Category: Comments

  • Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam: Lesson on leadership and courage

    Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam: Lesson on leadership and courage

    By Abachi Ungbo

    Ethiopia inaugurated the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on September 9, which was, to all intents and purposes, an epochal event. Built across the Nile, it is the largest hydroelectric dam in Africa, with the capacity to supply a whopping 6000 MW of electricity to the energy-starved nation. The country is expected to earn billions from sales of electricity across the border to Kenya, Djibouti, South Sudan, Sudan, and Eritrea. It is betting on the GERD to transform its economy and invigorate its agricultural sector through irrigation.

    The Nile is composed primarily of two tributaries: the White and Blue Nile, with both converging at Sudan’s capital, Khartoum, before flowing to Egypt and then the Mediterranean. Ethiopia is upstream where the Blue Nile flows. Other upstream sources are from East Africa, where the White Nile originates. The amount of water from the White Nile pales in comparison with the Blue Nile, which accounts for 80-85% of the River Nile.

    The massive hydroelectric infrastructure was birthed amidst vociferous opposition from the downstream countries—Egypt and Sudan. Egypt has always been apoplectic over the idea of a dam. The Nile is its blood. The preponderance of its water resources is derived from the Nile, and about 97% of the Egyptian population resides along the Nile River, where some of the fertile farmland exists. It is said that a 2% reduction in Nile water will lead to the loss of about 200,000 acres of farmland, which means the loss of about one million jobs.

    Rising temperatures are inducing evaporation, increasing the requirement for more water to grow crops in the Nile and its canals. In light of this, the country has significantly cut back on areas used for water-consuming crops like rice in an attempt to save a huge amount of water. There is also concern for the Aswan Dam, Egypt’s hydroelectric dam, which depends on the Nile.

    Egypt is relying on a colonial-era treaty and a 1959 agreement with Sudan, which ceded the bulk of the Nile water to Egypt without the consent of the upstream countries. Therefore, Ethiopia believes the old agreement is not binding on them. Sudan has its grievances too. Notwithstanding, it stands to benefit immensely. The GERD will help provide needed electricity, manage floods, and reduce alluvium, ensuring large hectares of land become available for cultivation through irrigation.

    It is often said that war in the 21st century will be fought over water. Nowhere is this assertion truer than on the Nile. In fact, in 2019, the International Crisis Group—an organization that works to prevent wars—warned of the possibility of armed conflict. The Egyptians were already talking tough before opting for diplomacy. To the Ethiopians, the Nile is not only a valuable resource that must be harnessed but also an exercise of their sovereign right. It is a fast-growing economy with a growing population.

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    The scale and cost of the GERD were a huge test of the resolve of the Ethiopians, especially with international funding proving difficult to come by. Since Emperor Haile Selassie, Ethiopian leaders have flirted with the idea of harnessing the Nile’s upstream power. However, it was the former Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, who decided to take the plunge. He was imbued with strong passion, unflagging conviction, and the courage to walk the talk in delivering what merely existed in the realm of dreams and aspirations.

    During the laying of the foundation stone in 2011, Meles asserted that “no matter how poor we are, in the Ethiopian traditions of resolve, the Ethiopian people will pay any sacrifice.” Ethiopia was compelled to have recourse to domestic financing, which was quite innovative. Ethiopians from all walks of life contributed through bonds, salary deductions, and donations from the diaspora. Patriotism and unity were whipped up to muster citizens’ support as national interest bridged the gaping political and ethnic chasm.

    Meles Zenawi demonstrated a brand of leadership that has continued to elude Africa. He walked right into a huge storm of opposition without flinching, unscathed by criticisms and unfazed by the cold shoulder from international lending institutions. He proved that, as a leader, taking tough and unpopular decisions is sometimes necessary. The delivery is what matters. In the case of the GERD, it came to a successful conclusion, which has now attracted effusive praise and ignited national pride.

    Interestingly, Meles evinced an inspiring power of persuasion—a quality that enabled him to logically and clearly articulate the vision and convince the people to own the project. It basically brought to the fore the importance of inclusive and people-centred governance.

    He didn’t see the turbines spin owing to his death in 2012, a year after he laid the foundation stone. Nonetheless, the seed he planted didn’t die. His successors watered it. They refined the plans and kept driving the construction forward. The continuity of the project was essentially a result of the huge buy-in by everyone.

    Through him, Africa saw the possibility of looking inwards in financing projects; while it imposes financial strain, it enables independence by precluding the tall and restrictive conditions that accompany external funding. The GERD is a monument to strategic foresight. It reinforces the importance of visionary leadership in shaping the destiny of a nation and rallying people around a development agenda.

    •Ungbo writes via abachi007@yahoo.com

  • As Mahmood Yakubu bows out of INEC

    As Mahmood Yakubu bows out of INEC

    By Nkasiobi Francis

    After 10 unbroken years as chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu’s tour of duty comes to an end next month. But as his last days in the national assignment gradually draw close, his tenure for a record 10 years remains unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history.

    A one-time lecturer and professor of Political History and International Studies at the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) as well as former executive secretary of the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund), Yakubu was first appointed head of the electoral umpire by late President Muhammadu Buhari in October 2015.

    He assumed office on November 9, the same year, and after the first five years, his appointment was renewed in 2020 for another five-year term. His reappointment came a year after the highly disputed 2019 presidential election.

    For the records, INEC was established in 1998 to oversee elections in Nigeria. The commission, as presently configured, was preceded by different electoral bodies at various times, such as the Electoral Commission of Nigeria (ECN) in 1958 and the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) in 1960, which organised elections in the formative years of Nigeria’s independence.

    Under the military, different commissions managed elections, but were dissolved after change of governments.

    In 1995, the late Gen. Sani Abacha’s regime created the National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON), but it was later replaced by INEC in 1998 under the then head of state, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar (rtd).

    The outgoing INEC chairman, Mahmood Yakubu, who incidentally became the fifth INEC chairman since 1998 has not only become the longest serving head of the electoral umpire, he has the distinction of presiding over two general elections (2019 and 2023).

    He also superintended over multiple off-cycle elections for governorship, state and National Assembly polls, among others.

    In executing these assignments in the past 10 years, many have questioned the competence and neutrality of the electoral umpire and its leadership. This is especially so among politicians when things don’t go their own way.

    In 2019, the outcome of the presidential election was highly contentious and the final winner, the late President Buhari’s mandate had to be validated by the apex court.

    The 2023 polls, particularly the outcome of the presidential election drew even greater umbrage from a large segment of the populace. In the eyes of many, the infamous “technical glitch” appeared to have diminished the innovations and achievements of the Mahmood Yakubu leadership of INEC.

    However, under Yakubu, many have also applauded the technologies introduced by the electoral commission that greatly improved the credibility and outcome of several elections across the country.

    One of the most significant technological tools is the use of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS).

    In 2020, the electoral umpire also introduced INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV), an online platform designed to promote transparency in the electoral process during the Edo State governorship election.

    IReV allows for the easy dissemination of polling unit results, making the electoral process more transparent and accountable to citizens. The portal also provides accessibility for the general public to access and view official election results in real-time. The IReV provides an easy way for citizens to verify the results, increasing the credibility and preventing electoral malpractices in the electoral process.

    Under Yakubu, there has been an increased participation of the civil society in real electoral process.

    As part of efforts to promote electoral integrity, civil society organisations like Yiaga Africa have been involved in deploying statistics and information technology as part of its Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT) election observation interventions. The PVT deploys citizen observers to sampled polling units while providing accurate and timely information on the process through the feedback received via coded text messages and analysed via a technological database. Thus, the PVT can also verify the accuracy of election results that will be released by the electoral commission. This methodology has been used in multiple elections in Nigeria, including the 2019 presidential and other off-circle elections.

    There are claims in some quarters that Nigerians have lost confidence in INEC. Such assertions may be unsupported by empirical facts.

    In recent times, INEC has faced criticisms from various civil society and religious organisations, which raised concerns over what they perceived as growing public disillusionment with the electoral process.

    Responding to these criticisms recently, the Chief Press Secretary to the INEC Chairman, Rotimi Oyekanmi argued that the evidence points in a different direction—highlighting robust public engagement in the ongoing Continuous Voter Registration exercise.

    “The notion that Nigerians have lost confidence in the electoral process is more of a myth than a reality, as those who proclaim it lack convincing evidence to support it,” Oyekanmi said.

    He hinged his argument on what he described as the high level of participation, particularly among young Nigerians, in the current voter registration drive as a strong indicator of public trust.

    “On the contrary, the high level of participation by Nigerians, especially the youths, in the ongoing Continuous Voter Registration, which began on August 18 this year with online pre-registration, shows that citizens still have confidence in the process,” he added.

    Despite its pitfalls, Oyekanmi said the 2023 polls marked a major improvement in the country’s electoral system, particularly in terms of diversity.

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    “The 2023 general election, more than any other election, demonstrates this fact. The election produced the most diverse National Assembly since the restoration of democracy in 1999,” he said.

    He buttressed this further with statistics, adding that in the Senate, seven political parties secured seats: All Progressives Congress-59, Peoples Democratic Party-36, Labour Party-eight, New Nigeria People’s Party -two, Social Democratic Party-two, All Progressives Grand Alliance-one, and Young Progressives Party-one. In the House of Representatives, eight parties won seats: APC-177, PDP-117, LP-35, NNPP-19, APGA-five, African Democratic Congress-two, SDP-two, and YPP-two.

    That pattern, he noted, continued at the state level, with nine parties winning seats in state assemblies. These included APC-533, PDP-355, LP-38, NNPP-29, APGA-20, YPP-eight, SDP-seven, A-one, and ADC-one. In the gubernatorial elections, APC won 16 states, PDP-10, LP-1, and NNPP-1.

    The recent bye-elections were proof that “Nigerians have kept faith with the electoral process,” he stated.

    What Oyekanmi did not lose sight of was what he described as a contradiction in the behaviour of some INEC critics.

    “Ironically, some of the most ardent critics of INEC are also in the forefront of calling for electoral reform to transfer Local Government elections to the same commission. Surely, they cannot continue to walk on both sides of the road,” he said.

    There has never been perfection in any human enterprise, including INEC.

    There are certainly grey areas in the electoral ecosystem and elections management that need to be improved upon, but INEC under Yakubu has recorded remarkable successes in the last 10 years.

    Many have suddenly forgotten that it was under him that an INEC returning officer, Prof. Peter Ogban was convicted by a High Court in Akwa Ibom State last year.

    Over the years, the job of an INEC chairman has become (as we say in this part of the world) a thankless job. Yakubu is not an exception. He has laid the building blocks for greater credibility in the electoral umpire.

    •Nkasiobi, a political analyst wrote from Abuja.

  • Dangote and labour rights

    Dangote and labour rights

    It’s a fragile truce holding between the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) and Dangote Refinery and Petrochemicals over alleged anti-labour practices by the refinery, regarding which the labour body had called down industry Armageddon. PENGASSAN suspended its nationwide strike mid- last week, but warned the backdown was only temporary. It vowed speedy return to the trenches at the slightest indication of bad faith by Dangote.

    The labour association had, on Sunday, called an industrial action that momentarily crippled Nigeria’s oil and gas sectors, all in avowed bid to bring Dangote into line. Government had to mediate and, on Wednesday, PENGASSAN announced it was pulling back on “moral high ground” by bowing to government persuasion despite strong doubts about the sincerity of Dangote Group. “We are only suspending, not calling off this strike. If any part of this agreement is broken, we will not give any warning. We will immediately resume our suspended industrial action,” said PENGASSAN President Festus Osifo, who is also the president of Nigeria’s alternate labour centre, the Trade Union Congress (TUC).

    Dangote refinery is a $20billion private venture commissioned in 2023, and its rift with PENGASSAN centred on claims that the management sacked some 800 workers because they chose to join the labour association, allegedly against the policy of the organisation to not have its employees unionise. The association further alleged that the sacked workers were replaced with more than 2,000 Indians, which it described as an affront to Nigerian workers and a violation of the country’s Constitution, labour laws and International Labour Organisation (ILO) conventions. It thus directed its members to paralyse operations at the refinery by cutting off crude and gas supplies to it.

    In case you wonder how that works, PENGASSAN has members in organisations that supply Dangote with basic operational feedstocks like the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPCL), and their compliance with the union’s directive meant the refinery got starved of those inputs. But PENGASSAN’s war was not restricted to Dangote, and it wasn’t like the association wanted it to be; it spilled over to national terrain as the association ordered its members nationwide to pull their services, thereby hobbling Nigeria’s entire energy sector and not just the 650,000 barrel-per-day output Dangote refinery.

    On Sunday, 28th September, that the association directed its members in various field locations to down tools from 6:00a.m., there were severe gas shortages that resulted in a reduction of national power generation by more than 1,100megawatts. The Nigerian Independent System Operator (NISO) made known that available generation on the national grid dipped from over 4,300mw in the early hours of the day in reference to about 3,200mw at the lowest point – a development that heightened pressure on the grid and necessitated emergency measures to stabilise supply and avert nationwide blackout. Measures applied include “demand-side management” that involved selective load shedding, which in practical terms for the average electricity consumer meant there was no public power supply for much of that day. There were as well snaps in supply lines of petrol and cooking gas to the market for much of last week. Up till the weekend, there were few petrol stations selling fuel in Lagos, and so at exploitative rates, while there were cooking gas shortages that inflated cost where available. The public bore the brunt.

    It was not that Dangote Group took the labour challenge laying back. The refinery management denied that it victimised workers for unionising, but rather that it undertook a restructuring from security and efficiency concerns within the organisation. It argued there were of recent incidents of sabotage by some employees at its plant that brought up issues of grave health concern and safety of human lives. Besides, it further argued, only a small portion of its 3,000 Nigerian workforce was affected, and that PENGASSAN’s recourse to disrupting its operations was brigandage writ large. “No law grants PENGASSAN the right to cut off our supplies,” the refinery said in a statement, as it accused the labour body of criminal conduct. It warned that disruption of its operations could significantly harm national fuel supply and revenues, urging government to stop the “reckless conduct.” Well, the public’s experience proved much of its statement true.

    Dangote Group also approached the National Industrial Court, from which it secured an interim order restraining PENGASSAN from disrupting the refinery’s operations. Justice Emmanuel Subilim granted the ex parte injunction after Dangote refinery argued that the disruption would cause irreparable economic harm. The judge ruled that preserving industrial peace outweighed the union’s actions, and scheduled further hearing in the suit for 13th October, 2025.

    Dangote management and PENGASSAN locked horns even over that court ruling. The association spurned the injunction, arguing that it had not been formally served and could not go by mere media reports. The company, for its part, accused the labour body of evading being served and at some point published the verdict in national newspapers. While the gridlock lasted, the country’s alternate labour centre, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), directed all its affiliate unions to immediately begin mobilisation for industrial action against Dangote Group – a threat that, if carried through, would have had further devastating consequences on the public.

    Reprieve came only by way of government mediation – first  at closed-door talks moderated by Labour and Employment Minister Mohammed Dingyadi, and Minister of State Nkiruka Onyejeocha at the ministry’s headquarters in Abuja that were deadlocked, and later moved to the Office of National Security Adviser (NSA) Nuhu Ribadu. Reports said the parties eventually agreed that unionisation is a right of workers in accordance with Nigerian laws, and that the right should be respected. The meeting also agreed that the management of Dangote Group shall immediately begin the process of reabsorbing the disengaged workers and move them to other companies within the group, with no loss of pay and with no worker victimised for their role in the labour crisis. PENGASSAN, for its part, agreed to begin the process of calling off the strike. The communique at the end of the meeting added that both parties “agreed to this understanding in good faith.”

    The labour association had accused Dangote management of peddling misinformation with the claim that the sacked workers were suspected of sabotage, whereas the real issue was about their right to unionise. Indications were that it was right, otherwise Dangote would not have agreed to reabsorb those workers and redeploy them within the group. The conglomerate, obviously, has issues with unionisation and the effects on its investment interests. Reports at the weekend said the refinery management lately wrote the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), with which it also had recently squared off, to notify the union of its tanker drivers’ voluntary withdrawal from the body’s membership. It reportedly provided evidence of that voluntary decision and made a pledge to defray attendant financial commitments. So, there’s no question that the conglomerate has union phobia and would rather not have its employees partake.

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    But can you blame Dangote? The labour wars with which the business venture has had contend by themselves make unionisation unattractive for a private investor who staked his capital to create job opportunities and hopes for reasonable returns on that investment. Besides, it stands to reason that there is no employer who would be comfortable outsourcing control over employees – including the power to hire, fire or retain – to a supra authority called unions. Perhaps what the refinery management did wrong was the stock disengagement of workers on suspicion of unionisation, since the power for individual staff appraisal rests invariably with the management and decisions based on those appraisals inalienably that of the management.

    There is indeed a sense in which PENGASSAN’s bid to cripple Dangote’s operations was impetuously short-sighted. Refinery operation is of a kind where the pipes must stay wet or they could rust and develop blockages that could ruin the entire business. The labour association could have pressed its grouse through procedural channels like the industrial court or arbitration panel, or proactively invite government mediation; because if the refinery gets grounded, PENGASSAN’s members would be among those sent out of job.

    Two final posers should drive home the point. Labour unions naturally must desire more employment opportunities for their prospective members; but do they consider that the bring-down disposition of labour conversations could scare off investors who would create those jobs? Besides, what will PENGASSAN do if Dangote replaces human workforce at its refinery with Artificial Intelligence?

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • The Ajaero strike and the masquerade’s legs

    The Ajaero strike and the masquerade’s legs

    (This article was first published in this column on 26 November, 2023, at a testy time in union-employer relations.)

    Whenever things are entangled, seeking to disentangle them is the normal course of action. This happens when the respective entangling things are easily discernible. However, sometimes, those things are so similar and yet so different that disentanglement becomes herculean. To describe such complex, ambivalent and confused situations, the idiom called to service in Yoruba is “Esè eégún ti dàpò mó t’èèyàn.” (‘The masquerade’s legs are entangled with human legs.’) The masquerade, by the way, is believed to be a sacred being from the extra-terrestrial habitation of the revered ancestors, while the human being is earthly and non-sacred. So, how do you extricate a sacred set of legs from a mundane one without offending the ancestors?

    A series of such confusing spectacles marked the last nationwide strike of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), otherwise called the Ajaero Strike, which started on Tuesday, 14 November, 2023 and was planned to be total and indefinite. Incidentally, the strike was suspended on Wednesday, 15 November, 2023, after negotiations between the NLC and the government. In spite of the suspension, questions relating to the strike remain nagging.

    First, the entanglement of the masquerade’s and human legs happened in relation to who exactly Joe Ajaero was. In his visit to Imo State, was he a citizen of the state who had visited as a chieftain of the opposition Labour Party (LP) with the aim of promoting his political party in the then-closely approaching governorship election in the state or was he the National President of the NLC who had gone there to promote the welfare of members of his trade union? This ambivalence may have caused him to be beaten up by people who were presumed to be political thugs and who probably thought they were contending with a threatening rival political party member rather than a sacred, masquerade-like labour union personage. It is in reaction to the assault on Ajaero that the NLC and its sister union – the Trade Union Congress (TUC) – declared the indefinite and total national strike.

    Second, the masquerade’s legs phenomenon was manifested in who the aggressor was. Ajaero was beaten in only one out of the thirty-six states, and revenge was being exacted from all of the thirty-six states and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. This violated the principle of justice encoded in the saying, “Ìka tó bá sè l’oba n gé.” (‘It’s the finger that errs that the king cuts.’) In prosecuting the strike, one finger erred, but thirty-seven were cut.

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    Third, the ambivalence and confusion were related to the real motive for the strike. Was the strike declared to get restitution for the injuries of Ajaero or was it declared to wreck the economy or destabilise the All Progressives Congress (APC) national government by LP stalwarts hiding behind the unionist screen?

    Note, by the way, that while Ajaero and the NLC were vociferous in claiming that the APC-led government of Imo State had been mistreating the workers in the employment of the state, the workers themselves were adulating the governor. A situation was therefore created in which, as the saying goes, “Alára l’ára ò r’òun, o ló kú àìsùn, ó kú àìwo.” (‘A person says they’re not feeling any pain, but you’re telling them, “Sorry for the sleeplessness the pain is causing you.”’) Granted that there could even have been a few areas in which the state government was defaulting in relation to the welfare of the workers, the NLC should not have created a situation in which it would be crying more than the bereaved. In a more picturesque way, a Yoruba proverb says, “Elékún n sunkún, Láróyè n sun èjè.” (‘The person who has a problem is shedding watery tears, but bloody tears are streaming down the cheeks of Laroye the sympathiser.’) Incidentally, Laroye is another word for Èsù, which some people translate into English as “the Devil”.

    The Ajaero strike showed that the NLC has immense potentials to wreak indiscriminate havoc on the nation. Did it therefore set out of its own volition to undermine the government or was it recruited to do the hatchet job for woebegone opponents of the Tinubu government, in the light of the failure of the President’s opponents to remove him from office through the courts? This question is important, because, in public reactions after the Supreme Court judgement affirming his victory, statements had been made which suggested the willingness to use extra-judicial means to settle scores with the President.

    Fourth, the masquerade’s legs syndrome was reflected in the joining of the strike by some academic affiliates of the NLC. This seeming headfirst joining of the Ajaero strike raises a number of very critical questions. The most important ones here are: What role should academic staff unions play when they affiliate with NLC or TUC? Should they submit zombie-like to the two unions’ directives or should they provide the intellectual compass to the umbrella unions? The academic staff unions listed as joining the Ajaero strike are the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), the College of Education Academic Staff Union and the Academic Staff Union of Polytechnics. The Punch, in its 15 November, 2023 edition, reported the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) as saying as follows about the strike: “It is with a heavy heart that we, as the apex student body in the country, address the irrationality, disregard for the court of law, and apparently misplaced priority demonstrated in this action.” Did this not amount to the tail wagging the dog?

    With respect to ASUU, one observer remarked that he could not remember the last time ASUU joined an NLC strike. He then wondered whether ASUU’s decision was not motivated by the fact that, since it had become impolitic for it to directly embark on a strike considering the badly-prosecuted 2022 strike, ASUU found it convenient to jump on to the bandwagon of the NLC strike. He therefore seemed to have been suggesting that ASUU’s case was like that of the monkey itching to climb a tree, and then finding a ready excuse when its in-law’s club got stuck in the branches of the tree. The monkey rushed up the tree without thinking twice, and oblivious of the fact that there could be ants with very painful bites awaiting it in the tree. In this regard, our people admonish the monkey as follows: “Ìjímèrè, só’gi gùn ko má baà gungi aládi.” (‘Monkey, beware of which trees you climb, so that you don’t climb an ant-infested one.’) Going forward, academic staff unions need to be more circumspect about which kind of strikes to join or to declare.

    Fifth, ASUU put itself in an ambivalent position by joining the strike. When the last ASUU strike was called off on 14 October, 2022 and lecturers were paid half-salary for that month, one of the complaints of ASUU was that lecturers had, by that government action, been reduced to daily paid or casual workers. Specifically, in the Daily Trust of 8 November, 2022, the President of ASUU, Professor Emmanuel Osodeke, was reported to have declared as follows about the ending of the strike: “This we believe, as a union of thinkers, intellectuals, and patriots, will not only aid the process of amicable resolution of the crisis, but will also set the tone for smooth industrial relations between Government and Nigerian workers at large. Unfortunately, the response of government towards ASUU’s demonstration of trust was the so-called ‘pro-rata’ payment for eighteen days as the October 2022 salaries of academics thereby portraying them as daily paid workers!” Now, has the manner in which the union joined the Ajaero strike been sufficiently elevating or ennobling?

    When the Ajaero kind of strike occurs, it is helpful to recall the most comparable events in other climes. After all, as our people say, “Oun tó jo’un làá fí wé’un; èpo èpà ló jo pósí èlírí.” (‘Let’s compare likes with likes; it’s the groundnut shell that resembles the midget mouse’s coffin.’) Moreover, it is necessary to appreciate the wisdom in the proverb, “Afogbón-ológbón-sogbón ni ò jé kí á pe àgbà ní wèrè.” (‘It’s learning from other people’s experience that prevents an elderly person from being called a fool.’)

    Once upon a time, there was a very powerful trade union called the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) in Great Britain. It had a very charismatic, controversy-courting President called Arthur Scargill. At a point, the NUM was so powerful that it caused the fall of a government. The Secretary of Education in that fallen government was called Margaret Thatcher, and she bided her time. Then she became Prime Minister. The NUM struck again in the early years of her government. The new government buckled and yielded to the demands of the union. Encouraged by this manifestation of power, the NUM embarked on another strike a few years later. This time around, like a ram that had stepped back to re-energise, the government came back charging. It confronted the union, and though the workers remained on strike for a few days short of one whole year, they got no concession from the government. With the government firing on all cylinders and with the strike debilitating the workers and their families, a pitiable Arthur Scargill had no choice but to announce the end to the strike. 

    Does NLC look like the NUM? Does Joe Ajaero look like Arthur Scargill? Does President Bola Ahmed Tinubu look like Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher? Labour unions are immensely powerful. With that power, a properly-focussed union can earn remarkable benefits for its members. And it is when they are preoccupied with seeking such members’ welfare gains that they are on the most solid ground. In contrast, trade unions are on the most slippery ground when they venture into such adversarial environments as politics, in which all is fair as in love and war.

    It is hoped that, as the NLC and the TUC relate with the Nigerian government, push would not come to shove. True, labour unions are powerful. But it is not a zero-sum game. That labour unions have power does not stop government from being powerful or from being more powerful. As the saying goes, “Tí irin bá kan irin ìkan á tè.” (‘When a rod encounters a rod, one must bend.’) In their agitations, the status and motives of NLC and TUC must be clear at all times. It must become unnecessary, going forward, for the question to be asked, “Are the NLC and TUC workers welfare outfits or are they the labour wing of the government’s detractors?” Let the human legs be clear and let the masquerade’s legs be clear. Entangling them can only cause agony. Those who have ears, let them hear. 

    LAST LINE: Considering the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria’s feud with Dangote Petroleum, the union should be concerned about a 2 October, 2025 YouTube video by Africa Today Channel tellingly titled, “PENGASSAN: The union that broke Nigeria.”          

  • Nigeria at 65: Reborn in the digital age, renewed in hope

    Nigeria at 65: Reborn in the digital age, renewed in hope

    • By Emmanuel Ademola

    As Nigeria celebrates its 65th anniversary of independence, it stands at a crucial turning point, boldly redefining its identity in the digital age. The nation is determined to harness technology and innovation as key drivers of growth, connectivity, and empowerment for all its citizens. This is a time of renewed hope and unwavering ambition for a prosperous future.

    In this era of rapid digital transformation, Nigeria is confidently embracing unprecedented developments across multiple sectors, including finance, education, healthcare, and agriculture. The rise of digital platforms is effectively bridging gaps, fostering entrepreneurship, and creating exceptional opportunities for the youth to excel. This dynamic landscape represents more than just the adoption of technology; it is about strategically harnessing it to unlock the country’s immense potential.

    Despite the challenges we’ve faced over the years, there’s a vibrant spirit of resilience and optimism growing among Nigerians. Communities are uniting to tackle social issues, champion change, and promote inclusivity. This revival is driven by our collective dream of a brighter future, filled with hope and abundant opportunities for everyone to thrive. Let’s embrace this journey together!

    As Nigeria embarks on this new chapter, the focus on digital innovation and community engagement paves the way for transformative growth, positioning the nation as a beacon of hope and possibility in the 21st century.

    From Colonial Shadows to Digital Dawn

    Before gaining independence in 1960, Nigeria was a rich tapestry of diverse kingdoms and ethnic groups, including the Hausa-Fulani in the north, the Yoruba in the southwest, and the Igbo in the southeast. Despite British colonial influence, the resilience and creativity of the Nigerian people shone through, paving the way for a united and prosperous future.

    The quest for independence in Nigeria culminated in sovereignty in October 1960, sparking hopes for unity. However, the following decades were marked by military coups, economic turmoil due to fluctuating oil prices, and social unrest from ethnic and religious divides.

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    By 2025, Nigeria has transformed into a vibrant nation, showcasing the resilience of its youthful population. The country boasts a thriving start-up culture, with entrepreneurs making strides in technology, entertainment, and agriculture. This wave of innovation is driven by Nigeria’s embrace of the digital age, as improved mobile technology and internet access create vast opportunities.

    As Nigeria confidently charts its path toward progress, it finds itself at a unique crossroads where rich tradition meets vibrant modernity. The nation is deeply rooted in its diverse cultural heritage, which encompasses a multitude of languages, customs, and historical influences. This wealth of diversity not only shapes the identity of its people but also serves as a key asset in navigating the challenges of contemporary society.

    Nigeria is committed to leveraging its heritage to create innovative solutions that meet societal needs and promote economic growth. By combining traditional practices with modern technologies, the country aims to honour its past while embracing globalization and technological advancement, striving for a prosperous and inclusive future for all citizens.

    Tinubu’s Digital-Era Reforms: A Nation Reimagined

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration has ushered in a wave of reforms that are positioning Nigeria as a beacon of economic resilience and digital transformation. Here’s how:

    Economic Diversification & Fiscal Discipline

    By August 2025, the country reached an extraordinary milestone in its non-oil revenue generation, accumulating over ₦20 trillion. This remarkable achievement was driven primarily by a robust performance in September, during which the country generated ₦3.65 trillion in non-oil revenues alone. This figure represents an astounding increase of 411% compared to the revenue figures recorded in May 2023, showcasing a significant turnaround in the nation’s fiscal health.

    The significant increase in non-oil revenue has decisively strengthened the country’s financial stability, particularly evident in the substantial improvement of the debt service-to-revenue ratio. Previously a troubling 97%, this key metric has now been reduced to below 50%. Such a drastic decrease demonstrates a clear alleviation of fiscal pressures and empowers the government to effectively direct resources towards developmental initiatives.

    The economy has made significant progress, marked by a trade surplus for five consecutive quarters. Non-oil exports now account for 48% of total exports, showcasing successful diversification from oil dependency and increasing competitiveness in global markets.

    Infrastructure & Regional Development

    The infrastructure sector is experiencing significant advancements, marked by an impressive portfolio of over 440 road projects currently underway and nearly 2,700 kilometres of new superhighways set for completion. A key highlight of this ambitious initiative is the recent inauguration of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway. This strategic route is poised to greatly enhance the tourism industry and trade activities along the coast, effectively improving access and connectivity between vital economic hubs.

    Alongside remarkable advancements in transportation, the government has launched six new regional development commissions that are vital in energizing local economic initiatives and providing customized support for diverse communities. With a significant investment of ₦4 trillion dedicated to these commissions, there stands a strong commitment to nurturing sustainable local growth and development.

    These transformative initiatives demonstrate a strong commitment to enhancing infrastructure, while also paving the way for a bright future rich with new opportunities and an improved quality of life for many.

    Digital & Energy Transformation

    Recently, significant developments have been made in the energy sector, including the addition of 1,500 MW to the national grid, alongside solar electrification initiatives for 22 federal universities. Additionally, a Rural Electrification Program has been launched with the goal of providing power to 1 million homes. On the financial front, there has been a concerted effort to stabilize the Naira through foreign exchange reforms, which have also facilitated the clearance of $10 billion in foreign exchange liabilities.

    Education & Youth Empowerment

    The Nigerian government has made significant strides in supporting education and healthcare. The NELFUND student loan initiative, along with the Presidential Loan and Grant Scheme, has positively impacted over 1.2 million Nigerians. In an effort to address the issue of brain drain in the medical field, eight new medical universities have been approved. Furthermore, vocational trainees under the age of 40 are now receiving monthly stipends of ₦45,000, promoting skill development and financial assistance for young individuals entering the workforce.

    Agriculture & Social Investment

    The government has implemented several measures to support the agricultural sector and enhance food security. This includes financial assistance for farmers through the Bank of Agriculture. Additionally, N330 billion has been distributed to assist 8 million vulnerable households. To further strengthen food security and promote exports, agro-processing zones have been established.

    National Security & Stability

    In recent developments, over 13,500 terrorists have been neutralized, leading to a significant decrease in insurgency and kidnapping activities. This positive trend has contributed to renewed confidence in Nigeria’s global standing, as evidenced by the increase in foreign reserves, which have now reached $42.03 billion.

    Nigeria’s Trajectory: From Hope to Sustainability

    Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope Agenda” represents more than just a catchphrase; it serves as a strategic framework aimed at fostering sustainable development in Nigeria. The initiative focuses on harnessing digital tools, decentralizing growth, and investing in human capital to shape a promising future. It empowers the youth to transform their aspirations into reality, encourages regional development that honours cultural and economic diversity, and prioritizes the establishment of digital infrastructure as a foundational element for governance, education, and commerce.

    Reflection: A Nation Reborn

    As you celebrate Nigeria’s 65th independence anniversary on October 1st, you’re not merely observing history but actively participating in a transformative moment. This nation has evolved beyond its age to focus on its ambitions, positioning itself as a leader in Africa’s journey towards digital prosperity and sustainable growth. Nigeria is ready to embrace a new era of innovation and development.

  • Two years of Adedeji at FIRS: A raft of achievements

    Two years of Adedeji at FIRS: A raft of achievements

    • By Abdullahi Ismaila Ahmad

    The emergence of Zacch Adedeji, PhD, as the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), began as a whisper before the formal announcement.

    Although the confirmation of his appointment came three months later, since he assumed office, he has practically demonstrated his capacity to take on the tax and fiscal space headlong with much equanimity expected of the Capricorn that he is.

    A Capricorn is disciplined, practical, ambitious, and hardworking. He often takes on leadership roles with a strong sense of responsibility and a “can-do” attitude. This is quintessential Zacch Adedeji, PhD.

    Two years on, these qualities have defined the leadership paradigm at the FIRS, shaping its policies and thrusting its administration in a positive direction.

    As Adedeji marks his second anniversary as the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) Executive Chairman, Nigerians can attest to his significant strides in transforming the nation’s tax system.

    He has led the FIRS to surpass revenue targets, introduced a raft of tax reforms, modernised tax administration, and made the FIRS a customer-centric organisation.

    Revenue collection achievements

    Under Adedeji’s leadership, the FIRS has consistently exceeded its revenue targets. In 2023, the agency collected N12.36 trillion or 107% thereby surpassing its target of N11.55 trillion. In 2024, he also collected 21.7 trillion naira against the target of N19.7 trillion.

    These remarkable feats demonstrate Adedeji’s ability to drive success through strategic planning and efficiency.

    Between September 2023 and August 2025, the Service collected a total of N46 trillion in tax revenue. This represents: 115% of the combined revenue target of N40.07 trillion.

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    The two-year performance reflects the impact of reforms implemented by the management, which enhanced efficiency in the tax system, expanded the tax base, and improved compliance through digital solutions such as TaxPro-Max, e-Invoicing, and USSD (×829#) services. Strengthened enforcement measures, inter-agency collaboration, and improved staff welfare further boosted productivity.

    These measures reduced reliance on oil revenues, strengthened non-oil collections, and enabled the Service to exceed its revenue targets between September 2023 and August 2025.

    Tax system reforms

    Adedeji has introduced several initiatives to simplify the tax system and improve the taxpayer experience. These include: Introducing new tax legislation that aims to reform the obsolete provisions of the tax laws and align the tax system with modern taxation and economic practices.

    These tax legislations are the Nigeria Tax Act 2025 (NTA), the Nigeria Tax Administration Act 2025 (NTAA), the Joint Revenue Board of Nigeria (Establishment) Act 2025 (JRBA), and the Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Act 2025 (NRSA).

    TaxPro-Max: A tax administration system that automates over 80% of manual processes, reducing bureaucracy and enhancing efficiency.

    National Single Window Initiative: A platform that facilitates fast and easy trade operations at ports, harmonising government revenue and promoting economic growth.

    – One-Stop Shop: A streamlined tax office operation that caters to diverse taxpayers by category, improving customer satisfaction and reducing complaints.

    – Unbundling of administrative groupings in the Service: The groupings were hitherto based on tax types, but Adedeji’s model is based on functions designed to increase the taxpayer experience.

    Digital innovation

    The FIRS has made significant strides in digital innovation under Adedeji’s leadership. He has effectively introduced new integrated modules on:

    – TaxProMax: Automating tax processes and enhancing efficiency in tax payment.

    – Leveraged technology: To block revenue leakages, ramp up revenue collection, and enhance taxpayer experience.

    – Expanded integrated tax administration systems: Creating seamless, efficient, and transparent processes that redefine the taxpayer experience. He established self-service centres in the field offices to help taxpayers navigate the seamless tax payment processes.

    Customer-centric focus of the Service:

    In FIRS, there are three recognised categories of customers: taxpayers, vendors, and staff. Understood in this sense, Adedeji emplaced processes that ensure effective customer mapping and customer satisfaction journey.

    He underscored his customer-centric approach to tax administration by saying, “We are committed to fair tax administration through responsive and accessible service to optimise revenue for national development.”

    Notwithstanding these achievements, Adedeji remains focused on improving Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio, which is far below the African average. To address this, the FIRS has set an ambitious target to raise the ratio to 18% within the next few years.

    As Adedeji embarks on his second year at the FIRS, Nigerians should expect more successes as he leverages his expertise to advance Nigeria’s economic growth and fiscal sustainability. With a clear vision and strategic roadmap, the FIRS is poised to continue playing a pivotal role in shaping the country’s future.

    •Abdullahi Ismaila Ahmad, PhD Director, Communications and Liaison Department, FIRS

  • Osun LGs: ‘Yes/No’ and the ‘Sit-at-home’ conundrum

    Osun LGs: ‘Yes/No’ and the ‘Sit-at-home’ conundrum

    The political developments in Osun State provide a case in point that lays bare the clear trend in Nigeria’s democracy. Whichever side of the ideological fence one may be tempted to stand on, these events have established, beyond a shadow of a doubt, that we are contending with the maggot of a deformed democracy.

    Tragically, a century after its first elections in the Lagos and Calabar Colonies, Nigeria is still wallowing in the cesspool of flawed democratic norms. This is especially true concerning local government polls.

    In the imbroglios and endless claims and counter-claims about the Osun State crisis, the essential political debate is missing two key elements: the conditions of the people and the impact of the impasse on economic development. Local governments should be effective, as they have a direct bearing on daily lives and the economy as a whole. Citizens rely on them for vital permits and essential services.

    It is characteristic of the lack of interest in governance that no one has performed a Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) – including the opportunity cost – of shutting down the local governments in a state. Obviously, the concept of development no longer has any meaning. This is a shame because local governments have an integral input in primary education, primary healthcare, and social welfare. Consequently, what’s happening in Osun is in contradistinction to any known conventional definition of development.

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    Although the matter is, to an extent, subjudice, it is imperative that the warring parties extend the limit of their imagination and find a democratic compromise or sign a ceasefire agreement to immediately revitalize the local governments. Allowing this political combat to continue has a direct, negative impact on the daily lives of citizens and, if not contained swiftly, risks becoming an existential crisis for local governance. The immediate focus must be on political resolution to restore the essential services that local government provides.

    We have gone beyond game-playing and must now focus intently on the human consequences of this crisis. Any investor contemplating a commitment in Osun State will seriously consider the detrimental impact of shutting down the local governments on his or her venture. An investor cannot deal with the state government in isolation; he or she faces unacceptable risks, especially since he or she must also engage with the local governments for vital approvals and operations.

    This present back and forth cannot be the way to attract investments, let alone heighten economic activities in the state. Something has to be done immediately!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Olajumoke Ale: Tribute to a life of service and wisdom

    Olajumoke Ale: Tribute to a life of service and wisdom

     Life, a “transparent pearl” (Shan Sa), is often recognized for its fleeting nature: “a flash of a firefly in the night” and “the little shadow which runs across the grass” (Crowfoot). Yet, Henry Longfellow offers a contrasting wisdom in age, noting: “as the evening twilight fades away, the sky is filled with stars, invisible by day”. This layered perspective, balancing life’s brevity with its eventual wisdom, echoes the Psalmist’s essential prayer: “Teach us to number our days, that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom”.

    The passing of Mrs. Josephine Olajumoke Ale (née Ogidi) on August 7, 2025, isn’t just a loss for her family; it’s a moment to reflect on what dedicated public service truly looks like and the extraordinary foundation it built for a generation. Ale’s life serves as a powerful argument for recognizing and reinvesting in the backbone of our nation: the committed, frontline civil servant.

    Born on October 2, 1945, Ale dedicated her life to a path of profound community impact. After completing her vocational nursing and midwifery training in 1968, she embarked on a remarkable career that spanned medical institutions across the trenches of Kwara, Ondo, and Ekiti States. Through her tireless commitment, she personified the highest ideal of the Nigerian Matron before her exit in 2008, bringing skilled and compassionate care to even the most underserved towns.

    Ale’s service spoke to a critical, forgotten truth: the quality of our public health system hinges not just on policy, but on personnel. Her ‘healing hands and compassionate spirit’ comforted countless lives in Labour wards and communities, demonstrating that local commitment was irreplaceable. In an era where brain-drain cripples our hospitals, we must re-examine how we support, incentivize, and celebrate those who choose to stay and serve where the need is greatest.

    Beyond her professional life, Ale’s family life offers a compelling blueprint for successful parenting, a model that should be taught and promoted across Nigeria. Widow of the late Matthew Fadahunsi Ale, she was not just a supportive wife but a force of nature in guiding her children to “enviable status in their diverse endeavours”. This wasn’t accidental! The success was rooted in intentional, disciplined and consistent nurturing.

    Olajumoke Ale was known by many names: Mama Ale, Aunty Jose, Eye Olu, Mama Nurse, Mama Senior, each reflecting a different facet of her remarkable personality.

    While on this earth, the signature of life – defined by strength, courage, determination, perseverance, and inspiration – was vividly expressed in Ale’s journey, making her life the truest embodiment of purposeful existence. The fact that Eye Olu, even in retirement, did not experience the “old age poverty or penury associated with retirees in Nigeria” proved that parental sacrifice and discipline, not just wealth, are the keys to intergenerational success.

    A woman of powerful integrity, Ale was one of the most talented brains of her generation. She was resolute, committed, always going out on her own terms. Her life was marked by immense courage and a deep sense of patriotism. Mama Senior lived a simple, humble and frugal existence. Her sharp wit, mental fortitude, and undeniable connection with the people were a huge catalyst in setting her apart.

    Mama Ale never lost her principles. She was never rancorous but loved her family. She transformed herself and her community in terms of moral investments. In reflecting on her life, we are reminded that the impact we have on others can transcend our lifetime, inspiring future generations to live with purpose and compassion.

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    Ale’s life encompassed an accommodating spirit, which allowed her to embrace and stoically endure the inevitable twists and turns of life with a Christian disposition. Mama Nurse needed no grand political stage nor towering monuments; her legacy was quietly but profoundly etched into the hearts she healed and the lives she elevated.

    The story of her life is also a strong, silent argument against cynicism and resignation. It is a powerful reminder that the true wealth of a nation lies in the character of its people and the selfless work of its servants. Her death also teaches us salient lessons about our transient nature, a fundamental truth that we must confront without fear or despair.

    C.S. Lewis was right: “When someone you love becomes a memory, the memory becomes a treasure”. Ale’s memory will forever be a treasure, inspiring the living to live lives of purpose, service and love.

    Her mortal remains were laid to rest in Igogo-Ekiti yesterday, October 3, 2025.

    Olajumoke Ale is survived by her children: Mrs. Funke Fashesin, Professor Omonike Ogbole, Dr. Olubunmi Ade-Ojo, Mr. Deji Ale, Mr. Kunle Ale, Mrs. Bosede Babatunde, and Mr. Gbenga Ale.

    She is also survived by her sons-in-law: Mr. Oludiran Fashesin, mni; Professor Godwin Ogbole; and Professor Idowu Ade-Ojo; and her daughters-in-law: Dr. (Mrs.) Labake Ale, Mrs. Temitope Ale, and Mrs. Ejiro Ale. She was also blessed with many grandchildren.

    Aunty Jose was predeceased by her son-in-law, Mr. Olumide Babatunde.

    ​May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant rest to Mrs. Josephine Olajumoke Ale’s soul and comfort her family!

  • Dangote refinery and trade union activism

    Dangote refinery and trade union activism

    • By Mobolaji Sanusi

    At this season of Nigeria’s 65th independence celebrations, yours sincerely considered it sad to note that the refining of the country’s most precious endowment is creating a recurring but disruptive albatross to the growth and general economic wellbeing of the nation.

    Days past, the purportedly resolved tango between Dangote Refinery and Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers/ Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria – NUPENG/PENGASSAN by the federal government remains another sour spot in efforts to revive a corruption-induced near comatose petroleum industry.

    Before forging ahead, yours sincerely considers making a necessary confession as a prelude to today’s piece: And this has to do with my not particularly being a big fan of Aliko Dangote because of the business tradition that capitalists like Aliko are ruthless money men that are always ready to decimate any seen or unseen obstacles on the paths to achieving their profiteering goals. Unimaginable wealth creation antics of investors like Alikos of this world could sometimes be system compromising. They, in pursuit of wealth, usually don’t accept ‘NO’ for an answer.

    Notwithstanding, the foregoing would not detract from applauding the significance of investments of the Alikos of this country in creating gainful employment for millions of Nigerians – contributing to national development and growth in the process. Sadly, other immensely rich Nigerians keep their wealth in the banks, making fat interest earnings far from the prying eyes of the public.

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    Consequent upon this, there’s the need for a dispassionate scrutiny of the industrial tango between Aliko’s Dangote Refinery and NUPENG/PENGASSAN so that in a civil polity, a clear boundary, moving forward, can be set between a private growing concerns, labour union activism and national security cum interests.

    What’s at issue is NUPENG-PENGASSAN’s nosy intrusion, under the guise of protecting members’ interests, in the way Aliko chooses to manage his $20 billion refinery business. It is quite possible that the accusation of unfair treatment of Nigerian workers at the expense of expatriate employees, particularly Indians, who are reportedly being paid fat wages, might have added to the industrial animosity against the refinery. The overzealous reaction of the trade union stands condemned. Let it sink at the moment that, until when Rabiu’s BUA petroleum refinery is fully completed and functional,  and even after, every necessary governmental support must be accorded Aliko so as not to send a wrong signal to the world that this country can forsake her critical investors at their moments of needs.

    Kudos to the government’s team led by Mr. Wale Edun, the Honourable Minister for Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy, for reaching a seeming denouement on the impasse before it spiralled out of control. It is good to know that the sacked 800 staff of the refinery will be reabsorbed and redeployed to other investment projects of the Dangote Group.

    But the key issue of what happens is that a trade union body tries to hold a huge investment such as the Dangote Refinery by the jugular while hiding under freedom of association guaranteed by the grundnorm and even the ILO Convention. It’s Aliko Dangote’s company today, but who knows whose company’s turn will be affected tomorrow.

    PENGASSAN leadership acted, while its encounter with the refinery lasted, as if another name for unionism is lawlessly putting a nation under siege. Its leadership acted as if they were motivated by other interests other than that of the affected workers of the refinery.

    It is evident that a clear line exists, and must continue to exist, between labour rights and national interests. However, going forward, the Federal Ministry of Labour must step up its advocacy efforts in this area. Such action is crucial not only to raise public awareness but also to prevent the kind of unnecessary panic caused by oil workers’ unions, who recently threatened a nationwide shutdown of petroleum and gas supply during their dispute with Dangote Refinery, despite lacking the authority to carry out such a threat.

    Undoubtedly, workers have the right to organize, protest and strike as stated in the combined reading of section 40 of the 1999 Constitution which guarantees the right to freedom of association, and the International Labour Organization (ILO) Conventions 87 and 98 of which Nigeria is a signatory, allowing voluntary workers will to join trade unions. But like every other inalienable rights, this right to associate with a trade union to protect employees’ rights and possibly embark on a strike action where necessary as a legitimate tool of collective bargaining, is not absolute.

    There are constitutional proviso, including restrictions to protect public safety, order, health, morality, and national security. It should also be noted that the Trade Disputes Act lays down strict condition precedent that must be met before a strike can be lawfully embarked upon by a labour union. These include conciliation, arbitration, and reference to the National Industrial Court. It is doubtful that NUPENG-PENGASSAN ever fully explored these areas before putting the refinery, albeit the nation on avoidable siege with their strike.

    The trade unions mischievously pretended to forget that petroleum and gas supply under the law are classified as essential services which they lacked the powers to disrupt because doing such is not only criminal but also inimical to national survival and an act of economic sabotage that can cripple the nation’s vital activities.

    Even the International Labour Organization, despite guaranteeing the right to strike, equally accepts restrictions where services are “essential to the life, personal safety, or health of the population.” This fully describes directly or incidentally what Dangote’s refinery does. The law governing essential services to protect national security is very handy for the government to deploy next time this happens.

    PENGASSAN should be schooled on the reality that the country is no longer under military rule when the unions were effectively deployed to combat military dictatorship.  At this point in time, the country is under a constitutional democracy premised on Professor A.V. Dicey’s well espoused doctrine of the rule of law. Thus, the rights and limitations of employers and employees exist and, in this particular instance, must be obeyed by the parties involved to halt any ugly tide of human and economic disruptions.

    Can anyone deny the staring fact that we’re in this mess because in sixty-five years of being an independent entity, we as a nation have four government-owned refineries. But as of today, none of the refineries is working at anything near satisfactory? Yet, every budgetary season, we set aside money for turnaround maintenance, usually in hard currency, but nothing positive ever comes out of this waste of public funds.

    Recently, the immediate past Managing Director/CEO of NNPCL, Mr. Mele  Kyari, and some of his top executives were reportedly invited for questioning by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) over misappropriation of money allocated for the Port Harcourt refinery. Nothing has come out of that invitation. Another sad thing is that some Nigerians employed to work in these refineries who are members of these trade unions collect salaries and allowances and were sent on training programs abroad for doing nothing.

    Some of them have actually retired and paid gratuity and pensions for decades of unproductivity. This sorry state is being replicated in Ajaokuta Steel Rolling Mills and others where trillions of the nation’s hard earned money are daily wasted by unionised staff idling away. The oil cabal and allies masquerading as trade unions holding our petroleum industry hostage should look elsewhere, forthwith.

    If a globally renowned capitalist, riding on our collective ineptitude and tomfoolery and having enjoyed scandalously discretionary forex rate approvals from the Federal Government, was able to successfully build one functional refinery with 650,000 bpd capacity, we should do everything to support him to make it work in our collective interests.

    Yours sincerely believe our trade unions should, as a matter of necessity, be encouraged to discharge their duty of protecting worker’s interests; but this should preferably be done with dignifying poise devoid of ulterior motives. This is what can make Hubert Nathaniel Critchlow, the father of Trade Union Movement from Guyana, turn in his grave in admiration for what the movement is doing in this country.

    Nigerians will be better off to see this privately-owned Dangote refinery  succeed so as to insulate the nation from avoidable waste of scarce forex expended on sometimes phantom, but most times, avoidably needless fuel importation with catastrophic consequences on the wellbeing of the economy. My humble submission!

    •Sanusi, former MD/CEO of Lagos State Signage & Advertisement Agency, is currently the managing partner at AMS RELIABLE SOLICITORS.

  • UNGA80: Nigeria returns to serious diplomacy

    UNGA80: Nigeria returns to serious diplomacy

    By Mayowa Alakija

    For over five decades, Nigeria’s global standing has risen, fallen, and risen again. The other day, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who was represented by Vice President Kashim Shettima, addressed the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA80) in New York. His statement rekindled Nigeria’s role as Africa’s leading voice and reminded the world of its historic place as a defender of justice, fairness, and reform.

    Tinubu’s call for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council for Africa, fairer access to trade and finance, equity for resource-rich nations, and closing the digital divide re-echoed the spirit of the country’s diplomacy in 1976, when General Murtala Ramat Muhammed stood before the world and declared that Africa would no longer be a pawn in global politics. His short but bold tenure set a standard for Nigerian diplomacy—one that Tinubu’s government now seeks to revive.

    Muhammed’s administration (July 1975 to February 1976) marked the dawn of Nigeria’s assertive foreign policy. At the 31st UNGA in 1975, he denounced apartheid, colonialism, and foreign interference in African affairs, backing liberation struggles in Angola, Mozambique, and Southern Africa. This moral boldness earned Nigeria respect among developing nations and placed Africa at the centre of international debate.

    After his assassination in 1976, General Olusegun Obasanjo continued this foreign policy activism, consolidating Nigeria’s reputation as a defender of African freedom and a rising global power. However, the years that followed (between 1979 and 1999) told a different story, as there was a decline in Nigeria’s image. President Shehu Shagari’s civilian administration (1979 to 1983) was marred by economic mismanagement and corruption, eroding Nigeria’s credibility abroad. The military regimes that followed—Generals Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, and Abdulsalami Abubakar—deepened the decline.

    Babangida briefly regained influence through peacekeeping in Liberia and Sierra Leone, but authoritarianism and annulled elections overshadowed those gains. Under Abacha, Nigeria became a pariah, suspended from the Commonwealth in 1995 after the execution of writer and environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and other Ogoni activists. By 1999, Nigeria’s reputation had plummeted to its lowest ebb.

    The return to democracy in 1999 offered a chance at renewal. President Obasanjo restored Nigeria’s international image, secured debt relief from the Paris Club in 2005, re-engaged with multilateral institutions, and reasserted Nigeria’s peacekeeping leadership.

    His successors contributed unevenly. Umaru Yar’Adua emphasised the rule of law but was hampered by ill-health.  Goodluck Jonathan pursued regional peace and electoral reforms, while Buhari focused on anti-corruption and counter-terrorism. Yet insecurity, economic fragility, and governance challenges limited Nigeria’s ability to command consistent respect on the world stage.

    President Tinubu’s current push to reclaim Nigeria’s voice in the international arena is anchored on four pillars of reform.

    The first pillar is the quest for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council. “When the United Nations was founded in 1945, Nigeria was absent from the table where decisions shaping its destiny were made”, Tinubu declared. Today, with over 236 million people—projected to be the world’s third most populous country by 2050—Nigeria insists that Africa’s 1.4 billion people deserve permanent representation at the UN’s top chamber.

    Nigeria has contributed troops to 51 of 60 UN peacekeeping operations since its independence, from Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s to ongoing missions today. Tinubu argued that multilateralism loses credibility when the world of 1945 still dictates in 2025. For Africa, Nigeria’s case is both moral and practical.

    The second pillar is debt relief and fair access to trade. This revolves around the debt trap suffocating developing economies. He called for a binding international mechanism to manage sovereign debt—a “financial equivalent of the International Court of Justice.”

    The argument is not one of charity but fairness. In 2005, Nigeria secured $18 billion in debt relief, but today, cycles of debt have returned across the Global South. Without fairer access to trade, financing, and markets, nations face cruel choices between food security, schools, and defence.

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    Tinubu linked Nigeria’s own painful reforms—ending fuel subsidies and restructuring currency controls—to this global demand, framing the country as a credible advocate for broader financial justice.

    The third pillar is equity for resource-rich nations. Decades of oil extraction in Nigeria’s Niger Delta created immense wealth for multinationals while leaving local communities impoverished and polluted. The same paradox haunts Africa’s mineral-rich states, from Sierra Leone’s blood diamonds to Congo’s conflict minerals.

    Tinubu insisted that fairness requires investment in local processing and job creation. With demand soaring for minerals like lithium and cobalt, Africa must not again become a theatre of exploitation. Instead of exporting raw ore, African nations should export finished products, ensuring real benefits for their people.

    The last one, which reflects the future, seeks to close the digital divide. Tinubu reminded the Assembly that technology is reshaping governance, law, finance, and conflict, yet the digital divide between developed and developing nations risk becoming the new frontier of inequality. Fake news, cybercrime, and misinformation already destabilise societies. But more dangerous, he warned, is the emergence of a generation that believes nothing and trusts less, corroding the foundation of democratic governance.

    Tinubu declared that for Nigeria—where over 65 per cent of the population is under 30—digital inclusion is a survival strategy. He called for a global initiative uniting governments, researchers, and the private sector to expand access and literacy. He also tied digital equity to peace and governance, warning that unchecked disinformation could corrode trust and democracy.

    In the same speech, he reaffirmed Nigeria’s support for a two-state solution in Gaza, linking technology, peace, and human rights in a forward-looking vision for the Global South.

    Tinubu’s UNGA80 speech was more than rhetoric—it was a blueprint for repositioning Nigeria as a credible, reformist voice in the international system. By linking domestic reforms to global priorities, his administration projects Nigeria as a serious player once again.

    From Murtala Muhammed’s uncompromising stand against apartheid to Tinubu’s call for Security Council reform, Nigeria’s journey has come full circle. With a reviving economy, stronger governance, and a commitment to fairness in global affairs, Nigeria is repositioning itself as both a continental anchor and a global partner.

    This is more than diplomacy—it is the restoration of respect and relevance among the community of nations.

    •Alakija writes from Mafoluku, Oshodi, Lagos.