political class. The counts are few of those who truly care.

    The Labour Party in the UK from 1945 to 1951 represents, to many, the veritable gold standard of effective, reforming government – a six-year blitz that rewired not only the UK but the world. While Clement Attlee was the Prime Minister who led this colossal transformation, the intellectual engine for the monumental change was the party’s Research Department, famously driven by Michael Young (its indefatigable Secretary) and his team. They were the unseen scribes of the ‘Let Us Face the Future’ manifesto.

    Not unexpectedly, this contrast leads one to a truly sobering thought right here in Nigeria: Who, for the love of good governance, is the Director of Research for the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) or the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) in Osun? If that gold standard of the 1945 Labour Party could have a quiet hero, what chance does our local iron have? Does anybody, even on his or her best day, know the name of the Chairman of the Osun State Chapter of the Labour Party?

    For the APC, a crucial internal question arises: given the informal agreement on Osun West’s eight-year tenure, will abandoning it be fair, and won’t it spark backlash? Already, voices (presumably induced) are clamouring for Osogbo, the state capital, to have a bite of the governorship. However, this claim is politically charged, as Osogbo is in Osun Central, which has already produced three governors: Olagunsoye Oyinlola, Bisi Akande, and Adegboyega Oyetola.

    The rationale in the clamour for Osogbo must be vigorously explained by those in the Osun East Senatorial District positioning themselves for a run to obtain the candidacy of their party in the party primaries. This necessity is underscored by the fact that Rauf Aregbesola, from the East, did two terms in office before handing power to Oyetola. Consequently, the question must be asked: Is it not too soon for the East Senatorial District to now produce the alternative to a one-term governor from the Central Senatorial District?

    Wait a minute, why can’t the opposition forge a consensus candidate through constructive ambiguity and save the party from the principalities and powers of factional fighting and internal rivalry?

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Climate change mitigation: through circular economy (from waste to wealth)

    Climate change mitigation: through circular economy (from waste to wealth)

    This article explores how recycling, reuse, and sustainable innovation are turning waste into opportunity worldwide. In major cities across the world, mountains of plastic bottles, discarded electronics, and piles of food waste are fast becoming symbols of modern life. Yet, what if these heaps of trash were not just a problem but a hidden treasure? The concept of the circular economy is redefining how the world thinks about waste, offering a powerful path toward both environmental sustainability and economic renewal.

    Rethinking Waste as Opportunity: For decades, the global economy has operated in a linear fashion: take, make, use, and dispose. This model has driven unprecedented industrial growth, but at a staggering environmental cost. Landfills overflow, oceans choke with plastic, and carbon emissions from manufacturing continue to warm the planet. The circular economy proposes a different approach one that keeps resources in use for as long as possible, extracts maximum value from them, and then regenerates products and materials at the end of their life cycle. In this model, waste is not the end of the story but the beginning of a new one. Old tires can be transformed into road surfaces, food scraps into biogas, and plastic bottles into new textiles. The result is a system where materials circulate endlessly, reducing pressure on natural resources and slashing greenhouse gas emissions. Across Africa and other developing regions, the circular economy is already taking root in creative ways. In Nigeria, startups like Wecyclers and Trash2Wealth are turning household waste into income sources for low-income communities. Local collectors earn money by gathering recyclable materials, which are then processed and reused by manufacturers. This not only reduces landfill pollution but also provides livelihoods and empowers communities to take ownership of their environment. Similarly, in Kenya, entrepreneurs are converting agricultural residues into eco-friendly packaging materials and charcoal briquettes cutting down on deforestation while creating green jobs. These examples highlight how climate action and economic empowerment can go hand in hand.

    Circular Thinking in Industry: Globally, major industries are embracing the idea of circularity. Fashion brands are recycling old garments into new fabrics; technology companies are designing modular electronics that can be repaired instead of discarded; and construction firms are using recycled concrete and steel to build sustainable cities. Each of these innovations contributes to reducing emissions from energy-intensive production processes.

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    The Ellen MacArthur Foundation estimates that adopting circular economy principles could cut global carbon emissions by up to 39% by 2032;  a significant contribution toward meeting the Paris Agreement goals.

    Policy and Public Participation: However, for the circular economy to thrive, strong policies and public engagement are essential. Governments can encourage recycling and reuse through tax incentives, waste separation laws, and investments in recycling infrastructure. Education campaigns are equally important, teaching citizens that throwing things “away” simply means moving them somewhere else on the planet.

    Countries like Rwanda and Sweden are already setting examples by banning single-use plastics, investing in repair industries, and rewarding sustainable product design. Nigeria and other developing nations are beginning to follow suit, integrating waste-to-energy projects and green innovation hubs into their national climate strategies.

    Challenges and the Road Ahead: Despite its promise, the circular economy faces significant hurdles. Weak infrastructure, limited recycling capacity, and informal waste management systems can hinder large scale implementation. Additionally, many products are not yet designed for easy reuse or disassembly. But these challenges are not insurmountable. With investment, innovation, and political will, they can be overcome.

    The transition to a circular economy is more than an environmental necessity, it’s an economic opportunity waiting to be unlocked. By closing the loop between production, consumption, and waste, our societies can move from pollution to prosperity.

    As climate change accelerates, the circular economy offers a hopeful vision: one where human progress no longer depends on destroying the planet’s resources. Instead, it invites us to imagine a future where everything we use finds a second life and nothing truly goes to waste.

    • Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan) is a researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control

    badeleye@gmail.com +234 803 525 6450