Category: Comments

  • Customer service week: How FIRS boss put Nigerians first

    Customer service week: How FIRS boss put Nigerians first

    By Arabinrin Aderonke

    This week has been Customer Service Week across the world, and as always, it is a time to celebrate customers and appreciate those who serve them. At the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), the celebration has been full of colour, excitement, and unity. From themed dress days to fun activities, staff across the country took time to appreciate the people who make their work meaningful, the taxpayers.

    But beyond the glamour and celebration, this year’s Customer Service Week has given everyone at FIRS another reason to reflect on the kind of leadership the agency has been blessed with. Since Dr. Zacch Adedeji, Executive Chairman, came on board, he has shown that leadership is not just about policy but about people, and when I say people, I mean the people of Nigeria. He has brought a human touch to tax administration and changed the way many Nigerians perceive the agency.

    Today, FIRS is not just an agency collecting taxes across Nigeria; it is a people-driven institution that listens, understands, and responds. Through innovations such as the TaxProMax platform, electronic invoicing, and an active online presence, people and businesses can now file returns, make payments, or access information with ease.

    Every transaction is secured and verifiable through a unique Invoice Reference Number and QR code, while taxpayers without internet access can conveniently use the *829# USSD code to retrieve their TIN, verify tax clearance certificates, locate nearby offices, or make quick inquiries. It is now easy for anyone to pay taxes or ask questions, as FIRS experts are always ready to assist through the website, social media, or call centers.

    The Tax Boss is a man who knows his onions and leads with direction and purpose. FIRS has built a strong culture of courtesy and service excellence. Staff are reminded that taxpayers are partners in progress and that respect, fairness, and timely service are necessary to good governance.

    This change has increased public trust and strengthened the agency’s reputation as a responsive institution. Today, if you ask ten Nigerians, nine will tell you they now understand taxes better and why they are important. We have never had it this good.

    His calm confidence, intelligence, and people-first approach have changed the atmosphere within the Agency. Staff now take pride in serving, knowing that their work makes life easier for millions. Taxpayers, too, are beginning to see FIRS differently, not as a burden, but as an institution they can trust.

    READ ALSO: Amupitan: From academia to umpire

    As this year’s Customer Service Week comes to an end, with the theme “Mission: Possible,” Nigerians can agree that Dr. Zacch has made it more than just a theme; he has made it our reality. He has shown that change is possible in public service. He leads by example, puts people first, and ensures that FIRS has become a true model of what responsive governance should look like.

    At the end of the day, Dr. Zacch is a tactical leader whose results speak louder than words. What he has built at FIRS tells its own story. It is a system that works, a team that serves, and a nation that believes again. Nigerians can now see that the mission is truly possible.

    Happy Customer Service Week to the Tax Boss, the entire FIRS team, and the ever-supportive taxpayers across Nigeria. Together, we keep building a better country for everyone.

    –          Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi is the technical assistant, broadcast media, to the executive chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service.

  • Mahmood Yakubu’s enduring legacy

    Mahmood Yakubu’s enduring legacy

    • By Precious Shuaibu

    When Professor Mahmood Yakubu assumed office as chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in November 2015, Nigeria’s democratic system was at a crossroads. Years of manual operations, logistical breakdowns, and allegations of electoral manipulation had eroded public confidence. To many, INEC was a bureaucracy struggling under the weight of its own inefficiencies. But to Yakubu, it was an institution on the verge of transformation — one that could be modernised through innovation, data, and technology.

    Ten years later, as he stepped down — the first INEC chairman in Nigeria’s history to complete two full terms — his legacy is widely viewed through the lens of the digital revolution that took root under his leadership.

    Yakubu on Tuesday handed over to May Agbamuche-Mbu as successor on an interim basis. In recognition of decade-long legacy at INEC, President Bola Tinubu conferred upon him the befitting national honour of Commander of the Order of the Niger.

    As acting chairman, Agbamuche-Mbu inherited an INEC that has undergone one of the most profound technological transformations in its history. Much of that transformation bears the imprint of Professor Mahmood Yakubu, whose years at the helm redefined how elections are conducted, monitored, and perceived in Africa’s largest democracy.

    When Professor Yakubu assumed office in November 2015, Nigeria’s electoral landscape was mired in challenges — logistical inefficiency, accusations of bias, and a pervasive distrust of official results. Yet, for Yakubu, the task was not just to conduct elections, but to reinvent the machinery that made them possible.

    Over the years, he pursued a vision of technology-driven credibility, anchored in the belief that democracy must rest on systems that are transparent, verifiable, and resilient against manipulation. His leadership style blended academic precision with institutional pragmatism, and his reforms would ultimately turn INEC from a manual bureaucracy into a data-driven agency.

    At the heart of Yakubu’s reforms was the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) — a device that became synonymous with Nigeria’s new electoral era. Designed to authenticate voters using both fingerprints and facial recognition, BVAS addressed one of the country’s longest-standing problems: voter impersonation and multiple voting.

    Read Also: Amupitan’s nomination as INEC chairman gets support

    Replacing the old Smart Card Reader, BVAS added a layer of biometric verification that significantly reduced irregularities. It also transmitted accreditation data electronically, linking the number of verified voters directly to the results uploaded from polling units. This innovation drastically curtailed opportunities for result manipulation and established a digital trail for every stage of the process.

    BVAS was first tested during the Anambra State governorship election in November 2021, marking a cautious but ground-breaking departure from traditional methods. The results encouraged broader adoption. By the time Nigeria held its 2023 general elections, BVAS had become the centrepiece of electoral accreditation nationwide, backed by the provisions of the Electoral Act 2022.

    Despite isolated technical hitches, BVAS symbolised Yakubu’s commitment to using technology as a bulwark for integrity. It represented the institutionalisation of trust — a message that every vote must count and that every voter must be verified.

    If BVAS strengthened the mechanics of voting, the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV) redefined electoral transparency. Launched in 2020, the portal allowed polling unit results to be uploaded in real time and viewed publicly by citizens, journalists, and observers.

    For the first time, Nigerians could monitor their elections live, tracking results as they appeared from even the most remote corners of the country. This digital innovation shattered decades of opacity in the collation process, transforming what had long been a closed-door exercise into a public spectacle of accountability.

    Yakubu often described transparency as “the oxygen of democracy,” and the IReV portal embodied that conviction. Even when technical issues or connectivity gaps arose, the system represented a cultural shift — a move toward open governance in electoral administration.

    Beyond BVAS and IReV, INEC under Yakubu underwent a quiet but sweeping digital overhaul. Several core processes that had once relied on manual inputs were automated. The online candidate nomination portal, for instance, allowed political parties to upload the names and details of their nominees electronically, minimising human interference and reducing disputes.

    Observer accreditation, collation templates, and logistical data management were also digitised. The commission’s adoption of secure digital platforms streamlined its workflow and created a database-driven environment where decisions could be monitored, verified, and audited.

    Another landmark achievement was the institutionalisation of Continuous Voter Registration (CVR). The CVR initiative enabled citizens to register or update their details year-round rather than only before elections. This digital inclusion policy broadened the voter base and enhanced the accuracy of Nigeria’s voter register — now among the largest and most comprehensive in Africa.

    To improve operational efficiency, Yakubu also introduced the Election Monitoring and Support Centre (EMSC), a data analytics hub that tracked polling activities in real time. Using dashboards and key performance indicators, the EMSC provided field updates that helped INEC identify and resolve problems promptly during elections. This internal digital infrastructure, though less publicised, became one of the most powerful tools of reform — turning INEC into a responsive, data-literate institution capable of rapid decision-making.

    Yakubu’s vision of reform was not only technological but also humanistic. He believed that innovation should promote inclusion and access. Under his leadership, INEC developed systems to accommodate persons with disabilities, the elderly, pregnant women, and internally displaced persons (IDPs).

    Tactile ballot guides were introduced for the visually impaired, while new digital mapping techniques allowed INEC to locate IDP settlements and ensure their participation in elections. These efforts underscored the idea that technology in democracy is most meaningful when it empowers the most vulnerable.

    Yet, the journey was not without obstacles. The 2023 general elections exposed the limits of Nigeria’s digital readiness. Delays in result upload to IReV, network disruptions, and logistical lapses fuelled public frustration. Critics accused the commission of overpromising, while supporters defended the reforms as evolutionary rather than instantaneous.

    Yakubu was candid about the challenges. “Technology is not a magic wand,” he said after the polls. “It is an enabler that requires constant refinement.” He maintained that the real value of innovation lies in its ability to provide traceable evidence — allowing every dispute to be resolved on the basis of data rather than speculation.

    Despite the criticism, independent observers, including the European Union and ECOWAS Election Mission, acknowledged that Nigeria’s elections had become more transparent and technically verifiable than ever before.

    Perhaps Yakubu’s most underappreciated legacy was his defence of INEC’s autonomy. Throughout his decade-long leadership, he faced pressure from powerful political interests but consistently emphasised the commission’s neutrality. His tenure preserved INEC’s independence as a constitutional body, even amid heated national contests.

    Under his watch, INEC expanded polling units for the first time in 25 years, regularised the electoral calendar, and professionalised its staff through training in data management, cyber security, and election technology. The cumulative effect was the birth of an institution that not only conducted elections but also evolved as a learning organisation — one that understood its duty to adapt, innovate, and improve.

    Professor Yakubu’s decade at INEC was not without flaws, but it was undoubtedly transformative. He envisioned a commission that used technology not for show, but as a safeguard — a tool to anchor democracy in transparency and verifiable truth. Today, Nigeria’s electoral process stands on a stronger digital foundation. Voter accreditation is more credible, results are more transparent, and institutions are more accountable. The road ahead will require fine-tuning and resilience, but Yakubu’s legacy has already altered the DNA of election management in Nigeria.

    As one analyst put it, “He did not perfect the system, but he gave it a soul — a digital conscience.”

    •Shuaibu wrote from Abuja.

  • FOCAC at 25: The China-Africa journey

    FOCAC at 25: The China-Africa journey

    • By Charles Onunaiju

    At the turn of the 21st century, precisely from October 10 – 12, 2000, the first ministerial conference of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) held in Beijing, following earlier consultations. Nearly 100 ministers from China and 44 African countries were in attendance. A joint declaration at the end of the conference among other things explained that the two sides were “highly appreciative of the stable development of Sino-Africa relations over the past decades, have full confidence in the future cooperation and agree that there exists a solid foundation for friendly relations and cooperation between China and Africa, given their time-honoured traditional friendship”.

    Twenty-five years later, the trajectories of China-Africa cooperation have justified the optimism expressed at the inaugural conference that the two sides “have full confidence in the future cooperation”, even as they agreed “that there exists a solid foundation”, for such cooperation, nurtured by “their time-honoured traditional friendship”.

    China-Africa cooperation even before the founding of the FOCAC process has time-honoured pedigree. From 1967, China set out to construct in Zambia and Tanzania, the nearly 2,000km railway line, offered an interest-free loan to cover costs of constructing the line and supporting infrastructure of stations and training school as well as the supply of motive power and rolling stock. The interest-free loan was repayable according to the agreement in 30 years.

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    The proposal for the project, later dubbed the freedom line or Tazara railways was outrightly rejected by major Western powers then, and even the former Soviet Union as economically unviable. China accepted to build it and duly completed in 1974.

     In 1971, 26 African countries including Nigeria were among 76 other countries in the world that voted in the UN General Assembly to enable China regain her seat at the United Nations and provided the subsisting international consensus that there is only “One China” in the world, and that Taiwan is an inalienable and integral part of China’s sovereign expression and territorial integrity.

    The vigorous exchanges and mutual support were the basis for the time-honoured traditional friendship between China and Africa and consequently formed the “solid foundation”, on which the FOCAC process was built. The point need to be made that despite the phenomenal growth in China-Africa cooperation especially at the turn of the 21st century, with the establishment of FOCAC, the relationship is neither new nor transactional as some commentators want to describe it. It is rooted in traditional friendship and solidarity shaped by common experience of colonial domination and imperialist exploitation but more importantly a shared aspiration of social and economic well beings for their respective peoples.

    In her traditional support for infrastructure construction, which began with the Tazara railway, China within the framework of the FOCAC mechanism  further energised and reinforced by the Belt and Road framework for international cooperation have helped Africa to build and renovate more than 10,000 kilometres of railways, about 100,00km of roads, more than 1,000 bridges and nearly 100 ports.

    Among the major infrastructure projects, includes the first transnational electrified railway line between Ethiopia and Djibouti, spanning over 750km and have significantly reduced both the time and cost of travel between the Ethiopia industrial heartland and the Djibouti port, the Mombassa-Nairobi standard gauge railway in Kenya, and the Lekki Deep Sea port in Lagos. The Lekki Deep Seaport with estimated economic benefits of about $360 billion would also create about 170,000 new jobs.

    These are few among the many infrastructure connectivity projects in Africa built by China in the elaborate framework of the cooperation between the two sides. The projects respond to the original deficit in the struggle for Pan African Unity, a challenge taken up at the meeting of the defunct Organization of Africa Union (OAU) at its special session at Lagos, in 1980. The vision of continental connectivity and industrial take-off contained in the iconic document, Lagos Plan of Action” was immediately countered by the World Bank and vitiated by lack of political will but has through the framework of the FOCAC process returned to the earlier blueprint with “Africa engaging more with herself through connectivity and trade than at any other time in her post-colonial history.

    Economic and Trade cooperation have emerged as the flagship of the engagement between the two sides. For 16 years in a straight row, China has been Africa’s largest trading partner with the volume reaching a record of 295.74 billion USD in 2024, an increase of 6.1% from the previous year. Since the establishment of FOCAC in 2000, the trade volume between China and African countries have risen with average annual growth of 14.2%, rising from meagre 13.94 billion US dollars  to the current record level.

    More importantly, the structure of trade which previously revolved around export of Africa energy and mineral resources and imports of China’s manufactures are shifting in favour of high value-added sectors such mechanical and electrical products, digital services and green technologies. In 2024, African countries exports of processed agricultural products to China demonstrating strength in agro-processing and manufacturing significantly increased. China’s exports to Africa which includes photovoltaic modules, industrial robots and smart phones showed remarkable boost.

    In overall, the shift in China-Africa trade towards diversification, higher value-added and technology intensive sector is becoming increasingly significant. Additionally, Chinese investments in the manufacturing, agro-processing sector energy and digital economy is scaling up Africa’s industrialization with cumulative investment that reached $42.12 billion, with nearly Chinese 3,300 operating in 51 African countries . To give greater impetus to Africa’s access to the Chinese market, the Chinese side instituted the China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo, specifically designated to give products from Africa’s exposure to China’s huge market.

    At this year’s 4th edition of the Expo, 176 contracts worth $11.39 billion were signed, a 45.8% increase to the previous edition of the Expo held in 2023. In addition to existing mechanism for concessional access of African products to the Chinese market, China proposed last June as a part of the implementation of Ten Partnership Action Plan, outlined by President Xi Jinping at the heads of State Summit of FOCAC held in 2024, to grant zero tariff treatment on 100% of tariff lines for exports from 53 African countries with diplomatic ties.

    Since the creation of FOCAC in 2000, it has propelled bilateral cooperation of the two sides into a phase of rapid, comprehensive and stable development. In addition to the creation of multiple cooperation mechanism and trade facilitation initiatives, it has enabled a long term institutional support for China-Africa relations.

    While China-Africa engagements at different levels are well known for tangible outcomes and deliverable, it is also fostering values through mutual learnings and governance experience sharing. Through the FOCAC process, inter-party consultations and civilizational dialogues are gaining momentum, and bridging the geographical gaps between the two sides.

    The China-Africa journey within the framework of the FOCAC process is still a work in progress despite the crucial milestones it has reached. At the Beijing summit of last year, President Xi Jinping proposed to characterize China-Africa as “all-weather China-Africa community with a shared future for a new era”.

    More than 60 years ago, when the Chinese Venerable Premier, Zhou Enlai visited Africa, in Ghana he outlined the eight principles of China’s support and assistance to Africa. Among the eight principles, the forth explained that “in providing aid to other countries, the purpose of the Chinese government is not to make the recipient countries dependent on China but to help them embark step by step on the road to self-reliance and independent economic development”. This position is as valid today as it was, more than six decades ago, when it was pronounced on African soil.

    The historic imperative for Africa is to meet China half way in the open brotherly embrace and make the opportunity of China to contribute to the concrete advantage of Africa’s renaissance, with FOCAC as the mutual roadmap.

    •Onunaiju is research director of Abuja based think tank.

  • Understanding NUPENG’s resistance to Dangote’s monopoly

    Understanding NUPENG’s resistance to Dangote’s monopoly

    • By Shola Onimago

    In the heart of Nigeria’s economic engine room, a quiet but consequential war is being fought, a war not of guns or politics, but of control. On one side stands the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), the formidable labour body representing thousands of oil and gas workers. On the other side is the Dangote Group, led by Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, whose 650,000 barrels-per-day refinery is poised to redefine, or perhaps dominate, Nigeria’s petroleum landscape.

    This is no ordinary industrial dispute. It is a struggle over the soul of Nigeria’s energy economy, over the balance between private capital and public interest, and the preservation of workers’ rights in a sector too vital to be monopolised.

    NUPENG’s stand is that rights are non-negotiable. At the heart of the standoff lies the alleged refusal of the Dangote Refinery to recognise unionism among its workforce. NUPENG accuses the company of blocking union activities, intimidating potential members, and breaching Nigeria’s labour laws that guarantee the right to freedom of association.

    Union officials claim that efforts to register refinery workers and tanker drivers under NUPENG have been frustrated. Workers reportedly face subtle threats for aligning with labour movements, while management insists that union membership “is a personal choice.”

    Recall that one of Nigeria’s foremost lawyers, Femi Falana, SAN, once said that any company or employer who denies workers this freedom is acting outside the law and against the democratic spirit of the nation

    For NUPENG, anything that contradicts this position is untenable. Under Nigeria’s Trade Union Act (Cap T14, LFN 2004), all junior workers in an organisation are automatically deemed members of the appropriate trade union unless they opt out in writing. Section 40 of the Constitution further guarantees workers the right to freely associate.

    NUPENG’s President, Prince Williams Akporeha, has vowed that the union will not fold its arms while a new corporate empire attempts to roll back decades of hard-won workers’ rights.

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    The bigger fear is that this is monopoly in the making. Beyond the question of union rights lies a larger fear, the growing concentration of power in Nigeria’s oil sector. With its massive refining capacity, expansive logistics network, and over 4,000 CNG-powered tankers, the Dangote Group now controls almost every link in the petroleum value chain: refining, storage, distribution, and retail.

    NUPENG warns that this structure represents the embryo of a private monopoly. The union fears that if unchecked, Dangote could replicate his dominance in cement and sugar industries where competition has virtually disappeared and prices remain high despite earlier promises of affordability.

    “We cannot allow a repeat of the cement story in oil,-Afolabi Olawale, NUPENG General Secretary. Dangote dismisses such fears as unfounded, arguing that over 30 other refinery licences have been issued by government, and that his refinery is meant to complement, not dominate, the market.

    Yet the optics tell a different story. The refinery’s scale and vertical integration have already created a structural imbalance that smaller marketers and tanker owners fear they cannot survive.

    Echoes from cement and sugar industries are cautionary tales. This is not unfamiliar territory for Nigerians. When Dangote Cement rose to prominence in the early 2000s, it was celebrated for reducing import dependence. But as competitors faded, the market narrowed and prices climbed.

    The same story played out in the sugar industry, where government import restrictions designed to encourage local production instead entrenched Dangote’s dominance, leaving smaller producers struggling.

    The lesson, according to NUPENG, is clear: Monopoly, whether public or private, always comes at a cost. Today, the risk is that Nigeria’s newly deregulated oil sector could be quietly reconsolidated under one private empire.

    Labour unrest and market anxiety

    The standoff has already triggered shockwaves across the industry. In early September 2025, NUPENG threatened a nationwide strike, accusing the Dangote Refinery of “anti-labour practices.” The move, backed by PENGASSAN, raised fears of fuel scarcity and price instability.

    The DSS and the Federal Ministry of Labour intervened, brokering a temporary truce. A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed, guaranteeing workers the right to unionise within a given period.

    Yet many within the labour movement doubt the sincerity of Dangote’s concession, seeing it as a temporary appeasement to buy time until his market dominance is irreversible.

    Meanwhile, smaller marketers report restricted access to supply, delayed allocations, and rising logistics costs, symptoms, they say, of an emerging one-gate control over Nigeria’s oil economy.

    At stake are not just workers’ rights or business interests, but the rule of law itself. If the Dangote Group continues to limit union activity or dominate market access, it risks violating Nigeria’s trade, competition, and labour laws.

    The Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA, 2019) prohibit monopolistic practices that “prevent, restrict, or distort competition.” Any conduct that “amounts to abuse of a dominant position” can attract penalties, including forced divestment or fines.

    No nation deregulates only to replace a public monopoly with a private one. To do so would betray the very philosophy of a free and fair market economy.

    It is within this context that I join NUPENG and all advocates of economic justice in calling on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to act decisively. The Tinubu administration has championed market reforms, including fuel subsidy removal and downstream liberalisation. Yet those reforms must not pave the way for private monopolisation disguised as efficiency.

    The federal government must enforce competition laws under FCCPC and NMDPRA frameworks; Protect small and medium marketers from exclusionary practices; Ensure full recognition of NUPENG’s union rights at the Dangote Refinery as well as diversify refinery licensing and crude access, preventing any single entity from controlling the entire value chain.

    President Tinubu must look beyond the excitement of a local refinery and see the long-term danger of allowing a single titan to dictate prices, access, and opportunity.

    At stake if left unchecked is that Dangote’s dominance could rewrite Nigeria’s economic DNA, shifting the nation from public monopoly to private empire. Workers could lose their bargaining power, smaller firms could collapse, and government itself might one day negotiate not with an industry, but with an individual.

    If fairness and competition prevail, Nigeria’s deregulated market will thrive. But if silence and complicity endure, the nation may soon find itself in a refined version of economic feudalism, where the refinery becomes the new fortress of power.

    NUPENG’s battle with Dangote, therefore, seems not just a union struggle; it is a national test of will.

    Can Nigeria build a capitalist economy that is competitive yet compassionate, dynamic yet democratic? In an era where power increasingly resides in private hands, NUPENG stands battered but unyielding as the last wall between monopoly capital and the Nigerian worker. The government must choose between an open market that empowers millions or a private monopoly that serves a few; between workers’ dignity- or corporate dominance; between a refinery for the nation or a nation at the mercy of one refinery. History, as always, will remember who stood where.

    •Onimago SAN, an Energy Law Consultant and Public Affairs Commentator writes from Lagos.

  • CPC: What the US got wrong about Nigeria

    CPC: What the US got wrong about Nigeria

    By Lekan Olayiwola

    Since 2020 when the Biden administration took Nigeria off the Country of Particular Concern (CPC) list, Nigeria has once again become the subject of intense international scrutiny. Advocacy groups, global church networks, and foreign policy actors in Washington have amplified one message: that Christians in northern Nigeria are under systematic attack.

    The horror of village raids, church burnings, abductions, and killings is cited as evidence, and some in the U.S. Congress now urge that Nigeria be returned to the CPC list— a designation that signals grave violations of religious freedom.

    For many Nigerians, this framing is not entirely wrong, but it is incomplete. It reflects real pain but flattens a complex landscape into a single story. Yes, Christians have suffered disproportionately in certain areas. But Muslims too have been massacred, mosques destroyed, and whole communities displaced.

    What links these tragedies is not faith alone but a wider crisis of governance: the inability of the state to secure its citizens, resolve local conflicts, or fairly manage the resources on which millions depend. Nigeria at 65 cannot afford to let its story be told only through the lens of persecution. It must reclaim its narrative with honesty, compassion, and resolve.

    To walk through Borno or Yobe is to witness the scars of Boko Haram and ISWAP. Churches lie in ruins, pastors abducted, congregations scattered. Yet the same groups have razed mosques, slaughtered imams, and forced Muslim villagers into exile for rejecting extremist rule.

    In Plateau and Benue, farming villages, often Christian-majority, have faced repeated militia raids linked to herder-farmer tensions. But in Zamfara and Katsina, Muslim communities are devastated by bandit attacks, their children kidnapped from schools, their livelihoods destroyed.

    The numbers tell a bleak story: millions displaced, thousands dead. But behind the statistics are Nigerians of every creed, united in grief if not in narrative.

    The insistence, therefore, that “Christians are being killed” is both true and insufficient. The fuller truth is that Nigerians are being failed by a state that cannot consistently secure them, and by political actors who exploit identity fractures rather than mend them.

    Faith as battleground, governance as void

    Why, then, does the international conversation spotlight only Christians? Partly because global advocacy networks mirror their constituencies. Christian organizations rightly amplify the suffering of Christians. Their reports are often accurate but partial. What they underplay is the governance void in which violence festers.

    When local policing is weak, when borders are porous, when land conflicts are unmanaged, religion becomes a shorthand for deeper structural breakdowns. What looks like a holy war is often, at root, a crisis of governance. That does not erase the religious dimension.

    Victims targeted at Sunday worship cannot be told it was “just politics.” But it shifts the conversation toward responsibility: who should have prevented it, who must now act, and how justice can be done.

    The CPC dilemma: Symbolism without solutions

    For Washington, the CPC designation is a powerful lever. It can isolate governments, trigger sanctions, and mobilize pressure. For Abuja, being labelled as failing to protect its Christian citizens would sting deeply, undermining diplomatic standing at a time when Nigeria seeks investment and credibility.

    Yet there is a paradox. CPC status can raise alarm, but it cannot rebuild schools in Borno, resolve herder-farmer disputes in Plateau, or restore trust in Kaduna’s neighbourhoods. Worse, it risks fuelling defensive nationalism: officials dismissing reports as “Western bias,” communities retreating into victimhood, and the political class turning tragedy into talking points.

    The danger is that Nigerians become spectators in a story told about them, while the root causes of violence remain unaddressed.

    When resources mirror religion

    It may seem far afield, but Nigeria’s Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) offers a telling parallel. The PIA was designed to address long-standing grievances in the Niger Delta by ensuring host communities benefit directly from oil extraction. The principle is simple: resource justice reduces violence.

    Northern Nigeria suffers from the absence of such frameworks. Land use, grazing routes, and local revenue distribution remain poorly managed, feeding resentment that extremists and militias exploit. When communities feel excluded from resources, from security, from dignity, religion becomes an easy rallying cry.

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    In this sense, just as oil misgovernance once fuelled militancy in the South, land and livelihood mismanagement now fuel identity-driven violence in the North. The lesson is not that religion is irrelevant. It is that religious violence thrives where governance is absent.

    Narratives that heal

    How Nigerians choose to tell this story matters. If violence is narrated only as “Muslims attacking Christians,” cycles of retaliation deepen. If narrated only as “banditry,” the religious pain of communities is erased. What is needed is a narrative of shared vulnerability and shared responsibility.

    Some attempts already exist. Interfaith councils like NIREC, grassroots peace committees in Jos and Kaduna, and civil society projects in conflict-prone areas have built fragile but real bridges. They are underfunded, but they embody a crucial truth: the solution lies not in denying differences but in managing them with fairness and dignity.

    Toward a Nigerian response

    What, then, should be done? First, Nigeria must own the crisis with honesty. Denials and defensive postures erode credibility both at home and abroad.

    Second, it must strengthen local security and justice systems. Community policing, early-warning networks, conflict-resolution mechanisms, and transparent prosecutions. Security is not only about military firepower; it is about trust between citizens and the state.

    Third, resource governance must be reimagined. The spirit of the PIA, embedding social obligations in economic activity should extend to land, grazing, and revenue allocation in the North. Communities must see that justice is not abstract, but delivered in schools built, clinics staffed, and farms protected.

    Finally, Nigeria must reclaim the narrative. Not by silencing international advocates, but by telling its own story in a way that acknowledges Christian suffering without erasing Muslim loss; that frames the crisis as a national failure of governance, not as an inevitable war of religions.

    Dignity as security

    At stake is more than reputation or foreign policy. It is the civic dignity of Nigerians — the right of every villager to farm without fear, every child to walk to school, every worshipper to gather without terror. True national security is not only about missiles, budgets, or diplomacy. It is about whether citizens feel safe, seen, and valued.

    The CPC debate may rage abroad. But Nigeria’s task is to prove to itself and to the world that it can protect its people regardless of creed, not because Washington demands it, but because its citizens deserve it.

    •Olayiwola is a peace & conflict researcher/policy analyst. He can be reached via lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Taxes from prostitutes? Legalise first!

    Taxes from prostitutes? Legalise first!

    The recent pronouncement by the federal government that prostitutes in Nigeria must now pay tax has thrown up a storm of contradictions that strike at the very heart of governance and policy consistency. In one breath, the state criminalizes prostitution, branding sex workers as offenders under the penal and criminal codes. In another breath, it seeks to profit from the same activity through taxation. This paradox not only undermines the credibility of government policy but also reveals a dangerous tendency toward exploitation of already vulnerable groups.

    If the government is serious about taxation, then it must be equally serious about legalization. Otherwise, it risks enshrining injustice into law: demanding revenue from citizens without offering them rights or protection. This situation calls for an honest and urgent national debate about the legalization of prostitution in Nigeria.

    Under Nigeria’s Penal Code, which applies in the northern states, prostitution is criminalized in several provisions. Section 405 defines a prostitute as “a person who, for his or her own gratification, engages in sexual intercourse for payment.” Section 406 criminalizes the act, stating that “whoever engages in the business of prostitution shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to one year or with fine or with both.”

    Similarly, the Criminal Code, which applies in the southern states, contains several provisions against prostitution. Section 223, for instance, criminalizes “procuring” and “aiding” prostitution. Section 225 further prescribes imprisonment for “every woman who is a common prostitute and behaves in a disorderly or indecent manner in any public place.”

    The Trafficking in Persons (Prohibition) Enforcement and Administration Act also criminalizes sexual exploitation, with harsh penalties for those who traffic individuals into prostitution.

    The key point is this: Nigeria’s law is clear that prostitution is illegal. Yet, with the government now talking of taxing prostitutes, the contradiction becomes glaring. Taxation presupposes recognition of an activity as legitimate economic work. How can the state both criminalize and legalize at the same time? This is the hypocrisy that legalization would resolve.

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    At its core, taxation is a social contract. Citizens pay into the system, and in return, the state provides protection, infrastructure, and services. To demand taxes from sex workers without recognizing them as legitimate workers is to exploit them. It means the government is content to take their money but unwilling to provide them with the protection of the law.

    Consider the reality on the ground. Sex workers in Nigeria face constant harassment from law enforcement. They are arrested, extorted, and sometimes assaulted by the very people sworn to uphold the law. Clients exploit their vulnerability, knowing they cannot report abuse without incriminating themselves. If government insists on taxing them while leaving them open to these abuses, then taxation becomes nothing more than state-sanctioned extortion.

    The principle of fairness requires that if sex workers are taxed like every other Nigerian worker, then they must also be recognized, protected, and treated with dignity.

    Nigeria is grappling with unprecedented fiscal pressures. Falling oil revenues, inflation, and rising debt have forced the government to widen its tax net. But if prostitution is to be included in this tax regime, then government must acknowledge its economic significance.

    Sex work is one of the world’s oldest professions. In countries like Germany, the Netherlands, and New Zealand, it has been legalized and regulated, contributing millions of dollars annually in taxes. In Germany, for instance, prostitution generates over €15 billion annually, with workers registered, taxed, and protected under labour laws.

    In Nigeria, prostitution already thrives as an informal economy. From brothels in Lagos and Abuja to street-based sex work in smaller towns, thousands of people—mostly women—depend on it for survival. Estimates suggest that in Lagos alone, tens of thousands of sex workers are active, with each contributing indirectly to the economy through rent, food, healthcare, and transport. If legalized and regulated, the government could capture this revenue formally, creating a structured taxation system that benefits the state while safeguarding the workers.

    Legalizing prostitution also has profound implications for public health. Nigeria is still grappling with high rates of HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs). According to UNAIDS, sex workers account for a significant proportion of new HIV infections in sub-Saharan Africa. Criminalization drives prostitution underground, making it harder to regulate health standards or enforce safe practices.

    Legalization would allow for mandatory health check-ups, widespread distribution of condoms, and targeted public health campaigns. In countries where prostitution is legal, rates of STI transmission are significantly lower, thanks to regular medical supervision and regulation.

    Moreover, legalization reduces stigma. When sex workers can openly access health facilities without fear of arrest, society as a whole benefits. Public health is not just about protecting the sex worker but also the larger population they interact with.

    Critics often argue that prostitution fuels human trafficking and exploitation. While this concern is valid, criminalization has proven ineffective at addressing it. In fact, by pushing the industry underground, criminalization makes it easier for traffickers to operate unseen.

    Legalization, on the other hand, brings the industry into the light, where it can be monitored and regulated. Licensed brothels, worker registration, and labour laws can help distinguish between voluntary sex work and coerced prostitution. This creates better tools for law enforcement to crack down on trafficking networks while protecting those who freely choose the profession.

    Nigeria is a deeply religious and conservative society, and many argue that legalizing prostitution contradicts cultural and moral values. But governance cannot be based solely on moral sentiment. Alcohol, tobacco, and gambling all carry moral objections, yet they are legalized and taxed.

    The role of government is not to legislate morality but to create policies that balance rights, health, safety, and economic realities. Religious institutions are free to preach against prostitution, but the state must govern with pragmatism. Laws should protect citizens, not moralize over their choices.

    Germany legalized prostitution in 2002, regulating it as legitimate work. Sex workers register, pay taxes, and access health insurance and pensions. New Zealand decriminalized prostitution in 2003, focusing on labour rights and health. Studies show improved safety and working conditions. Netherlands has one of the most regulated sex industries in the world, with red-light districts generating millions in tourism and taxes.

    These countries demonstrate that legalization does not destroy societal values. Instead, it creates safer, healthier, and more economically productive systems. Nigeria can adapt these models to its own cultural context.

    Critics argue that legalization would “normalize immorality.” But immorality is subjective. What is immoral to one group may not be to another. Policy must rise above subjective morality to focus on measurable outcomes, public health, economic stability, and citizen safety.

    Others claim that legalization would increase prostitution. Evidence suggests otherwise. In New Zealand, decriminalization did not cause a spike in sex work but improved conditions for existing workers. Legalization does not create demand; it regulates existing demand.

    Nigeria stands at a crossroads. The government cannot continue to criminalize prostitution while demanding taxes from prostitutes. If the state acknowledges that sex workers are economic actors deserving of taxation, then it must also acknowledge their right to protection, healthcare, and dignity.

    Legalization is not about endorsing prostitution as a lifestyle. It is about creating a fair, consistent, and humane framework for addressing an industry that already exists, thrives, and contributes to the economy. It is about protecting the vulnerable, safeguarding public health, and ensuring the government does not exploit its citizens under the guise of taxation.

    If Nigeria is to tax prostitution, then Nigeria must also legalize it. Anything less is an insult to justice and governance.

    • Okoroafor is a staff of The Nation.

  • Writing a new chapter in global women’s development with China’s solutions

    Writing a new chapter in global women’s development with China’s solutions

    A signed article by YAN Yuqing, Consul General of the People’s Republic of China

    In 1995, the Fourth World Conference on Women of the United Nations was successfully held in Beijing. The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, adopted at the conference, has since become a milestone for global gender equality. Standing at the historical juncture of its 30th anniversary, China will hold another global leaders’ meeting on women in Beijing this October.

    At this pivotal moment of continuity and renewal, China’s release of the white paper “China’s Achievements in Women’s Well-Rounded Development in the New Era” not only showcases the remarkable progress made in advancing women’s causes in China, but also profoundly articulates China’s vision, practices, and accomplishments in promoting gender equality and women’s comprehensive development in the new era. This contribution offers the world a vivid example of “China’s governance.”

    In the new era, the Communist Party of China and the Chinese government it leads have elevated their commitment to women’s advancement to unprecedented heights, consistently integrating national development with the progress of gender equality. China’s practice of advancing women’s comprehensive development is rooted in a solid foundation of policies and the rule of law.

    The fundamental state policy of upholding gender equality has been enshrined in the CPC’s governing program. The 18th, 19th, and 20th CPC National Congresses all emphasized “adhering to the fundamental state policy of gender equality and safeguarding the lawful rights and interests of women and children.”

    President Xi Jinping personally planned, deployed, and promoted this work. Party committees and governments at all levels conduct annual thematic studies on women’s work, providing strong political guarantees for the advancement of women’s causes. China enacted its first Civil Code, incorporating a section on marriage and family, as well as the Law Against Domestic Violence.

    It revised the Law on the Protection of Women’s Rights and Interests and amended the Criminal Law and the Rural Land Contract Law, among others. Gender equality assessment mechanisms for laws and policies have been established at the national level and in all 31 provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities. Women’s federations at all levels have carried out legal awareness campaigns, with legal services reaching over 400 million women.

    In the new era, women’s pivotal role as one-half of society has achieved breakthroughs across all sectors. In political participation, women reached historic highs as members of the 14th National People’s Congress (26.5%), the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (22.4%), and delegates to the 20th CPC National Congress (27%).

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    Regarding high-quality development, women account for approximately 43% of the workforce and 45.8% of scientific and technological professionals. Women constitute about one-third of workers in new sectors like digital trade, e-commerce, and live-streaming, with the digital economy continuously unlocking gender dividends.

    Women have also made outstanding contributions in cutting-edge fields such as manned spaceflight, domestically produced large aircraft, biomedicine, deep-sea exploration, and artificial intelligence. In cultural prosperity, female cultural workers have produced an abundance of high-quality works, with women accounting for 25% of the 3,997 national-level inheritors of intangible cultural heritage.

    In the new era, China has integrated into the global governance of women’s affairs with unprecedented depth. Guided by the vision of building a community with a shared future for mankind, China has transformed the Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, Global Civilization Initiative, and Global Governance Initiative proposed by President Xi Jinping into concrete actions that promote the comprehensive development of women.

    Together with the United Nations, we have co-hosted the Global Summit on Women and established the Education Award for Girls and Women. Within cooperation frameworks such as APEC and the G20, we have created platforms to empower women, leading efforts to advance multilateral and regional women’s development agendas.

    We have expanded our “circle of friends” in women’s cooperation, maintaining friendly exchanges with women’s organizations and institutions in over 140 countries. We have implemented projects worth more than $40 million in the women’s sector in over 20 countries, and our mushroom grass technology has helped women in 106 countries find employment.

    In the face of global challenges, we have dispatched more than 1,200 female officers and soldiers to participate in UN peacekeeping operations, providing humanitarian assistance to women and children affected by conflict and disasters, demonstrating the responsibility of a major country.

    As the first female Consul General of China in Lagos, I have witnessed first-hand the comprehensive development of women’s causes in China and experienced the exchange and mutual learning between Chinese and Nigerian women, fostering a deep connection between our peoples. Since the beginning of this year, the charity initiative “Together Fight Hunger” launched by our Consulate General has delivered batches of essential supplies to low-income women and children, embodying the principle of “teaching a man to fish” rather than merely giving him a fish.

    In the “Small World” charity event supported and participated in by the Consulate General, the Association of Chinese Women in Nigeria, and women’s groups from multiple countries took turns on stage, showcasing the brilliance of cultural exchange and mutual learning.

    The vast majority of Chinese women in Nigeria are committed to public welfare initiatives and actively giving back to the local community. Female Chinese language teachers at Confucius Institutes, who make up more than half of the teaching staff, sow the seeds of Chinese culture and promote the continuous deepening of cultural exchanges between the two sides. Several Nigerian women have traveled to China to participate in women’s capacity-building training courses, where education empowers them to shine in their lives. This is a vivid practice of the vision of the Beijing Declaration.

    As the Global South rises, the unleashed potential of women will be an indispensable force for building a more equal, inclusive, and prosperous world for all. The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation Beijing Action Plan (2025–2027), released during the Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) last September, explicitly incorporates multiple initiatives. These include supporting women’s dialogue, enhancing capacity building for African women, and promoting women’s comprehensive development.

    This plan charts the course for deepening cooperation between China and Nigeria, as well as China and Africa in women’s affairs, vividly illustrating China’s commitment to translating its pledge to advance global women’s causes into concrete actions.

    From initiative to practice, the path of women’s development that bridges Chinese wisdom with global action grows ever broader. The upcoming Global Leaders’ Meeting on Women offers a new opportunity to advance this journey. Let us pool our wisdom and unite our strength, jointly tackle new challenges in the digital age, explore fresh pathways for women’s empowerment, and write a new chapter in the advancement of women’s causes.

  • Trump’s ‘One Big Beautiful Bill’ and US immigrants

    Trump’s ‘One Big Beautiful Bill’ and US immigrants

    By Ayomide Ibrahim

     The One Big Beautiful Bill Act is now law in the United States and it carries with it not just a set of policy prescriptions but a vision of how the country sees immigrants. Signed on July 4, it arrived wrapped in patriotic symbolism yet its consequences for immigrants, both documented and undocumented are far from celebratory. Laws often read like dry text on paper, but their effects live in the daily struggles of people who work, raise families, and navigate the uncertainty of being welcome yet unwelcome, present yet provisional, necessary yet suspect. The bill does not simply adjust technical details of immigration. It reorders the relationship between immigrants and the state, deciding who counts as part of “us” and who must pay more, wait longer, or do without.

    One of the most striking features of this law is its enormous increase in funding for enforcement and detention. Tens of billions of dollars have been channelled toward expanding detention centres, hiring more agents, and building layers of surveillance along the border and inside communities. Enforcement is no longer limited to crossing points. It is embedded in workplaces, schools, health care spaces, neighbourhoods. When detention capacity grows, so too does the appetite to use it. What this means for immigrants is not a more orderly system but a more intimidating one, a system where fear of being stopped or detained shadows ordinary life.

    Alongside enforcement, the law places a heavy financial burden on immigrants who are trying to do things the “right way.” Filing fees for asylum, for temporary protected status, for humanitarian parole, and even for renewing work permits have risen sharply. In some cases, these fees are now non-waivable, which means that poverty is no excuse. For families living modestly, the choice between paying hundreds of dollars in legal fees and buying food or paying rent is no choice at all. These costs are not inconveniences. They are barriers that determine whether someone stays documented or slides into precarity. A single missed renewal, a single unpaid fee, can unravel years of effort to remain lawful. The law is structured in such a way that the poorest immigrants bear the heaviest costs, not because they have done wrong but because they cannot pay enough.

    The law also cuts deep into access to essential services. Many lawfully present immigrants who are not yet green card holders will see their eligibility for Medicaid, the Children’s Health Insurance Program, premium tax credits under the Affordable Care Act, and food assistance vanish. For people who fled war or persecution, for survivors of trafficking, for refugees resettled with hope of safety, these changes are devastating. Health care and food are not luxuries. They are foundations of dignity and survival. When a law strips these away, it is not only shaping immigration policy, it is shaping human lives into cycles of hunger, untreated illness, and mounting debt. The cruelty lies not just in the denial of aid but in the indifference it signals: that suffering is permissible if your paperwork is incomplete, that survival is contingent on the timing of your status, that dignity has a price tag.

    Proponents of the law argue that it restores fairness, prevents misuse of public benefits, and secures the border. They speak in the language of order, efficiency, and fiscal responsibility. There is, undeniably, a need for systems to be transparent and accountable, for legal migration to be prioritised, for budgets to be managed. But the balance of this law tilts so heavily toward restriction that it transforms fairness into exclusion. To tighten procedures is one thing. To make access to safety and health contingent on wealth is another.

    The human consequences are already clear. Families fear applying for benefits they might still qualify for, unsure of whether it will put them at risk. Parents skip renewing work permits because the fees are too high. Children lose access to health care, which leads to untreated asthma or missed vaccinations. Adults delay routine care until the emergency room is the only option. Food insecurity grows in immigrant communities where SNAP has been cut off. These outcomes carry costs not just for immigrants but for society at large. Hospitals absorb unpaid medical bills, schools struggle with children too hungry to learn, public health suffers when preventive care is out of reach. The idea that denying immigrants benefits saves money ignores the fact that the costs simply shift into other corners of society, often in more expensive and less humane forms.

    The law also reshapes perceptions. By embedding immigrants in a framework of costs and enforcement, it reinforces the idea that immigrants are primarily burdens rather than contributors. It suggests that belonging must be purchased, that humanitarian protection is conditional, that compassion is secondary to fees and forms. Laws do not just regulate behaviour. They send signals about who we are and what we value. The One Big Beautiful Bill signals that immigrants are to be tolerated, not welcomed, and that their worth is measured by financial capacity rather than human dignity.

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    It is important to acknowledge the counterarguments. Without strong enforcement, the immigration system can falter under backlogs and abuse. Without fiscal discipline, government programs can indeed be strained. There have been instances of fraud, and any system must guard against that. But to construct a law that sweeps so many into hardship in the name of preventing a few from exploiting loopholes is disproportionate. A just system could enforce borders and prevent fraud while still offering affordable pathways, humane treatment, and safeguards for the vulnerable. The problem with this bill is not that it seeks order, but that it achieves it by embracing exclusion.

    The chilling effect is profound. When immigrants fear interaction with the state because it may lead to detention, high costs, or loss of services, they withdraw. They avoid health clinics, schools, legal systems. They hide rather than engage. This invisibility does not produce stronger communities or a stronger nation. It produces underground economies, unreported crimes, and neighbours living in silence and fear. A democracy should not cultivate invisible populations. A democracy should seek to integrate and protect, to bring people into the fold of shared responsibility and shared belonging.

    What should have been done instead? A balanced approach that maintains the rule of law while keeping humanitarian values intact. That could mean offering fee waivers for those who cannot pay, streamlining legal pathways, providing adequate legal assistance, and ensuring that children and families do not lose access to food and health care. It could mean increasing oversight of enforcement so that detention is not abused and surveillance does not cross into intimidation. It could mean recognizing that immigrant health is national health, that immigrant labour is national labour, that immigrant dignity strengthens rather than weakens the social fabric.

    The One Big Beautiful Bill Act now defines the landscape of immigration in the United States. For some, it may be manageable, for others devastating, but for all it represents a narrowing of possibility. It replaces welcome with suspicion, compassion with calculation, fairness with fees. The promise of America has always been tested by how it treats those who arrive seeking a chance. Each generation has faced its own wave of newcomers and its own fears of change. History shows that immigrants enrich, build, and strengthen the country. Policy should be crafted to reflect that truth, not obscure it.

    This, in the end, is not only about immigrants. It is about who Americans decide to be. Laws are mirrors as much as they are commands. The One Big Beautiful Bill reflects a nation more interested in exclusion than inclusion, in control than community, in cost than care. But laws can change, and voices can rise. The struggle over immigration has never been only about borders. It has always been about identity.

    Will the United States define itself as a fortress or a refuge, as a land of opportunity or a land of fear? The answer will be written not just in acts of Congress but in how neighbours treat each other, how communities organise, how citizens and immigrants together demand fairness. The One Big Beautiful Bill is now the law, but it does not have to be the last word.

    •Ibrahim, Finserve Pro Chief Executive Officer, writes from Maryland, United States.

  • The State of Palestine and Western hypocrisy

    The State of Palestine and Western hypocrisy

    • By Mike Kebonkwu

    “Let the eagle perch and let the kite perch; if one says no to the other, may its wings break”.  This Ika proverb from Delta State is reminiscent of the Israeli – Palestinian crises. The war between Palestine and Israel is a larger Arab – Jewish problem; it is not a religious war about Islam or Christianity, after all, the Jews are not Christians.  Gaza has become a human tragedy of the 21st Century.  It has brought out clearly the inability and failure of the United Nations system to maintain global peace.

    There is also exposure of world superpowers led by closet dictators, supremacists, mavericks and narcissists who are unable to distinguish between their own personality and the state.  Fighting over land and territory demonstrates lack of knowledge of our transient journey on earth.   It is often said that the world can satisfy our needs, but not our greed.  This is also a truism of our phenomena existence.

    Palestine has become desolate and a scotched-earth, reduced to rubble in an unlimited war as collective punishment by the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF).  This was the outcome of the atrocious invasion by the murderous Hamas terrorists who launched attacks on sleeping Israeli villages.  Hamas wants to liberate Palestine from the apartheid system imposed by Israel through arms struggle.  Bombs and missiles have continued to rain on the people of Gaza like sulphur while the world watches the images of starving and bleeding population, women children and elderly.  What the people need is not recognition of the State of Palestine.  You cannot recognize what already exist!

    The people want the war to stop; they want an end to the siege and killings. Palestine exists before the formation of United States of America and Britain and before the modern history. The existence of the State of Palestine is a matter of historical Biblical record before Christ (BC). It has a growing population within defined geographical boundaries with recognized authorities and government. In international law, Palestine meets the necessary requirements for recognition as a state even though it has no national currency.  One does not want to talk so much about international law or its twin brother, International Humanitarian Law (IHL) that have been grossly misread and distorted by scholars and the media even in its impotence.

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    The histrionics of endorsement of State of Palestine by some countries at the just concluded United Nations General Assembly is diversionary and hypocritical.  The state of Palestine exists de facto and de jure by every objective test.  That some imperialists ignored or pretend that it does not exist does not change that reality.  Israel is an occupation force in Gaza and Palestine.  That is one side of the story.

    The other side of the story is the legitimacy of the State of Israel to defend itself and population, and the imperative of its rights to exist and defend that right at all cost in the midst of hostile neighbours that do not want to recognize that right. Putting the Middle East crises in perspective, it is a different thing to different people.  Europe and America see it through the prism of trade, commerce and security.  They want the lucrative gold and oil businesses to flourish on the one hand, and to prevent invasion of terrorists in Europe and America. 

    To the Asians, Middle East represents shared value, religious brotherhood and solidarity. For Africans it is about bigotry and fanaticism wrapped in false genealogy that because you are a Muslim, you are therefore Arab, or because you are a Christian, you are joint heir and soul mate to the Jews.  This is brainwashed religious mentality and sedation, period!  Any African who wears the toga Arab or Jew and take side in the Middle East conflict because of religious affiliation is probably sick in the head.  There are still so many like that  in our midst.

    The current war between Hamas and the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) was orchestrated by bloodthirsty and murderous Hamas terrorists who invaded Israeli villages unprovoked; killing scores and abducting hundreds others, raping and dehumanizing the people. Some international media domiciled the Middle East is complicit in the escalation of the crises by its narrative and reportage acting as propaganda machinery for Hamas as freedom fighters. The propaganda has continued without any prospect of changing the reality on the ground.  The war may end today, but the scars on the people and demography of the Palestine is eternal. 

    The war in Gaza and Palestine is therefore a proxy war.  The weapons of war came from the same sources; Europe, America and Asia to both Hamas and Israel. The Arab countries led by Iran supply all the weapons and training for Hamas and provide safe haven for the leadership where they plan and execute the war in Gaza. In war and combat, it is important to size up your adversary correctly and judge his temperament and mindset rather than bank on sympathy in the event he gains upper hand.  The battle may be prolonged; Hamas with its entire support base is no match for Israel.

    Israel is a small country with equally small population but she is battle tested and never weary, with vigilant population, surrounded by hostile neighbours who merely tolerate its existence only because they have not been able to locate the secret of its’ strength just like the Biblical Samson and the secret of his strength.  Israel reserves the right absolutely to defend itself and population.  If Hamas did not invade Israel on October 7, 2023, the ongoing destruction in Gaza would not have started; this is not a justification but Israel also has to rescue the hostages and prevent further attacks on its territory.

    The crises in Gaza is not about recognition of the State of Palestine; it is about stopping the senseless war and killing of the innocent people.  It is about recognition of the right of Israeli to live and co-exist side by side with its Arab neighbours and Palestine; it is about stopping and disarming the murderous Hamas terrorists. 

    You cannot talk about collective action against Israel; in any case, there is no basis for that under the UN Charter properly understood.  Hamas is an ideology that cannot be killed in one battle; but they should not be allowed to rearm and regroup if there must be peace between Israel and Palestine.

    In the just concluded United Nations General Assembly that held in New York, the Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov  condemned Israeli continuous operation in  Gaza.  He lectured member states on the United Nations Charter and its violation by Israel and he received ovation.  This is the same Russia that is engaged in similar invasion and operation in Ukraine just for expansionism.  The members walked out on Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu because they would not want to hear that Israel had to defend its country and citizens from murderous terrorists.  The United Nations has virtually become impotent in the face of new and emerging power blocks in global politics, and with President Donald Trump frittering away the goodwill of the United States of America.

    In 1988 the Palestine National Council proclaimed the establishment of the State of Palestine in a meeting in Algiers which was recognized by many countries but not the West and Europe. The State of Palestine does not need the endorsement of Europe or the West because its existence is a matter of fact.  Whatever recognition you give to Palestine and all the protests in every city capital in the world is not going to bring back over 6000 dead and the entire infrastructure that have been reduced to rubble.  The recognition is mere cosmetic if it does not stop the killing.  The West and Europe send weapons to both Israel and countries in Middle East who use Hamas as proxy to bring the weapons to Gaza.  The crises in Middle East and Gaza is quite complex and underscores the hypocrisy of America and Europe in global politics.  For us in Nigeria, if there is any lesson, it is to stop promoting tribal and ethnic militias, and terrorists!

    •Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney. He sent this piece via mikekebonkwu@yahoo.com

  • Tragedies of bigotry

    Tragedies of bigotry

    • By Oluwole Ogundele

    Nigeria is not yet a developing country at least in terms of science and technology. It is an under-developing geo-polity. Most of the numerous modern technologies all over the country are not an index of development. They are rooted firmly in foreignness. Indeed, Nigeria is an uncritical consumer of what other nations are producing, often with its natural resources. Nigeria’s local resources are being regularly, cheaply harnessed by the smarter members of the global community while the political leaders look the other way. This is not unconnected with maximum corruption and a gross lack of unalloyed patriotism. As a matter of fact, the Nigerian local environment is not conducive to productivity.

    From the eve of independence to-date, this country could hardly craft appropriate legal frameworks to elect first class political leaders. That is to say, elections based on meritocracy and justice.   Selfless service to humanity only minimally exists in the leaders’ vocabularies of popular essence. However, there are a few Nigerian leaders with golden hearts. Such spiritually buoyant citizens have what it takes to engineer a vibrant society, where a raw material economy has no place to stand in the 21st century.

    But it is a pity, that the few disciplined Nigerians who manage to occupy major political positions are eventually polluted or choked to death by the demonic majority. Terrible lies and deception have become an acceptable tradition. Nigeria is in dire need of change. Even the issue of security is being politicised by some leaders as if human lives do not matter.

    Although bigotry is a global social disease, the Nigerian case is too extra-ordinary to be glossed over. It seems that Nigeria has become the headquarters of bigotry.  However, bigotry goes beyond the spheres of religion and ethnicity. It embraces racism including a wide range of other discriminatory tendencies. In many cases, people are appointed to sensitive positions on the basis of religious sentiments, ethnic considerations and/or political affiliations. This is at variance with good governance and by extension, national development.

    Once upon a time, the Minister for Information and Culture openly confessed that he had no knowledge of culture and cultural heritage management until his appointment.

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    It is a weak thesis in my opinion, to say that directors-general and directors are the ones to do the job in the ministries. The overall head (minister) has to know his onions, otherwise there would be huge gaps. For optimum results, round pegs should be put in round holes. Some powerful Nigerians or elder statesmen, bombarding the offices of governors and president with long lists of their godchildren often for unmerited appointments, are also a part of the country’s problems. They cannot have their cake and eat it. Ideal history is unforgiving!

    Nigerians need to begin to devise new hypotheses. These hypotheses must be rigorously tested in order to craft a new Nigeria. In this connection, some of the old assumptions have to be creatively challenged to pave the way for new possibilities. Let our leaders stop being too self-satisfied with near-complete imaginary past glories, in order to successfully capture the challenges of tomorrow. The current philosophy needs to be replaced with greater meritocracy.

    Anybody who thinks that bigotry is not boundary-less, is a day dreamer. Both the learned and the ordinary people (with a few exceptions) are in bondage of bigotry. The political class members are fooling the ordinary people. These leaders do not bother about religion and ethnicity whenever they want to allocate to themselves abnormally huge allowances while the masses continue to groan. This is hedonism at its peak! Nigerians, same as other members of the Homo sapiens group are endowed with sophisticated minds. This is to enable us to be thinking healthily as a precondition for setting ourselves free from the shackles of spiritual and material poverty.

    Part of this, is the capacity to hold the leaders accountable at all times through the lens of strong institutions. But painfully, the Nigerian masses fold their arms and allow the governors and even local government chairmen to continue to take them for a ride. Instead of challenging our political authorities in a critical fashion, we have shifted that responsibility to God. We naively assume that Nigerians are the only children of Providence, by asking Him to do everything for us, despite our superb brains. Praying to God is good and indeed, necessary for spiritual upliftment. However, leaving our own assignment to Olodumare (the supreme God) is irresponsible in a variety of senses. God abhors laziness. Therefore, the Nigerian masses must allow Him to rest.

    Our democracy is caricatured in the face of weak institutions. The ordinary people have no confidence in the National Assembly (legislature) and the Judiciary.  This started from 1999.  It is not a new development. There is a trust deficit. This paves the way for a near-complete dictatorship, and by the same token, poor governance. Part of this ugliness is traceable to unfettered, primitive greed of the political class members with their inflated sense of self-importance.  Nigerians are not brainless at all. But unfortunately, they have been consistently failing to engage in critical thinking. This is most disturbing. Nigerians have forgotten that creative thinking is the cornerstone of robust spiritual and material abundance. That is the reason why critical thinking and healthy physical world must dance together. Bigotry has to be kept on the refuse dump of human affairs. Indeed, bigotry is a dreadful monster.

    Therefore, any leader who is not performing optimally should be told to wake up or get the wrath of the people. There should be no room for uncontrolled sentiments in this regard. No good reason to begin to worry about the religion or ethnic background of a leader. Such an attitude can easily engender inter-personal as well as group misunderstanding, suspicions and even conflicts. This behavioural trait (bigotry) is at variance with sustainable peace and progress in Nigeria. After 65 years of political independence from Britain, Nigeria still has the challenge of stunted growth to grapple with.  

    Again, those who are singing praises of our abusers through the lens of vanity biographies need spiritual deliverance. They (the spiritless biographers with their insatiable longing after miserable wealth) are almost worse than the leadership class. 

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is certainly working hard on some areas of our national life. But according to a popular Yoruba proverb, “not all clothes can be dried off in the sun”.  This is for strategic reasons!  But due to the hugeness of the mess before this administration started, not much is appreciated by the ordinary people (with the exception of a few citizens, having an extra-ordinarily deep sense of judgement).

    As a matter of fact, the president is keeping his nose to the grindstone. However, like Oliver Twist, we (especially the federal university staff and retirees) want some more. This is not out of greed but obvious necessity. It is time for the Nigerian citizens to begin to rise above primordial political partisanship including other related reactionary ideologies so that Nigeria can get to the promised land.

    •Prof Ogundele is of Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan.