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Ajaokuta Steel: Sleeping giant or monument to failure?
- By Mohammed Basah
Few things tell Nigeria’s story of wasted potential like the Ajaokuta Steel Complex. Conceived in the 1970s as the industrial crown jewel that would power Nigeria into a new age of self-sufficiency, it has instead become a colossal graveyard of ambition. Decades later, with billions sunk into it and countless promises made, the plant has never produced a single sheet of steel at commercial scale. And yet, every election cycle, leaders dust off Ajaokuta as a political talking point — a dream deferred but never honestly re-examined.

The question Nigerians must ask now is simple: Are we prepared to tell ourselves the truth about Ajaokuta, or will we keep throwing good money after bad in the name of nostalgia?

At inception, Ajaokuta was meant to be Africa’s largest steel mill. The Soviet Union provided technical support, Nigeria provided ambition, and successive leaders touted it as the bedrock of industrialisation. By the early 1990s, the sprawling plant had blast furnaces, rolling mills, and auxiliary facilities.

On paper, the potential was immense: an integrated plant that would supply everything from billets for construction to flat sheets for automobiles. In reality, Ajaokuta never took off. It lacked three critical ingredients: a reliable ore feedstock from Itakpe, a functioning rail link to Warri port, and the operational discipline needed to run a blast furnace continuously. Without those, the plant was a car without an engine — impressive from the outside, utterly useless inside.

Economist Kalu Aja, who has visited the site, put it starkly: “No Nigerian can visit Ajaokuta, see investments of more than $8bn rotting in the African sun, and not cry.” He is right — it is less a factory than a mausoleum of missed chances.

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Every administration since Shehu Shagari has promised to revive Ajaokuta. Few have been honest about its real condition.

Olusegun Obasanjo, though not an economist, had a streak of pragmatism. He attempted to concession the plant, recognising that the Nigerian state alone lacked the competence and discipline to make it work.

Umaru Yar’Adua, despite his idealism, dropped the ball by undoing some of those decisions, appointing weak hands to critical economic sectors. His decision to revoke the sale of the plant by the Obasanjo administration reversed reforms that could have set Nigeria on a better course.

Goodluck Jonathan largely ignored Ajaokuta, focusing instead on power-sector privatisation.

Muhammadu Buhari — the “Mr. Integrity” showman — went the opposite way, spending almost $500 million of scarce funds to buy back concessions in a bid to “reclaim” the asset. Money we did not have was spent on something we did not need.

The result is a vicious cycle: every leader frames Ajaokuta as a national asset that must be revived “at all costs,” but none has ever defined those costs, or justified them against measurable returns.

Robert Kiyosaki once said an asset is anything that puts money in your pocket. By that definition, Ajaokuta is not an asset. It has never once put money in Nigeria’s pocket. Instead, it has drained resources that could have gone into building power plants, roads, or smaller, modern steel mills that actually work.

There are two schools of thought about Ajaokuta. The first insists it must be revived because steel is strategic. Advocates argue that local steel production would create jobs, reduce import dependence, and catalyse downstream industries. They see Ajaokuta as a national pride project — too big to abandon.

The second camp, increasingly loud and pragmatic, argues that Ajaokuta is obsolete. Global steel technology has advanced. Mini-mills and direct-reduction plants are now cheaper and more flexible. The original Soviet design is outdated. Even Aliko Dangote, hardly a man afraid of big industrial projects, has said bluntly: “Ajaokuta will not work.”

Who is right? The truth lies closer to the second camp. Ajaokuta’s design reflects a 1970s Soviet model, not the leaner, modular systems that dominate the industry today. Reviving it fully would cost not billions, but tens of billions, plus decades of guaranteed political discipline — something Nigeria has never demonstrated.

Lessons from abroad

Other countries started like Nigeria but took different paths.

India, which also had Soviet-assisted steel plants, managed to turn them around by combining state-owned companies with aggressive private firms like Tata Steel. Crucially, India didn’t romanticise its white elephants. It modernised some, shut others, and let the private sector drive growth.

South Korea, in the 1970s, built POSCO with ruthless focus. The government ensured reliable ore supply, captive power, and export markets. POSCO became one of the most efficient steelmakers in the world.

China threw its weight behind integrated steel hubs but paired them with strict accountability and rapid adaptation to new technology.

The difference? Discipline. Competence. And a willingness to cut losses where necessary. Nigeria, by contrast, has refused to accept that Ajaokuta is not destiny — it is just one project, and not even a successful one.

Kalu Aja has highlighted three basic conditions without which Ajaokuta cannot work:

1.         A functioning Itakpe iron ore supply chain (via NIOMCO).

2.         The Itakpe–Ajaokuta–Warri rail line to move inputs and outputs efficiently.

3.         Continuous operation of the blast furnace, which requires uninterrupted power and feedstock.

Until all three are solved, turning on Ajaokuta’s furnace would be worse than leaving it idle. It would simply burn cash at industrial scale.

Nigeria faces a choice: keep funding a relic, or redirect resources toward productive alternatives. Here’s what makes sense:

Stop the politics. Ajaokuta should not be a campaign slogan. Commission an independent, transparent audit of its current condition and make the report public.

Adopt a staged approach. Instead of chasing full integrated steel, start with operationalising the light rolling mill and validating local demand for simple products like rebar.

Bring in credible partners. Any concession must include strict milestones, penalties for failure, and escrowed payments. No more sweetheart deals.

Let private players lead new investment. Encourage Greenfield steel plants using modern technology. Sometimes it is cheaper to build afresh than to revive a dinosaur.

Develop downstream markets. Steel alone is meaningless without coordinated demand from construction, rail, and manufacturing. Government procurement policy should guarantee offtake for domestic producers.

Nigeria spends over $4 billion annually importing steel and allied products. That is money leaving the economy — money that could create jobs at home. But let us be clear: Ajaokuta, in its current state, cannot close that gap. Pretending it can only wastes time.

The bigger tragedy is not just the money wasted, but the hope betrayed. Every Nigerian generation has been told Ajaokuta will deliver a better tomorrow. For 40 years, that tomorrow has not come. The danger is that we keep telling the same lie, rather than facing the truth: industrialisation will not come from nostalgia. It will come from hard choices, pragmatic investments, and ruthless accountability.

Ajaokuta is not just an industrial project; it is a mirror held up to Nigeria. It shows how we dream big but execute poorly. It shows how politics trumps economics. It shows how we confuse national pride with practical value.

It is time to stop. Time to ask Kiyosaki’s simple question: does this put money in our pocket? If the answer is “no” — as it has been for 40 years — then we must stop pouring money into a bottomless pit.

Olusegun Obasanjo was no professor of economics, but he understood pragmatism. Yar’Adua’s poor choices, Buhari’s expensive buybacks — all are reminders of what happens when sentiment drives policy.

Nigeria’s future does not lie in reviving a dead horse. It lies in building systems that work, assets that produce, and industries that actually deliver value. Ajaokuta can either be reborn with honesty and realism — or finally laid to rest as a costly lesson.

The choice is ours.
- Basah is a writer, strategist, and founder of Ideas Foundry Limited
September 22, 2025
Nigerian mouthpieces of White supremacy
- By Ahmed Sule
Despite Nigeria having the largest concentration of Black people in the whole world, there are many Nigerians, both in Diaspora and Nigeria, who serve as mouthpieces of White supremacy. Paradoxically, even though the principal targets of White racism are Blacks, it is not unusual to hear White supremacist talking points one expects to hear from White bigots located in Alaska and London, coming from Black Nigerians residing in Alausa and Lokoja. These Nigerian mouthpieces of express admiration for figures like Donald Trump, Nigel Farage, Jordan Peterson, Nick Fuentes, Alex Jones, and Tommy Robinson and quote them like how they quote biblical prophets.

The Nigerian mouthpieces of White supremacy manifest their ideologies in many ways. Some express it in anti-immigrant tones. I cannot count the number of times I have heard my fellow Nigerians complain about how there are too many immigrants in Britain and the USA, even though they don’t seem to realise that they themselves are also immigrants in these countries. One can often see them getting agitated when statistics about boat crossings into the West are announced on TV.

Sometimes, they are proud to express their admiration for Stephen Christopher Yaxley-Lennon, better known as Tommy Robinson, for his anti-Islam and anti-immigrant rhetoric, even though half of Nigeria’s population is Muslim and Black and brown people in Britain fear attacks coming from Tommy Robinson’s supporters. Like Badenoch, many oppose multiculturalism, racial justice, diversity, equity, and inclusive schemes.

When Charlie Kirk, the American political activist, was assassinated on September 10, some Nigerians shed more tears than when Ken Saro-Wiwa and Fela Anikulapo Kuti died. They express little sympathy for immigrants drowning while trying to cross over the sea to reach the West, or when Palestinians are blown to pieces. Often, one would hear these Nigerian spokesmen of white supremacists complain about Black and brown politicians occupying high office in the West as they regurgitate the White supremacist talking points about Muslims taking over the West. In response to Rishi Sunak becoming the British Prime Minister, one of my fellow Nigerians said, “This is not right. Can a White man be president in Nigeria?”

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A 2025 Pew Survey revealed that around 79% of Nigerians believed Donald Trump was doing the right thing. Nigerians waving American flags and carrying placards with the “Trump 2020” inscription marched through the streets days before the 2020 US Presidential election. In January, Jamilu Majia threw a big party in Northern Nigeria to celebrate Trump’s inauguration as president of the United States of America. Some may argue that Nigerians love Trump because of his business acumen and his conservative values, however it comes across as self-hate when one considers his reference to African nations as shithole countries, his imposition of tariffs on goods imported from Nigeria to the USA, his travel bans on Nigerians, the deportation of Nigerians and pressure on the Nigerian government to accept deportees from other countries.

One might conclude that this attitude stems from Nigerians being subservient to Whiteness, but nothing can be further from the truth. We Nigerians are proud of our heritage, and we don’t take racial abuse lightly, especially when it comes from White people, whether in Nigeria or in the Diaspora. If this is the case, what are the underlying causes and influences for the prevalence of the Nigerian Mouthpieces of White supremacy?

The legacy of colonialism and slavery is a foundational cause of the supremacy mind-set. The Nigerian mouthpieces of White supremacy who are willing to throw their Black brethren under the bus for White validation can be described as modern-day equivalents of the coastal elites who acted as agents for the slave traders during the Trans-Atlantic Slave trade. In exchange for gifts like gin, guns, mirrors and cheap clothes, the coastal elites organised slave raids to capture people as slaves. When the captured slaves reached America and were sent to the plantations, a certain group of slaves then began to align with the slave masters.

Malcolm X vividly described this trend in his House Negro and Field Negro analogy. According to Malcolm X, the House Negro who ate the crumbs that came from the slave masters’ table felt he had more in common with his enslavers than his fellow Black slaves. Like the good ole Tom who loved her slave master more than herself, the present-day Nigerian mouthpieces of White supremacy love their White masters more than themselves and other Blacks, catching hell from White racism.

In addition to the educational, media, psychological and historical factors influencing the behaviour of the Nigerian Mouthpieces of White Supremacy, another critical factor driving their behaviour is the religious influence. Every Sunday, over 100 million Nigerians go to church to listen to the life-changing message of the Gospel. The ministers of the Gospel play a vital role in Nigeria and are held in very high esteem by their congregation. However, there is a massive influence of the White American evangelical church on the Nigerian church.

Many White American evangelical ministers are spiritual mentors to Nigerian pastors (many who studied in these white American theological colleges). As a result, it is not uncommon to see a Nigerian pastor parrot every word that proceeds out of the mouth of their White spiritual mentors. Unfortunately, instead of these pastors and congregants heeding the message of Apostle Paul by emulating the Berean Christian who examined the Scriptures deeply to ensure that what they learn from their White spiritual mentors is in line with the message of Jesus Christ, they swallow the good, the bad and the ugly teachings.

If our pastors had done a deep dive into the ideology behind the White American evangelical pastors whom they hold in high esteem, they would have realised that some of them preach a form of White supremacist Christianity. Christianity in the West has a long history of being on the wrong side of anti-Black racial justice.

Furthermore, during the Jim Crow era, American White preachers advocated a “segregationist theology.” The Citizens’ Councils, a White supremacist organisation, produced children’s books, which taught that heaven was segregated. The criteria for membership of this organisation were to “Pay $3 a year dues, be White, be a segregationist, be a loyal American, and believe in the divinity of Jesus Christ.”

Some of the American spiritual mentors of our Nigerian pastors harboured this segregationist theology. During the Apartheid regime in South Africa, several American White evangelical pastors sided with the Apartheid government. Jerry Falwell Sr, the founder of Liberty Church, stated that American Christians should not protest South Africa or demand sanctions. He also urged his followers to push for US investment in South Africa, and he called Archbishop Desmond Tutu “A phony, as far as representing the Black people of South Africa.”

Pat Robertson, who many Nigerian Christians loved, was a strong supporter of the White South African government, which he viewed as a counterweight to communism. Kenneth Hagin Jr, who is a spiritual mentor to many Nigerian pastors, once stated that he taught his little children, “We do not date outside of our race, we do not date Black people…. we play with them, go to church with them, go to school with them, we don’t marry them, we don’t date them.”

In the aftermath of the murder of Blacks by police in America, the White evangelical church has been generally silent and indifferent to the pain of Blacks. This contrasts sharply with the church’s response to Charlie Kirk’s death, where we see reflections, vigils, prayers, and worship services. It is also instructive to note that our Nigerian pastors are more comfortable aligning with their White American evangelical pastors instead of Black American pastors.

White supremacy is a destructive ideology that needs to be dismantled. Throughout the ages, it has been responsible for slavery, eugenics, colonialism, poverty, wars, extermination, trauma, segregation, genocide, cultural erosion, inequality, racism and political instability. One of the most effective tools used by White supremacists is divide and rule. As long as a house is divided, it will not stand. The Nigerian mouthpieces of White supremacy must come to the realisation that, irrespective of how much they align with White supremacy, they will never become White.
- Sule, CFA is a writer. He writes via suleaos@gmail.com
September 22, 2025
Measuring the return on cash transfers to the very poor
- By Lekan Olayiwola
Disbursing N330 billion to nearly 20 million households and capturing over 70 million Nigerians in the National Social Register (built since 2016) signals seriousness from a government seeking to cushion the strain of tough but necessary reforms.

Like the students’ loan initiative, the conditional cash transfer programme is a commendable, empathy-driven effort to shield the poor from subsidy removal, currency unification, and food inflation. Yet beyond the scale lies a deeper question: how does this money advance economic justice?

The National Bureau of Statistics’ 2022 Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) paints a picture of stark stratification. In Sokoto, poverty incidence is about 90.5%, followed by Bayelsa (88.5%), Gombe (86.2%), Jigawa (84.3%), and Plateau (84%).

At the other end, states like Ondo have MPI as low as 27%, Lagos about 29-30%, Abia near 30%, and Edo 31%.

The absence of publicly available regional and state disbursement data raises concerns about distributive justice for states with the highest poverty burdens, especially in the Northeast and riverine South-south, under-served or delayed in payments due to digital verification hurdles, infrastructure gaps, or administrative bottlenecks.

While multidimensional poverty indices precede 2023, the lived experience and the urgency of bare life have heightened with mothers skipping meals, school fees postponed, medical emergencies deferred. Any honest conversation about return must begin with who is suffering most.

In many rural and peri-urban areas, identity verification via NIN/BVN has lagged. These services are more concentrated in cities. Electrical power, roads, mobile money services, reliable banking infrastructure are weaker outside urban centre.

When eligibility requires identity documentation, but identity registration offices are few, far, and expensive to reach, many in the very poor category stay excluded.

Fifteen million households were targeted under the Renewed Hope/NASSP-SU cash transfer programme. As of mid-2025, only about 5.6 million households, roughly 37% of that target have received at least one tranche of payment.

Meanwhile, “registered households” or “households on the National Social Register” may in fact include many who have not yet been paid. They may be verified, or awaiting verification, or simply in limbo due to administrative backlog. Thus, numeric registration does not equal civic relief. For many, the promise is anticipatory, not yet material.

When a household receives N75,000 over three months, what matters is the value of what can be bought and when. In the months post-2023, food, fuel and transport prices have escalated rapidly. A payment delayed by weeks is worth significantly less in consumption terms than if delivered promptly.

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The time lag between disbursement announcements and actual crediting of accounts is a recurring complaint. For many, the relief is transient. Once the payment is spent, many still face shocks: rising utility bills, school odds and illness.

Multiple stories from beneficiary communities speak of both restoration and betrayal. A woman in one community said, “Finally, someone remembers us.” This is not simply gratitude; it is recognition of humanity. When she was first paid, she felt seen. In contrast, others describe humiliation at pay-out sites, confusion over who qualifies, fear of being excluded, suspicion over who decides the registers. Some report that despite being poverty-obvious, they are never listed among beneficiaries.

Delays then compound distrust in local administrators, in state offices, even in federal programmes. Dignity is not restored when access is not equal.

A recurring theme among beneficiaries is that of “sliding back.” A cash transfer may alleviate immediate hardship: a meal bought, school fees partially paid, medicine obtained. But if next month the transfer is late or absent, inflation has risen, or other shocks occur, the household can find itself back at the brink.

Because many households rely on irregular incomes, once disruption occurs, these transfers do not always build resilience, they just offer momentary reliefs. Thus, economic return is intermittent, subject to new shocks.

Even though state-level cumulative disbursement data is not fully published, some inferences can be made from ancillary reports. Registered households in more digitally connected and infrastructure-strong areas seem likelier to reach payment faster. Rural, remote, and conflict-affected areas remain far more vulnerable to delay or non-inclusion.

Identity verification, mobile network availability, the presence of payment agents or financial inclusion infrastructure are uneven across regions. Where any or all of these are weak, the poor are more likely to be left behind. Thus, regional equity is not yet assured in practice.

To shift from counting naira to evaluating impact, three dimensions must be measured concurrently.

First, economic stability. Are households less likely to skip meals, borrow high-interest loans, sell productive assets when cash arrives? Can they afford school fees, medicines, rent? Are nutritional indicators, child growth or health clinic usage improving?

Second, relational repair. Do beneficiaries feel treated fairly? Are registers transparent? Is the process free of coercion, politics, stigma? Does receiving aid change people’s sense of belonging, of being citizens rather than supplicants?

Third, future resilience and spill over. Does the programme prevent long-term losses — school dropouts prevented, atmospheric debts not escalated, assets preserved? Does the arrival of cash transfers enable investment in small enterprises, better agricultural inputs, better health prevention? Does it stimulate local markets (vendors, transporters) by increasing demand?

Drawing from what is known so far, several reforms could boost the return of the programme:

Streamline identity verification: Bring verification to underserved areas via mobile units or temporary pop-ups. Remove or reduce travel costs for the poorest to access enrolment. Index payments to inflation: Adjust the nominal amount periodically to ensure real purchasing power is preserved.

Ensure consistent, predictable payments: Regularity matters: knowing when payment will arrive helps households plan. Publish regional disbursement data and schedules: This builds accountability and allows civil society or researchers to map whether need is matched with delivery.

Embed qualitative measures alongside quantitative ones: surveys of dignity, trust, grievance logs, beneficiary satisfaction — these help capture relational return.

The Tinubu administration’s cash transfer programme is one of its most visible reforms: N330 billion disbursed, millions registered, hope partially kept. For some, payments mean food on the table; for others, delay deepens despair.

The return is a mixture of relief and resentment; dignity offered but easily lost. If government chases scale alone, it risks eroding trust. But if it pursues fairness, timeliness, inflation-adjustment, and relational repair, this policy can shift from palliative to social and economic justice.
- Olayiwola is a peace & conflict researcher/policy analyst. He can be reached via lekanolayiwola@gmail.com
September 22, 2025
Ajaero’s political gambit risks derailing Nigeria’s Labor movement
- By Chukwuma Okeke
In a stunning display of misplaced priorities, Joe Ajaero, president of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), has thrust the once venerable union into the heart of a senatorial squabble, vowing mass protests and legal battles over the prolonged suspension of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. This ill-advised intervention not only oversteps the NLC’s mandate but flagrantly disregards the principle of sub judice a cornerstone of judicial integrity that prohibits interference in ongoing court cases to prevent prejudice.

With multiple lawsuits pending, including those initiated by the senator herself and allegations of her non-compliance with a Federal High Court ruling, Ajaero’s grandstanding amounts to nothing less than an assault on due process.

The Senate clerk’s decision to bar her resumption until these matters are resolved is not “legislative bad faith,” as the NLC claims, but a prudent adherence to legal norms that Ajaero seems eager to trample.What business does the NLC have with the internal politics of the National Assembly? Founded to safeguard workers’ rights fair wages, safe workplaces, and economic protections the congress has no legitimate stake in senatorial suspensions or parliamentary politics.

Ajaero’s rhetoric, proclaiming that “an attack on one senator today is an attack on the sovereignty of every Nigerian voter tomorrow,” rings hollow when uttered by a labor leader whose real flock is supposedly the millions of Nigerian workers grappling with inflation, power outages, and exploitative policies.

This is partisan posturing at its worst, transforming the NLC into a political pawn rather than a bulwark for the working class. Civil society organizations have rightly lambasted Ajaero for abusing his office, calling for his removal and urging him to refocus on labor issues instead of dabbling in “partisan politics.”This hypocrisy is galling: rules are ironclad when they favor our allies, but conveniently ignored when they don’t.

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Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s saga is riddled with legal entanglementsdefamation suits, contempt findings for violating gag orders, and her own court filings against the Senate leadership. Ajaero demands her immediate reinstatement, yet preaches judicial respect in labor disputes.

It’s a double standard that erodes trust and exposes the NLC as a selective enforcer of justice, more interested in currying favor with political clientele than upholding principles.Under Ajaero’s stewardship, the NLC has devolved from a focused advocate into a meddlesome interloper, losing sight of its core mission. Shame on Ajaero and the congress for this distraction, which has drawn widespread condemnation and calls for his ouster.

Workers are demanding his resignation over repeated failures: eroding public trust through unfulfilled strike threats, perceived government coziness, and inaction on pressing issues like the persistent national grid collapses that plunge Nigerians into darkness. The NLC has little to show for his tenure no landmark wage victories, no sweeping reforms precisely because of this lack of focus.

Instead of mobilizing against economic hardships, Ajaero is squandering resources on senatorial sideshows.

History offers stark lessons for wayward leaders like Ajaero. Consider those who maintained apolitical stances and achieved enduring successes: Samuel Gompers, founder of the American Federation of Labor, eschewed partisan ties to champion “pure and simple” unionism, securing the eight-hour workday, child labor bans, and workers’ compensation laws that uplifted millions. Similarly, César Chávez, leader of the United Farm Workers, focused relentlessly on migrant laborers’ rights, boycotting exploitative farms to win better pay and conditions without entangling in electoral politics.

A. Philip Randolph, a Black labor icon, organized the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and pressured for civil rights advancements through union power alone, paving the way for desegregation in employment. Contrast this with leaders who lost focus and courted calamity.

In the U.S., Frank Keeney and Fred Mooney of the United Mine Workers were forced to resign after political overreach led to union decline and membership losses.

Closer to home, former NLC president Adams Oshiomhole transitioned to politics as Edo State governor, but his shift diluted labor’s voice, leaving a legacy marred by controversies and accusations of abandoning workers’ causes. Globally, Lech Wałęsa of Poland’s Solidarity union became president but faced corruption scandals and political isolation, tarnishing his heroic image. These examples illustrate a sure path to irrelevance: when labor leaders poke their noses into unrelated political fray, they invite division, erode authority, and become cautionary tales.

In the greater interest of the Nigeria Labour Congress and its teeming millions of members, a call should be made by the congress to Ajaero, to return to his mandate. He should champion workers against power failures, inflation, and unfair policies, not senators in court battles. Continued meddling will only cement his tenure and legacy as the architect of the NLC’s downfall, a calamity Nigeria’s labour movement can ill afford. The congress deserves better; it is time for the leadership to refocus or step aside.

Chukwuma Okeke is a public affairs analysist and commentator and can be reached via winner4real75@gmail.com
September 21, 2025
Ode to Femi Orebe on his 80th birthday
- By Olumuyiwa Runsewe
“O ku ku pe, Oku ku pe e e

Iwa re re pe bi eniyan ba le se o o

O ku ku pe” . Gospel – Singer Ojo Ade

Seven years ago, Femi Orebe devoted his entire column in The Nation on Sunday to celebrating me on my 70th birthday. He paid me so much glowing tribute I lost my appetite for two days.because he reminded me of my life’s journey, from secondary school at Loyola College, Ibadan, through my sojourn at the University of Ibadan up to my Postgraduate years at the University of Lagos. He did not stop there; he went on to remind me of my many triumphs, especially in business, and the many challenges I have had to cope with; and survived, only through the mercy of God.

The sobering, though beautiful article, can only be likened to standing in front of a huge mirror that x-rayed me, and completely brought out the real me.

Come September 24th – a mere three days from now, my great and loyal friend, Femi Orebe, will be 80 years old on terra firma. It is, therefore, ‘Payback’ time, for as the saying goes, “one good turn deserves another”. I believe I honestly owe him that.

I first met Femi, if my memory serves me right, in June 1968 at the famous Cocoa House, Ibadan, where the United States Information Service Library was located.

I had, before then, always admired his good looks, ebony black and extremely charismatic personality from a distance just as his silky complexion always readily exposed his immaculate white dentition.

On top of all these, he was always very amiable, warm and ready to embrace whoever he met as he made friendship look so easy.

As soon as somebody I cannot now remember his name introduced me to him as Muyiwa Runsewe from Loyola College, he embraced me and gave me a nickname: ‘MUUYISCO’, he belted out. He has not called me another name since. And am talking here of nearly sixty(60) years.

It was when I got to the University of Ibadan in October 1969 that my fellow Great Mellanbites, led by Elusanmi Eludoyin (Groove) and other friends gave me a sweeter version when they started calling me ‘SIR MUYEE’.

Let me quickly add here, that I was one of those who crafted the pet name ‘Groove’ for the Lagos boy( Eludoyin) who simply enjoys having fun despite his unimpeachable seriousness at his studies. The pet name has gone with him all over the world.

I digress.

I had many friends at the University of Ife, Ile – Ife, and often visited them whenever I had the time.

With Femi there was never a dull moment. Before long Femi’s ‘MUYISCO’ became my middle name amongst my friends at Ife.

Having been groomed, and prepared for academic success by the famous Christ School, Ado-Ekiti, his brilliance at the University of Ile-Ife was predictable enough. What surprised everybody, however, was how a confirmed, and certified, campus socialite like Femi could shine ever so brightly academically, even when it was obvious he devoted more time to socials and campus politics than reading. It, therefore, came as no surprise when he graduated on top of his class with a B. A (Hons) History, 2nd Class(UPPER) Division, just missing First class by the whiskers but winning the Faculty of Arts Prize for best overall performance, in June, 1971.

He had three options upon graduating. Either to go into academics as a Graduate Assistant, be an Administrative Assistant or join any of those multi-national companies in the country .Fate intervened when the University of Ife Vice -Chancellor, the immaculate,

world renowned scholar and University Administrator,

Prof H A Oluwasanmi, who was then recruiting high flying graduates of the University into Administration insisted, at an interview, that he should resume in his office the following Monday.

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A gold fish, they say, has no hiding place. Femi’s brilliance and enormous capacity for hard work soon got him spotted by the University of Ibadan whose Registrar, the immensely suave Mr S J Okudu, having been directed by the University Council to headhunt an official to drive its forthcoming, humongous 25th Foundation Anniversary came, at the instance of Femi’s teacher, the highly prodigious Dr Segun Osoba, and the late Mr Sesan Dipeolu, the University of Ife Librarian all the way to Ife to poach him.

Barely 18 months, and few months after the Ibadan 25th Foundation Anniversary, Femi was heading to the new University College Ilorin where the Chairman of the Ceremonials Committee under whom Femi worked, the inimitable scholar, Prof Ladipo Akinkugbe had recently been appointed Principal, insisted he must be on his foundation staff at Ilorin, this time as a Senior Assistant Registrar from his Assistant Registrar position.

His career soon began to open up and before long, he was again hijacked, this time into the private sector where he also made his mark.

The many contacts he had made within the university system and society at large, coupled with his disposition to life – a free bird – made his arrival in Lagos a very painless one.

For the past 20 years, beginning with Comet, Femi has been a columnist with The Nation on Sunday.

An attestation to that is his 619- page book: ‘SIMPLY A CITIZEN JOURNALIST’ , now listed on AMAZON with the Link:

https://a.co/d/dXnfY77

It will be unveiled during his 80th Birthday anniversary with Chief Dele Fajemirokun, his fellow GREAT IFE Alumnus, as the Lead Presenter.

What can we celebrate in Femi Orebe’s 80 years on Planet Earth?

Without a scintilla of doubt, Femi has proved that simplicity, humility, integrity, friendliness, warmth and what Yorubas call ‘OMOLUWABI’ virtues, are vital ingredients for a worthy and successful life.

One aspect of his life that I admire so much is his family life. On 2nd October 1971, he took as his life partner, his pretty, Ife – born Atinuke and together, to the glory of God, 54 years on, they are blessed with amazing children and grandchildren.

He has never, for one day, stopped loving and appreciating his loving and devoted wife.Two years ago he sent me a video recording from the famous Brighton   seaside holiday in the United Kingdom where they went to celebrate a family reunion with their children and grandchildren resident in the U. S and U.K.

In addition to all these virtues is Femi’s unwavering devotion and loyalty to any cause or personality that he believes in.

If you look at his column in the Nation on Sunday since 2006, you will see a writer defiantly committed to his principles and beliefs. A great and committed admirer of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, he still criticises him if occasions so demand. He shares this attribute with the great essayist of the same stable, Professor Adebayo Willilams who I often refer to as a ‘great great grandson’ of William Shakespeare”.

Femi is a devoted Christian and worships at the Archbishop Vining Memorial Anglican Church Cathedral, Oba Akinjobi, Ikeja, Lagos, as well as his home Church, St Andrew’s Anglican Church, Are – Ekiti..

Yes, indeed, Evangelist Ojo Ade was right in his poetic composition above: “Iwa rere pe” “Bi eniyan ba le se”.

It is IWA rere that has sustained and promoted Femi through life, and assured for him, a future of God’s blessings and peace.

My dear friend, Femi, I have never regretted knowing and relating with you.

You are not a fair whether friend.

Come rain, come shine you are always as constant as The Northern Star.

Your loyalty to friendship is legendary.

My love and regards for you will never fade or dim. As you step into the future on this your 80th, loneliness shall never be your portion. Amen.

Peace, plenty and fulfilment, will be your constant companions into the future. Above all, sickness that often affects the elderly will run away from you, Amen.

My darling wife, and ‘Shelter from the Troubled Winds of Life’, ALAKE, sends you greetings from OBODO OYINBO.

She has asked me to thank you for your unwavering steadfastness over the past 57 years.

Happy birthday my friend. Many happy returns.

“MUYISCO”
September 21, 2025
The Joseph Zieler saga: A tale of delayed justice
- By Shola Adebowale
In the dimly lit courtroom, a scene unfolded that would have been worthy of the great detective movie. A man, accused of heinous crimes that had chilled the blood of a community decades prior, stood before the judge, his demeanor a stark contrast to the calm, collected atmosphere one might expect. Joseph Zieler, a 61-year-old Florida man with a past as dark as the night, committed an act of aggression that would be etched in the memories of all present. A video captured two years ago has now gone viral, revealing a shocking moment when Zieler elbowed his lawyer, Kevin Shirley, in the face during a court hearing. The incident shows Zieler motioning to Shirley to lean in before striking him with his elbow, a gesture that seemed almost-predictable, given the circumstances.

As the bailiffs intervened, tackling Zieler to the ground and escorting him out of the courtroom, one couldn’t help but wonder what drove this man to such violence. Was it the weight of the evidence against him, the impending sentence, or something deeper, a manifestation of the very nature that had led him to commit such atrocities in the first place? The answers, much like the truth behind the crimes themselves, would only be revealed in time.

It was the year 1990 when the tranquility of Cape Coral, Florida, in the United States was shattered by the brutal murders of 11-year-old Robin Cornell and her 32-year-old babysitter, Lisa Story. The victims were found in their condominium, victims of a crime so heinous that it seemed to defy understanding. Robin, a young girl with her whole life ahead of her, and Lisa, who had been entrusted with her care, were suffocated and sexually assaulted in a crime that would leave the community in shock and sorrow.

For 26 long years, the case remained unsolved, a constant reminder of the failure of justice, even in one of the most advanced nations on earth. The perpetrator, it seemed, had escaped detection, leaving behind a trail of unanswered questions and a community forever changed. However, the wheels of justice, though grind very slow, continued to turn, and in 2016, a breakthrough would come in the most unexpected way.

With great advancement in science and technology , the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) has become a powerful tool that has revolutionized the field of forensic science. By storing DNA profiles from crime scenes and convicted offenders, CODIS allows investigators to compare DNA evidence from different sources and identify potential matches. In the Joseph Zieler case, CODIS played a crucial role in identifying the perpetrator.‎

‎The DNA match was made possible by the collection and analysis of DNA evidence from the 1990 crime scene. The DNA profile was obtained from biological evidence, such as blood, semen, or other bodily fluids, that was left behind by the perpetrator. This DNA profile was then compared to DNA profiles in the CODIS database, which contains millions of DNA profiles from convicted offenders and crime scenes.

In 2016, the DNA match was made, and Joseph Zieler’s DNA profile was identified as a match to the DNA evidence from the crime scene. This match was a significant breakthrough in the case, and it provided investigators with the evidence they needed to link Zieler to the crime.

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The DNA match was confirmed through a process known as DNA profiling, which involves comparing the DNA profile from the crime scene to the DNA profile of the suspect. The DNA profiles were analyzed using advanced technology, which allowed investigators to identify specific genetic markers that matched between the two profiles.

Indeed, the DNA match in the Joseph Zieler case highlights the importance of DNA evidence in solving crimes. DNA profiling has become a powerful tool in forensic science, allowing investigators to identify suspects with a high degree of accuracy. In this case, the DNA match provided the evidence needed to convict Zieler of the murders of Robin Cornell and Lisa Story.

The use of DNA evidence in the Joseph Zieler case also underscores the importance of preserving biological evidence in criminal cases. Even though the crime was committed decades ago, the DNA evidence was still viable and provided a crucial link to the perpetrator. This highlights the need for law enforcement agencies to prioritize the collection and preservation of DNA evidence in criminal cases, as it can be a vital tool in solving crimes and bringing perpetrators to justice. Undoubtedly , it was a moment of vindication for those who had worked tirelessly on the case, a testament to the power of DNA evidence in solving crimes, no matter how old.

The trial of Joseph Zieler was a highly anticipated event, given the heinous nature of the crimes and the fact that it had taken over 26 years for the case to come to trial. The prosecution presented a strong case against Zieler, relying heavily on the DNA evidence that linked him to the crime scene. The DNA match was a crucial piece of evidence, and it was used to establish Zieler’s presence at the crime scene and his involvement in the murders.

The prosecution also presented other evidence, including testimony from witnesses who had known Zieler and had seen him in the vicinity of the crime scene around the time of the murders. Additionally, the prosecution presented evidence of Zieler’s behavior after the murders, including his attempts to avoid detection and his lack of remorse.

Zieler’s defense team, on the other hand, maintained that the DNA evidence was not conclusive and that there were inconsistencies in the prosecution’s case. They argued that the DNA evidence could have been contaminated or planted, and that the prosecution’s case relied too heavily on circumstantial evidence.

However, the prosecution’s evidence was deemed sufficient by the jury, and Zieler was found guilty of the two first-degree murder counts. The jury’s verdict was unanimous, and it was clear that the evidence presented had convinced them of Zieler’s guilt.

During the sentencing phase of the trial, the prosecution presented evidence of the impact of the crimes on the victims’ families and the community. The families of Robin Cornell and Lisa Story testified about the devastating effect of the murders on their lives, and the prosecution argued that Zieler should receive the maximum penalty for his crimes.

Zieler’s defense team, on the other hand, argued for a more lenient sentence, citing Zieler’s age and his lack of prior convictions. However, the judge ultimately agreed with the prosecution, and Zieler was sentenced to death for the two first-degree murder counts.

The sentence was met with a mix of emotions from the victims’ families, who had waited over 26 years for justice to be served. Some expressed relief that the case had finally been resolved, while others expressed sadness that the victims would never be able to experience the joy and happiness that had been taken from them.

The trial and sentencing of Joseph Zieler highlight the complexities and challenges of seeking justice in cases of heinous crimes. While, the case demonstrates the importance of DNA evidence in establishing guilt and the impact of such crimes on the families and communities affected.

In other words,the phrase “justice delayed is not justice denied” has been oft-repeated in discussions of cases like Zieler’s, where the passage of time does little to diminish the severity of the crime or the appropriateness of the punishment. And indeed, in this case, justice, though delayed by 26 years, was ultimately served. The conviction and sentencing of Joseph Zieler bring closure to the families of Robin Cornell and Lisa Story, a reminder that justice can be slow, but it is not blind.

The Joseph Zieler case serves as a powerful reminder of the importance of DNA evidence in solving crimes. In an age where technology has advanced exponentially, it is crucial that law enforcement agencies around the world, including those in Africa and Nigeria, prioritize the collection and analysis of DNA evidence. By doing so, they can increase the chances of solving crimes and bringing perpetrators to justice.

In Nigeria, for example, the use of DNA evidence has been instrumental in solving some high-profile cases and should be greatly improved upon. As the country continues to grapple with issues of crime and insecurity, the importance of DNA evidence cannot be overstated. By investing in DNA technology and training law enforcement officials in its use, Nigeria can take a significant step towards improving its justice system and providing closure to families of victims.

The Joseph Zieler case is just one example of the power of DNA evidence in solving crimes. DNA profiling has revolutionized the field of forensic science, allowing investigators to identify suspects with unprecedented accuracy. In the United States, the use of DNA evidence has led to the exoneration of countless individuals wrongly accused of crimes, while also helping to convict those who are guilty of heinous crimes, bringing closure to families and victims, and ensuring that justice is served.

Furthermore, the use of DNA evidence has also highlighted the importance of preserving biological evidence in criminal cases, even years after the crime has been committed. In the Joseph Zieler case, the DNA evidence collected from the crime scene was preserved and stored for decades, ultimately leading to Zieler’s identification and conviction.

The Joseph Zieler saga serves as a testament to the enduring power of DNA evidence and the determination of those who seek justice, no matter the cost. It is a reminder that, even in the darkest of times, justice can prevail, and that those who commit such heinous crimes will, eventually, face the consequences of their actions.

As the world continues to evolve and technology advances, it is crucial that law enforcement agencies and the justice system prioritize the use of DNA evidence in solving crimes. By doing so, they can ensure that justice is served, and that families and victims receive the closure they deserve.

In the end, the Joseph Zieler case is a powerful reminder of the importance of perseverance and determination in the pursuit of justice. It is a story that will continue to resonate with those who believe in the power of DNA evidence and the importance of holding perpetrators accountable for their crimes.
September 21, 2025
400 days to save American democracy
- By Timothy Garton Ash
I return to Europe from the US with a clear conclusion: American democrats (lowercase d) have 400 days to start saving US democracy. If next autumn’s midterm elections produce a Congress that begins to constrain Donald Trump there will then be a further 700 days to prepare the peaceful transfer of executive power that alone will secure the future of this republic. Operation Save US Democracy, stages 1 and 2.

Hysterical hyperbole? I would love to think so. But during seven weeks in the US this summer, I was shaken every day by the speed and executive brutality of President Trump’s assault on what had seemed settled norms of US democracy and by the desperate weakness of resistance to that assault. There’s a growing body of international evidence to suggest that once a liberal democracy has been eroded, it’s very difficult to restore it. Destruction is so much easier than construction.

That’s why all democrats, irrespective of party or ideology, must hope the Democrats regain control of the House of Representatives in midterm elections on Nov. 3, 2026. Not because of the Democrats’ policies, which are a muddle, or their current leadership, which is a mess, but simply because US democracy needs Congress, the principal check on presidential power envisaged in the US constitution, to start doing its job again. That will not happen so long as the Republicans, dominated and intimidated by Trump, control both houses.

The US State Department’s annual report praises Kyiv’s fiscal progress and audit independence, even as it warns of a transparency gap in spending.

Much has been made of comparisons to other authoritarian power grabs, from Europe in the 1930s to Viktor Orbán’s Hungary, but I’m most struck by the distinctive features of the US case. To name just four: excessive executive power; chronic gerrymandering; endemic violence; and the way a would-be authoritarian can exploit the intense capitalist competition that permeates every area of US life.

The danger of executive overreach has been there from the very beginning. Revolutionary war hero Patrick Henry (“give me liberty or give me death”) voted against the constitution at the Virginia ratifying convention in 1788 precisely because he thought it would give a criminal president the chance “to make one bold push for the American throne.” Throughout the 20th century, presidents of both parties extended the “executive power” that is so ill-defined in article 2 of that constitution. More recently, a conservative-dominated supreme court has given succor to the unitary executive theory developed by rightwing legal theorists, which gives the most expansive reading of presidential power. And now the Trump administration – well prepared, unlike in 2017 – has exploited every inch and wrinkle of existing executive power, as well as simply breaking the law and defying the courts to stop it.

Tom Ginsburg, a leading US comparative constitutionalist, argues that the biggest single flaw of the unreformed US constitution is that it gives state legislatures the power to draw electoral boundaries. The word gerrymandering was coined as early as 1812. In recent times, partisan redistricting has become more extreme as US politics has become more polarized. And then, in 2019, the supreme court declared that it could not correct even the most blatant party-political gerrymandering (only that done on racial lines). So now, at Trump’s direct request, Texas sets out to change constituency boundaries explicitly to win five more seats for the Republicans in the midterms, whereupon California says it will counter-gerrymander to win five more for the Democrats. There’s no longer even a bare pretence of impartiality about the most basic procedure of democracy.

No European society can compare to the US for the ubiquity of violence

Hardly a day passed this summer without the evening news reporting at least one violent crime, including yet another horrific school shooting. The US has more guns than people. France loves its pseudo-revolutionary political theatre, but the US had the Jan. 6, 2021 mob assault on the Capitol. Now the rightwing activist Charlie Kirk has been shot. Before the identity of the killer was known, Elon Musk said “the left is the party of murder” and Trump blamed the hate speech of the “radical left.” It will be a miracle if the US avoids a downward spiral of political violence, as last seen in the 1960s.

That in turn could be the pretext for Trump to invoke the 1807 Insurrection Act, bring more military on to US streets and further exploit an alleged state of emergency.

Meanwhile, universities, business leaders, law firms, media platforms and tech supremos have utterly failed to engage in collective action in response. They have either kept their heads down, settled humiliatingly like Columbia University and the law firm Paul, Weiss, or fawned on the president, like Mark Zuckerberg. Why? Because they all follow the logic of fierce free-market competition and fear targeted reprisals. I never imagined I would see fear spread so far and fast in the US.

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Add in attempts to disqualify or intimidate voters, plus Trump’s threat to ban mail-in ballots, and there’s a real doubt how far next November’s midterm elections will be fully free and fair. The task for democrats of all parties is to ensure they are, so far as possible. The task for the Democrats (capital D) is to win them in spite of any such obstacles.

The key to that will probably still be bread-and-butter issues. Here, in the economy, lies paradoxical hope. We’re already beginning to see Trump’s tariffs feed through into higher prices. The job numbers are weakening. Trump’s “big beautiful bill” will further increase an already gobsmacking national debt of $37 trillion. Already in the 2024 fiscal year, servicing that debt cost more than the entire $850 billion defense budget. But until a debt crisis actually hits, such macro-risks remain remote and abstract to most voters, rather as predictions of diminished GDP growth made little impact in the Brexit referendum debate.

So the question is whether the negative economic consequences of Trump will be palpable to ordinary voters before the midterms. One astute political observer suggested to me that Trump, flush with revenue from the new tariffs, could do a pre-election cash handout to voters, perhaps presented as compensation for the “temporary difficulties” of the transition to a MAGA economy. That would be a classic populist move.

The single most important thing for the Democrats in the next 400 days is therefore to bring those economic costs irresistibly home to voters. Democrats won’t win just by talking about the defense of democracy, important though that is, let alone by engaging in culture wars. They need to follow the advice of former Clinton adviser James Carville and focus relentlessly on kitchen-table issues. In doing so, they will also show that they do actually care about the ordinary working- and middle-class Americans whose support they have lost over the last 30 years.

Then there’s stage 2, the presidential election in 2028. But sufficient unto the day are the challenges thereof. Despite all the serious threats to democracy itself in the US, for now the first rule of democratic politics still applies: just win the next election.
- This article was originally published in www.kyivpost.com
September 21, 2025
Climate Change: Trapping carbon; the new Gold Rush in the climate crisis
- By Adebayo Adeleye
World over, the phenomenon of carbon capture is currently gaining momentum as a key climate solution. Carbon capture refers to the process of capturing carbon dioxide emissions from various sources, such as power plants, industrial processes, or directly from the atmosphere, to prevent them from being released into the atmosphere.

The goal is to reduce the amount of CO2 in the atmosphere, which contributes to global warming and climate change. So there’s a growing global experiment known as carbon capture, utilization, and storage (CCUS). It may not have the glamour of solar farms or the futuristic shine of electric cars, but many scientists believe CCUS could be one of humanity’s most important tools in the battle against climate change.

For decades, the fight against global warming has focused on one mantra; “Cut Emissions”. And indeed, shifting to renewable energy, electrifying transport, and changing consumption habits remain critical. Yet there’s a hard truth: industries like cement, steel, and aviation will keep producing large amounts of carbon dioxide for years to come. Even if every country met its emissions targets tomorrow, the planet would still be burdened by billions of tons of CO₂ already in the atmosphere. That’s where CCUS comes in. Instead of letting carbon float freely into the sky, these technologies trap it at the source or suck it directly from the air. From there, the carbon can either be locked away underground or turned into something useful; such as, synthetic fuel, stronger concrete, or even fizzy drinks. CCUS isn’t new. Oil companies have injected carbon underground for decades to squeeze out more petroleum. What’s new is the push to use this method not to extract oil but to protect the climate.

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The technology, however, is expensive. Transporting and storing it safely adds more costs and raises questions about long-term safety. Critics also argue that CCUS could become a “fig leaf” for polluting industries, a way to delay hard transitions to cleaner energy.

Yet momentum is building. The United States has rolled out generous tax credits for captured carbon under the Inflation Reduction Act. The European Union is funding storage hubs in the North Sea. In Asia, Japan and South Korea are investing in CCUS alongside hydrogen development. As of 2024, more than 300 large-scale projects are in development worldwide. Some entrepreneurs see carbon not as waste but as a resource. Companies are experimenting with turning captured CO₂ into carbon neutral jet fuel, building materials that harden faster, and even vodka distilled from thin air. These futuristic sounding ventures may not solve the climate crisis alone, but they highlight a shift in mindset: carbon is not just something to bury, but something to reimagine. For communities living near heavy industries, the promise of CCUS is more immediate. If steel plants in India or cement kilns in Nigeria can capture their emissions instead of releasing them, local air could become cleaner and health risks lower.

For young climate activists, however, the idea is more complicated: they worry CCUS could lock societies into fossil fuels for longer than the planet can afford. Experts stress that CCUS is not a magic bullet. At best, it’s one piece of a much larger puzzle. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has repeatedly said that without carbon removal technologies, it will be nearly impossible to limit global warming to safe levels. But CCUS must go hand in hand with renewables, conservation, and lifestyle shifts.

In Texas, the giant fans keep whirring, each turn pulling molecules of carbon out of the sky. It may not look like much, but multiplied by hundreds of plants around the world, it could help buy the planet some time; time to breathe, adapt, and build a cleaner future.

•Dr. Adebayo Matthew, Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan)

Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control badeleye@gmail.com +234 803 525 6450
September 20, 2025
Oyebanji: Res ipsa loquitur!
- By Biodun Debanwi
On Wednesday, September 10, 2025, Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO) submitted his Expression of Interest and Nomination Forms for the 2026 Ekiti State governorship election at the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Secretariat in Abuja.

This event was far more than a formality; it was a collective endorsement of a leader whose performance has left no room for doubt. It was also framed as a deliberate effort to break a historical “jinx” in Ekiti State politics. Oyebanji himself addressed this directly, stating, “Since the creation of Ekiti State, no governor has done two terms at a stretch and Ekiti people have come here to remove this reproach. I have the divine mandate to break this jinx.”

This sentiment was echoed by leaders across the political spectrum, demonstrating a rare show of bipartisan support. Bisi Kolawole, a prominent political figure from an opposition party, assured the APC national leadership that “all opposition leaders in Ekiti were united behind Oyebanji.” What’s remarkable about this public show of support is that the governor clearly has not just widespread acceptance, but also a firm grip on a diverse array of interest groups who will likely coalesce into a powerful voting bloc.

There’s clear evidence that representatives from various segments of society – including party leaders, community elders, civil servants, students, former deputy governors, and even political opponents – have publicly endorsed the Ikogosi-Ekiti-born politician. They praised his performance, humility and competence, while highlighting his government’s development initiatives, such as regular salary payments, improved healthcare, and student-friendly policies.

These developments suggest that any opposition to BAO’s reelection will face a Herculean task. Fortunately for him, he currently appears to have no obvious weaknesses. Despite being perceived as a technocrat, Oyebanji has demonstrated unexpected political acumen, revealing his depth and shrewdness in navigating potential pitfalls.

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Ekiti State has long been associated with political enlightenment. Given this history, it’s impressive that Oyebanji has navigated the difficult economic climate without stirring up discontent. There can be no credible accusation of selectiveness in the distribution of state services, even to those areas that voted against him. The tension that has been stalking the land has not been pronounced in Ekiti State because the fault lines are less prominent.

Attempts to stir up disaffection have been met with indifference, which can be largely attributed to the calm atmosphere created by the governor. This raises important questions for potential opponents: what issues could they use to argue that he doesn’t deserve a second term? Clearly, the opposition will need a highly effective strategy to mount a successful challenge against him.

While there’s no room for complacency, a betting person’s money would be on Oyebanji winning a convincing reelection. His leadership style is defined by an uncommon blend of comportment, intellectual humility, and moral sophistication. His calm demeanor is a reflection of his circumspection, while his unwavering openness to criticism demonstrates a profound commitment to continuous growth. He is not only accessible to the people he serves but also remarkably responsive to their needs, always receptive to feedback.

Oyebanji’s administration has focused on delivering tangible results across several key sectors, beginning with a strong emphasis on fiscal responsibility and transparency, which has led to improved civil service reforms. The government has also invested significantly in infrastructure, with major road reconstruction and expansion projects like the Ekiti Ring Road and the dualisation of the Ado-Ifaki Road.

In addition, his administration’s tangible achievements – from the consistent payment of salaries and pensions to crucial infrastructure projects – have served as irrefutable evidence of his effectiveness. He’s also made significant progress in human and social development. Oyebanji has prioritized education, with a large-scale renovation of public schools and the recruitment of over 2,000 teachers.

In healthcare, his government revitalized primary health facilities and launched mobile health initiatives. For agriculture, the administration has supported farmers with inputs, credit and access to mechanized tools through initiatives like the Erifun Livestock project and Renewed Hope Farms. The state has also secured an $80 million loan from the African Development Bank for the Ekiti Knowledge Zone.

According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) Consumer Price Index report for August 2025, Ekiti State has made significant progress in reducing food prices. The food index saw a 6.8% month-on-month decrease, with annual food inflation at 16.8%, which is below the national average. This positive trend is a direct result of the “state government’s strategic focus on agricultural development, particularly through initiatives that encourage youth participation and foster public-private partnerships, such as the agro-trading firm, Ounje Ekiti”.

Yet, the report also highlights a critical challenge: Ekiti State recorded the highest overall inflation rate in August at 28.2% year-on-year. This increase is primarily driven by non-food categories, including housing, transport, and electricity. To counter this, the government is poised to “implement comprehensive reforms aimed at reducing housing costs, investing in road infrastructure to lower transportation expenses, and enhancing community electrification to moderate power costs”. This data-driven approach, which involves collaboration “with both private and public institutions”, underscores a commitment to improving the lives of Ekiti residents.

Oyebanji has cultivated what’s been termed a “magic of assemblage”. He has gained the voluntary and public endorsement of all four former Ekiti State governors: Adeniyi Adebayo, Ayodele Fayose, Kayode Fayemi and Segun Oni. This quintessential ‘insider’ politician has avoided simmering, let alone mass disaffection.

BAO must, however, develop catchy talking points to drive his message home, abandon his modesty, and amplify the gains, because politics is all about constant reminders. As things stand, the mood across Ekiti State isn’t one of fervent partisanship; rather, it’s a desire for continuity, as in, to use the sporting parlance, “Why change a winning team?” Frankly, July 20, 2026 is Oyebanji’s to lose! Any discerning observer would see that he is far too calculating to fall into the trap of complacency.

All said, it important to note that running for reelection is always a referendum on the incumbent. The candidate is placed in a defensive position, facing a simple ‘yes’ or ‘no’ on whether he or she should remain in office. Yet, without a doubt, Oyebanji is on firm footing, defending his record of sensible governance, which has carried the overwhelming majority along. His refusal to be vindictive or escalate political acrimonies has served him well.

Oyebanji has obviously benefited from extensive tutelage, enabling him to understand Ekiti State from the ground up. By rising through various layers of multiple administrations before getting the top job, he has been granted a unique and comprehensive apprenticeship in governance, immersing him in the state’s various structures.

As the 2026 Ekiti governorship election approaches, it has become a widely held belief that a second term would not lead to complacency but to a deeper commitment to his work. While Oyebanji has openly acknowledged the national economic hardship, the Ekiti electorate is discerning enough to appreciate that he is not the cause of the crisis.

What voters do see and commend is the governor’s proactive response: a leader who is equitably distributing the limited funds from federal allocations while simultaneously making significant strides to boost the state’s internally generated revenue (IGR). This focus on good governance is clearly providing a dividend that is ameliorating potential disaffection.

While many Nigerian states are currently combustible, some even sitting on a keg of gunpowder, even the most ardent partisan would not place Ekiti State in the top thirty of potentially problematic states. Indeed, Oyebanji has a lot to teach others!

Vincit Omnia Veritas!

●Debanwi wrote from Ikere, Ekiti State.
September 20, 2025
Lagos and the coming boat racing championship
- By Tayo Ogunbiyi
Lagos is on the verge of achieving yet another historic feat. Between October 3 and 5, the city will host the prestigious E1 Electric Boat Racing Championship, a revolutionary electric powerboat competition. It will be the first time the race will be held on the African continent.

The E1 World Championship is the world’s first all-electric powerboat series, aimed at promoting clean energy and marine sustainability. It is an adventurous sport being introduced to Africa to create opportunities for talented young Africans, particularly those interested in water sports.

Some of the biggest names in sports who have shown interest in the tournament include American NBA forward LeBron James, Chelsea FC of England’s former striker and Ivorian soccer icon Didier Drogba, and the legendary Spanish former tennis superstar Rafael Nadal, among others.

The conversation to bring the race to Africa started in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, where the Didier Drogba-led team met with the E1 Racing Team. It’s all part of the collective efforts to steer positive changes across the African continent.

Described as a fusion of bold innovation, clean energy, and futuristic marine transportation, the E1 Championship has quickly risen to prominence as the world’s first all-electric powerboat racing series. Now, Lagos is set to take centre stage on the E1 calendar — a move hailed as a significant stride for sports, sustainability, and tourism in Africa.

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In a post on his Instagram account, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu described it as a major milestone. “This is a major milestone — not just for Lagos, but for the entire continent,” he said.

“It’s a powerful signal that Lagos is ready to lead the global conversation around clean energy, sustainability, and technological innovation in marine transport”, the governor added.

The historic hosting of the event has been made possible through a strategic partnership with the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), whose investment in Team Drogba, one of the E1 Racing teams, reflects growing confidence in Africa’s capacity to engage in high-stakes, future-facing global ventures.

Organizers of the all-electric race boat contest have taken an exploratory tour of the state’s waterways infrastructure to ensure the smooth hosting of the event.

Undoubtedly, the choice of Lagos to host the tournament presented another unique opportunity to tell the city’s story sustainably. Considering all the efforts of the government to attract such a high-calibre global event, the state is prepared and ready to host the World Race Boat Championship.

The vision of the current administration in Lagos is not just about making Lagos a global city; it is about building Lagos as an African model city where global corporations can thrive and leverage the available opportunities. This, thus, explains the excitement about the E1 Racing Team’s initiative. It represents not just Lagos’ success, but the glory of the African dream.

The state has adequate manpower and infrastructure to be able to take in all participating visitors and athletes. As is characteristic of the current administration in the state, it has been working around the clock with other stakeholders to ensure the tournament is transaction-ready.

Recall that the state has previously received a team from Formula One, which was in Lagos for an exploratory exercise to understudy the traffic flow and infrastructure in the transportation sector. This, certainly, attests to the renewed interest in the state by multinational organizations.

The Sanwo-Olu administration had earlier formed a partnership with the French Development Bank to improve the waterways experience. This has informed the plans of the government to change state-owned ferries from hydrocarbon to electric boats.

The Lagos leg of the E1 Championship is expected to draw thousands of international visitors, while also spotlighting local culture, innovation, and marine infrastructure development.

In addition to showcasing electric racing boats on Lagos waters, the event will include cultural exhibitions, tech showcases, and investment summits aimed at advancing the blue economy and eco-tourism.

At the maiden media briefing on the event in Victoria Island, Lagos, the organisers of the E1 Series and the state government expressed their readiness to host a world-class E1 Electric Powerboat Championship, which will bring over 250 sports personalities to Lagos.

They said the landmark event symbolises Lagos’ commitment to clean energy and climate action, promotion of innovation, tourism, cultural exchange, commerce, sustainability, water transportation, and sports potential. The event, they noted, will place Lagos alongside Monaco, Venice, and Jeddah as a global host city.

Speaking during the press conference, the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of E1 Series, Rodi Basso, said Lagos competed with other global cities to secure the hosting rights, which would open the state up to more investment opportunities in international sports and entertainment.

While hinting that nine teams, including Didier Drogba and Will Smith teams, will be in Lagos for the electric boat racing, Basso assured that the technology-driven sport would be sustained in partnership with the Lagos State government.

Also speaking, Sam Egube, the chairman of the Local Organising Committee (LOC) and Deputy Chief of Staff to Lagos State governor, said the landmark event will serve as a global showcase for Lagos’ culture, energy, and economic potential.

Egube noted that beyond sporting significance, the E1 championship would showcase Lagos on the global map in line with Sanwo-Olu administration’s commitment to joining international conversations on sustainable energy and innovation in marine transport.

He described the coming race as a testament to Lagos’s capacity as a thriving hub of commerce, culture, and creativity, hosting an event that merges speed, sustainability, and innovation.

“It signals economic opportunity, tourism growth, and global prestige. E1 Lagos GP elevates Nigeria’s profile as a modern, progressive, and forward-thinking nation”, Egube noted.

“This is an opportunity to show the world what makes Lagos special: the cultural heritage and energy of Lagos people. It is also an opportunity to welcome tourists and investors, share Lagos’ success stories, and bring in more investment to highlight the city’s aquatic splendour. History is happening here. Lagos is racing for the future, for Africa, for the world,” he added.

Experts are of the view that this hosting opportunity could pave the way for broader conversations about the future of marine sustainability in Africa, especially as cities like Lagos seek cleaner alternatives to traditional marine transport amid rising concerns over climate change and pollution.

To really drive home the point, preparations are already underway for what is expected to be one of the most dynamic public-private collaborations in the city’s recent history. Stakeholders across infrastructure, tourism, sports development, and environmental policy have begun aligning their plans for October.

With this historic hosting, Lagos positions itself not only as a hub for innovation and entertainment but also as a beacon of African leadership in sustainability and next-gen sport

Lagos’ hosting of the global event affirms the state’s readiness to join international conversations on sustainable energy and innovation in marine transport. It also reflects its readiness to be part of the global conversation on clean energy, sustainability, and new approaches to marine transportation.

Beyond the sporting angle, there are also the cultural and economic perspectives on the championship. It’s a chance to welcome visitors, share our stories, and highlight the incredible potential of the ‘Centre of Excellence’.
- Ogunbiyi is Director, Public Enlightenment & Community Relations, Ministry of Information & Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja.
September 19, 2025