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  • Obasanjo’s ‘Third Term’ nightmare

    Obasanjo’s ‘Third Term’ nightmare

    • “Inordinate ambition and the belly are the two worst counselors.”— Anonymous
    • Mobolaji Sanusi

    The Olusegun Obasanjo phenomenon will no doubt occupy a conspicuous chapter anytime and anywhere the history of this colonially-designated country called Nigeria is to be chronicled. He served as both military and civilian ruler of this great country.

    His legendary public service actions and inactions, mischiefs, and his holier-than-thou assessment of himself, makes him a sui generis rabble-rouser in the annals of public service of the land.

    While in power, Obasanjo believed he knew it all even though politically discerning millions of his countrymen believed his opinion of himself was exaggerated. Outside power, he still believes those steering the ship of state are incompetent, corrupt, and confused. This, again, if true, especially since the advent of this 1999 democratic dispensation, is traceable to Obasanjo’s incorrigible pettiness, hubris, and avaricious disposition to governance, being the pioneer president of Nigeria’s ongoing democratic experiment.

    Deludingly, except it’s Obasanjo’s verdict, other verdicts are inapposite. No wonder he tries at every given opportunity to deflect questions on his open secret Third Term Agenda. The numerous evidential proofs of hundreds of millions of naira deployed by point-men in the former president’s government to bribe then National Assembly members remain a stain on Obasanjo’s less than real credibility. Actually, some former National Assembly members, out of disdain for Obasanjo’s lies, routinely admitted to having collected the slush funds meant to induce them. As much as Obasanjo tries to make his public denials count, his conscience, being his tormentor-in-chief, creates nightmarish tension in him.

    If not, how else can one describe Obasanjo’s recent admonition to African leaders against pursuits of tenure elongation in their countries. Sadly so, he remains, undeniably, the renowned architect of unsuccessful tenure elongation in the continent.

    Yours sincerely read with disgust what Obasanjo reportedly said at a Democracy Dialogue recently organized by the Goodluck Jonathan Foundation in Accra, Ghana. He was quoted to have brazenly denied the open secret truth that he craved tenure elongation that is otherwise known as Third Term Agenda in the twilight of his second term as president of Nigeria.

    His dubious refutation: “I’m not a fool. If I wanted a third term, I would know how to go about it. And there is no Nigerian, dead or alive that would say I called him and told him I wanted a third term.” He also reportedly said that debt relief that he commendably secured for the country was more important to him than any Third Term Agenda even when his close buddies as president and the political party that brought him to power, PDP, were actively involved in the pursuit of the infamous idea.

    Obasanjo’s challenge to any “living or dead Nigerian,” exposes his nightmarish mindset since he knows that most people in the know of that sordid agenda hardly take him serious whenever he utters his gibberish about that catastrophic idea.

    Obasanjo was at his hypocritical best when he reportedly observed at the occasion that any belief in “one’s indispensability” is a “sin against God.” The truth that those at the dialogue, including our own revered Catholic Bishop, Mathew Hassan Kukah, forgot to remind him is that he actually played God and indeed wanted, and planned his ill-fated Third Term nonsense.

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    Isn’t it a mockery and a misnomer for organisers of such an important democratic dialogue to have extended an invitation to an Obasanjo who, as president, never masked his disdain for democratic tenets. Obasanjo superintended over a civilian-terror reign that showed the greatest contempt for democratic doctrines during his two terms of eight years as president of this country.

    Obasanjo had no regard for institutions of state, be it constitutional or traditional. The country witnessed the worst electoral abuses under Professor Maurice Iwu as chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) with Obasanjo’s presidentially discerned body language and consent. Even his successor in office, late President Umaru Yar’Adua publicly admitted that Obasanjo’s organized election that brought him to power was flawed.

    The era of ballots stuffing, falsification and concoction of election figures, unleashing of electioneering/political rascality, political party imposition amongst other anti-democratic tendencies were prevalent and obviously taken to another level during Obasanjo’s years in power.

    Obasanjo behaved as if without him, Nigeria would die but the country is still existing to his chagrin. He masterminded the removal of several senate-presidents, declared state of emergencies in states where their governors refused to toe his despotic paths: At the heights of Obasanjo’s high-handed reign, his political party, the People’s Democratic Party’s then national chairman, Ahmadu Alli, publicly declared that the PDP would rule Nigeria for the next sixty years.

    But God intervened and just as Obasanjo’s Third Term Agenda was truncated in 2006 by the National Assembly, by year 2015, a conglomeration of national opposition parties coalesced to wrest power from the deludingly pompous PDP.

    In my efforts to unravel the bottled anguish that General Obasanjo has been battling over his aborted Third Term Agenda that he tries at every opportune time to deny, l decided to consult Wikipedia. It is from there that a leading insight was given about the nightmare that the former military cum civilian ruler of Nigeria is facing. Wikipedia defines Nightmare as a dream “that is often connected to unresolved anxiety and trauma that our brain has not fully worked through…” Further scrutiny elsewhere revealed that nightmares as currently being suffered by Obasanjo over his failed Third Term bid might be a consequence of his “unmet psychological needs and/or frustration…..”

    Jacky Casumbal, a clinician describes nightmares as “dreams that are often connected to unresolved anxiety and trauma that our brain has not fully worked through.” Justin Alcala’s descriptive phrase of “dissatisfied reality” aptly captures Obasanjo’s failed Third Term agenda and must have indeed been querying and tormenting his statesmanship status every day he wakes up from his sleep.

    This is further simplified by Megan Chance in her ‘The Spiritualist’ when she said that persons like Obasanjo had been traumatized by nightmares because they “run from what they feel” and to avoid the madness that denial inflicts on them, she says the only way out of being imprisoned by their conscience is to “own up to their misgivings.” Obasanjo is, because of pride, not willing to own up to his misgivings on third term.

    The only way out for Obasanjo’s unresolved feelings over his aborted Third Term agenda, is for him to avoid further nightmares over it. This can be achieved if he publicly confronts the difficult truths inherent in his deceitful denial of the agenda he secretly nurtured but aborted in the hallowed chambers of the National Assembly in 2006.

    Rather than do this, Obasanjo has shamelessly continued his puerile dismissive rhetoric each time questions regarding that dark episode of his leadership history are asked. During such periods, he becomes unnecessarily defensive, uttering patent lies that further diminish his supposed leadership worth in Nigeria, Africa, and global politics generally.

    The duplicity in Obasanjo’s denial of his Third Term bid cannot stand the test of time, not even with the praiseworthy reintroduction of history as a subject in school curriculum in the country by the current administration. The Balogun of Owu in Abeokuta, Ogun State capital did everything to obliterate, especially recent and not too recent, political history of the country. It was his government that needlessly removed the teaching of history from the school curriculum. For selfish reasons!

    His motive is to circumvent important historical documentation so that many Nigerians of forty years and below demography will never know his role in the demonization of late Aare MKO Abiola, winner of the June 12,1993 Presidential election. He didn’t want forgetful and historically bereft Nigerians to know that his military constituency used his presidential candidacy to pacify the aggrieved South-west Yoruba people who were greatly pained by the annulment of the June 12 presidential election and the eventual conspiratorial deleting of Abiola, their kinsman, from the face of the earth.

    Furthermore, Obasanjo didn’t want Nigerians to know how he quelled the democratic wishes of Nigerians in various states of the federation where Professor Maurice Iwu’s INEC perpetrated an outlandish electoral process riddled with falsification of election figures, amongst others, under his watch.

    Now that history as a subject of learning is back in schools, students will now be taught of how Obasanjo sidetracked democratic institutions and treated governors of his time as if they were his errand boys. Our students would be taught how Obasanjo destroyed internal democracy in his and other political parties through his high-handed picking of candidates for election: How he masterminded the removal, unilaterally, of any of the governors, during his tenure, that disobeyed his self-serving orders.

    Obasanjo cared less about the opinions of others. He committed electoral heist against notable candidates contesting for governorship and presidential positions in the country. He victimized Rasheed Ladoja, Ayo Fayose, Joshua Dariye, Diepreye Alamieyesiegha, James Ibori, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Akinrogun Segun Osoba who in 1999 were governors in Oyo, Ekiti, Plateau, Bayelsa, Delta, Lagos and Ogun states respectively.

    Just because he did all these and nothing happened, he thought the next stage was for him to absolutely enslave Nigerians by toying with the notorious idea of staying put in power, through tenure elongation. Nigerians, through their determined federal legislators, headed by Senator Ken Nnamani, then senate-president, threw away his detrimental Third Term agenda, which, as it stands today, remains the nighmare that will continue to haunt Balogun Obasanjo.

    • Sanusi, former LASAA MD/CEO is a managerial psychologist and current managing partner of AMS RELIABLE SOLICITORS.
  • Climate Change Mitigation Strategies: Exploring Renewable Energy Solutions

    Climate Change Mitigation Strategies: Exploring Renewable Energy Solutions

    • Adebayo Adeleye

    In recent years, the signs of climate change have become impossible to ignore. From record breaking heatwaves sweeping across Europe to devastating floods in Asia and prolonged droughts in Africa, the Earth is sending clear warnings. At the center of the crisis is one undeniable fact: our reliance on fossil fuels is heating up the planet. The question now is not if we must act, but how.

    The Promise of Renewables: One of the most promising answers lies in renewable energy. Unlike coal, oil, and gas, renewable sources such as solar, wind, hydropower, and biomass offer clean, sustainable alternatives. They don’t just promise to reduce greenhouse gas emissions; they also carry the potential to transform economies, create jobs, and secure a healthier future.

    Solar and Wind Power: Take solar energy, for instance. Once dismissed as too costly, solar panels are now becoming a common sight on rooftops and fields. The cost of photovoltaic technology has plummeted in the past decade, making solar one of the most affordable sources of power worldwide. In sun-rich regions, entire communities are powering homes, schools, and businesses with

    nothing more than rays of light. Wind power, too, is making waves literally. From the expansive plains of Texas to offshore farms in the North Sea, giant turbines are harnessing gusts of wind to feed national grids. These projects don’t just deliver clean electricity; they also generate thousands of jobs in manufacturing, installation, and maintenance.

    Hydropower and Biomass: Hydropower remains a cornerstone of renewable energy, particularly in countries blessed with powerful rivers. While large dams often spark environmental debates, small-scale hydropower systems are gaining popularity as sustainable solutions for rural areas. Biomass energy, meanwhile, is quietly revolutionizing waste management, turning agricultural residues and organic waste into usable fuel.

    Policy and Community Action: Governments and businesses are central to this transformation. Across the world, policy incentives from tax breaks to renewable energy targets are encouraging innovation and investment. In some African and Asian countries, community led mini-grids are bringing affordable electricity to villages for the very first time, replacing smoky kerosene lamps with clean, reliable light.

    Challenges Ahead: Yet, challenges persist. High upfront costs, inconsistent government policies, and inadequate infrastructure continue to hinder progress, particularly in developing nations. There are also concerns about balancing renewable expansion with environmental protection, such as land use for solar farms or the impact of dams on ecosystems.

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    A Future Powered by Clean Energy: Despite these obstacles, the momentum is clear: the renewable revolution is no longer a distant dream, but a present reality. Global investments in renewables have outpaced fossil fuels for several years, and more nations are pledging to achieve net-zero emissions within the coming decades. The benefits extend beyond tackling climate change. A shift to renewables strengthens energy security by reducing dependence on imported fuels. It improves air quality, lowering the burden of respiratory diseases caused by pollution. Most importantly, it offers hope to younger generations that the world can still chart a sustainable course. As the world grapples with the urgent need for climate action, renewable energy stands out as both a practical and powerful solution. By embracing the sun, the wind, water, and even waste, humanity has the tools to rewrite its energy story. The challenge now is to accelerate the pace, overcome the barriers, and ensure that clean energy is not a privilege for a few, but a right for all. Because when it comes to climate change, the cost of inaction will always be far greater than the price of change.

    • Dr. Adebayo Matthew, Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan) Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control badeleye@gmail.com  +234 803 525 6450
  • Tragedy, leadership and lessons: Elumelu after Afriland Towers

    Tragedy, leadership and lessons: Elumelu after Afriland Towers

    • By Bamidele Johnson

    It is when it is dark, too dark to see that the essence of leadership is revealed. Titles, wealth, and distance fall away, leaving only the test of empathy, courage and action. On 16 September, when fire engulfed Afriland Towers on Broad Street, Lagos, one of the prized assets of Tony Elumelu’s vast business empire, the tragedy stripped leadership to its core. Elumelu, billionaire investor and philanthropist, had to cut short his trip abroad, returned to Nigeria to stand with his people in the face of grief.

    His first act was a message that was a hybrid of sorrow and strength. It was no corporate speak, but a voice weighed down with pain, directed at the families, friends and colleagues of those who perished. He admitted that words were inadequate to capture the scale of the loss, not for the families who loved them, not for the friends who cherished them, and not for colleagues who shared daily spaces and goals. He recalled that he was on his way to New York for the United Nations General Assembly when he heard the news and had to immediately cut short his journey as a mark of respect. In his message, he urged colleagues to rally around the bereaved, to comfort the wounded and to honour the departed. He called for a minute of silence across his group of companies, praying that such a calamity would never happen again.

    Even in mourning, Elumelu acknowledged those who had stood in the gap. These were the emergency responders, the first aid workers and the ordinary citizens, who displayed extraordinary courage. His words underlined a truth he has long professed: that business must serve humanity.

    The fire at Afriland Towers claimed about 10 lives and destroyed property worth hundreds of millions of naira. For Elumelu, Chairman of both UBA Plc and Heirs Holdings, it was not just a corporate test, but a deeply personal moment of leadership. He demonstrated that leadership is not about distance or detachment, but about standing firm in the storm. His reaction echoed the examples of crisis leadership recorded in global history.

    When Alan Mulally took over at Ford in 2006 during its darkest financial moment, his first act was not ruthless cost cutting but building trust through transparency and unity, proving that resilience begins with people. When Satya Nadella assumed leadership at Microsoft in 2014, he shifted the culture from internal rivalry to empathy and collaboration, reminding staff that innovation must ultimately serve humanity. More recently, during the Covid-19 pandemic, Arne Sorenson, then CEO of Marriott International, delivered an emotional message to his employees. He announced painful lay-offs while forfeiting his own salary, a gesture that communicated solidarity with staff who were enduring deep uncertainty.

    Likewise, Elumelu chose empathy as his response, proving that in moments of crisis, compassion becomes the most powerful currency of trust. In each of these cases, and now with Elumelu, the same management principle emerges: stakeholder-centric leadership, where employees, customers and communities matter as much as shareholders. It is this approach that defines resilience and sets enduring leaders apart.

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    The Afriland Towers itself, a seven-storey building housing UBA Plc, United Capital, the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) and other important establishments, became the site of chaos that afternoon. At about 1:20pm, fire was traced to the inverter room in the basement. It generated dense smoke and intense heat that spread rapidly through the building. The situation forced staff to leap through windows to escape and the ensuing panic made communication almost impossible.

    Afriland Properties, the company that manages the building, clarified that the Towers is equipped with safety features, including alarms, emergency staircases, smoke extractors, fire reels, and extinguishers. Fire protocols were triggered immediately and first responders arrived within 20 minutes. However, some occupants reported that they did not hear the alarms in the panic, which made evacuation a herculean task. The company emphasised that the building satisfied regulatory requirements and is regularly certified safe by authorities, but acknowledged that the rapid spread of smoke hindered the use of escape routes.

    Afriland Properties was established as a separate entity after spinning off from UBA Group, with Heirs Holdings as a major investor. Over the years, both UBA and Afriland had ingrained safety drills and regular audits as part of their culture. Yet, no amount of preparation could erase the pain of this tragedy.

    In its response, Afriland Properties has pledged that the Towers will undergo a full structural, safety and regulatory review before anyone is asked to return. Staff welfare, it stressed, remains paramount. Medical evaluations, counselling support, and structured assistance will be provided during this grieving period. Longer-term support mechanisms are also under review to ensure that employees and families are cared for.

    The fire at Afriland Towers was a calamity that tested both systems and souls. It exposed the fragility of life and the importance of preparedness. Above all, it revealed a form of leadership that rises above profit and position. Elumelu’s actions showed that in the darkest moments, true leadership is not about hierarchy, but about humanity.

    • Johnson, a communications professional, writes from Lagos
  • UNGA: Ruto spoke for all Africa

    UNGA: Ruto spoke for all Africa

    • By Ikenna Emewu

    At the world press conference for the G20 Summit 2016 in Hangzhou, China, I raised my hand to ask Secretary General of the UN, Ban Ki-moon the question of when the United Nations would deem it fit to give Africa at least a permanent seat at the Security Council, 71 years into its existence then. At a point, I brought down my hand before being recognised. I felt I would not be wise to pose that question to the current UN head from South Korea when he actually succeeded an African, Kofi Annan, who also succeeded another African, Boutros Boutros Ghali. I asked myself why I should worry someone else over what these Africans refused to do for Africa.

    Yet, if there is something that galls me about the UN, it is the non-inclusion of Africa in the top decision-making body of the world platform. Per bloc and judging from the one-member-one-vote position, Africa, with 54 member states, is the continent with the largest membership at the UN.

    At the UN, numbers don’t count. Even when the leaders and owners of the UN claim that democracy is a game of numbers where the majority have their way, the UN General Assembly (UNGA), made up of 193 members is irrelevant. It is five countries that make decisions for the rest.

    In international law, resolutions of the UNGA are not declaratory of international law, but those of the five members of the UN Security Council (UNSC) are automatically law and operable. Therefore, any voting by the UNGA ends as a resolution, most of which are not implementable, and when not implemented, there is nothing anybody can do about that.

    With the composition of the UNSC, the Global South bloc is completely excluded from the decision-making of the UN. You can conclude that the UN is not a democratic body, and its claims of being champions of democracy are false and deceptive.

    I spoke in Beijing last year, July at the China Centre for Contemporary World Studies (CCCWS) Summit, and my topic was – Why China and the rest of the Global South should align and support Africa to have at least a single UNSC permanent seat slot.

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    At the Lagos Forum in April this year, I was presented another opportunity at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) during an event co-hosted by the Chinese Consulate, Africa China Economy Magazine, NIIA, and the Institute of African Studies of Zhejiang Normal University, China.  There, I raised the same issue of the equitable remedy that would be if Africa gets at least a single UNSC permanent seat, and by extension, slots for the Global South countries.

    I was therefore, elated to listen to President William Ruto of Kenya, pointedly tell the UNGA at the ongoing assembly for the 80th anniversary of the world body how unfair it is to ignore Africa at the UNSC. Ruto challenged the UN to have a prick of the conscience and do the needful.

    He slammed: “Excellences, as we mark the 80th anniversary of the United Nations, Africa also marks 20 years since the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, the two historic milestones that established the Common African Position on UN Security Council reform. For two decades, Africa has spoken in one voice, demanding justice, equity, and representation in the highest organ of global governance.

    “This demand, however, continues to be ignored, deferred, or endlessly debated to the detriment of both Africa and the legitimacy of the United Nations itself. You cannot claim to be the United Nations while disregarding the voice of 54 African countries, which are no longer willing to wait on the margins of global governance, while decisions about peace, security, and development are made without our understanding, perspectives, and voice. Africa’s exclusion is not only unacceptable, unfair, and grossly unjust; it also undermines the very credibility of the United Nations.

    “Africa dominates most of the Security Council’s agenda, provides some of the largest contingents to UN peacekeeping, and bears the heaviest costs. Yet we remain the only continent without a permanent seat at the table, where decisions about our destiny are made. Africa deserves two permanent seats with full rights, including the veto, and two additional non-permanent seats on the UN Security Council.

    “The world must understand that reforming the Security Council is not a favour to Africa; it is a necessity for the UN’s own survival. If the UN is to remain relevant in this Century, it must reflect today’s realities, not the post-war power arrangements of 1945.

    “Madam President, despite the stated and evident weaknesses of the United Nations, it remains humanity’s best chance at global governance. No other institution has the universal legitimacy or convening power of the UN”, he said.

    Unlike Cyril Ramaphoza of South Africa, who ignored all the nagging pains of Africa and made nonsense of Africa’s plight and preferred to discuss Palestine, Gaza, and Israel, William Ruto spoke for me and the entire continent. He demonstrated staunch boldness and the courage to confront a challenge that the UN has deliberately acted like it doesn’t exist, because to the body, Africa is just a number, an inconsequential space filler, and a cipher worth nothing. African leaders should just attend UN events, sign the dotted lines for attendance, clap for the powers that use them to feather their egos’ nest, and walk back to Africa, wringing their cold hands helplessly over their heavy burden of neglect.

    With the achievements of the UN, the global body can’t boast of the particular support or regard it has given to Africa. The owners of the body watched without a whimper when their ilk deprecated Africa and the world with colonisation without seeing anything bad in the atrocious inhumanity Europe wrought in Africa, Asia, Oceania, etc. But they discussed Israel and the Middle East. After Nikita Khrushchev of the then USSR started blackmailing them to speak up against colonization in Africa, it grudgingly issued the UNGA Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (UNGA Resolution 1514, December 14, 1960). This window dressing resolution without enforcement effect came after 17 African countries had fought in the same year for their freedom without UN assistance. Confirming that it was mere talk, some African countries still didn’t get any freedom from colonization until 1990 when Namibia gained independence from apartheid South Africa.

    While the UNGA Resolution lacks enforcement, the UNSC, which has the power to enforce rules, watched askance. It was not their business how Africa fared.

    William Ruto may not understand the ripples his boldness in standing before the world and speaking up against the injustices in Africa would create. Africa’s predicament has been partly due to the lax and timid nature of its diplomatic engagement. Ruto endeared himself to the true Africans, the bold Africans, and the real African, not those that ignore the blood fest going on in Somalia, the endless emasculation of Sahel West Africa by Emanuel Macron’s France, the hunger at the Horn of Africa, the genocide of the Tigray people of Ethiopia, the carnage in Sudan and South Sudan and the terrorism all over Africa to seek inchoate populism and discuss the inane.

    Ruto’s speech addressed nearly all the challenges facing Africa and the UN’s shortcomings, despite Africa’s active role in supporting the UN in various ways, often without commensurate compensation.

    Thank you, Ruto, for speaking for me and for Africa when it matters most.

    •Emewu is editor-in-chief of Africa China Economy magazine, and Research Director (Africa) at Zhejiang Normal University, China.

  • Southeast in Southwest- Investment, influence, and the question of home

    Southeast in Southwest- Investment, influence, and the question of home

    • By Adebamiwa Olugbenga Michael

    Across Nigeria, patterns of internal migration and economic dominance have long shaped local and regional dynamics. One of the most visible examples is the significant presence of Igbo entrepreneurs in the Southwest, particularly in Lagos and its environs. Over decades, Igbo traders and investors have built sprawling commercial empires, contributing significantly to the economic vitality of the region. Yet, this success has also sparked questions about loyalty, integration, and the responsibilities of migrants in host communities.

    It is undeniable that the Igbo have a remarkable entrepreneurial spirit. Many left their ancestral homes in the Southeast during the post-civil war years and settled in Lagos, Ibadan, and other commercial hubs. There, they invested capital, energy, and ingenuity to build thriving businesses from markets and trading houses to real estate and manufacturing. Their contribution to the Southwest economy is both substantial and visible.

    But with influence comes tension. Indigenous Yoruba communities have begun to push back politically and economically. Local leaders are advocating for policies that prioritize indigenous participation in commerce, land use, and political representation. This pushback, while often framed as protection of indigenous rights, has been met with anger and resistance from some Igbo investors who see the Southwest as the land where they made their fortunes.

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    The underlying question is both practical and philosophical. Why do Igbo investors expend such energy outside their homeland instead of building equally competitive states in the Southeast? The answer is complex. Lagos, with its unparalleled population density, access to international trade routes, and commercial ecosystem, presents opportunities that the relatively less urbanized Southeast cannot match. Investment in Lagos promises faster returns and a wider market.

    Yet, this economic migration has social consequences. The perception among some Yoruba communities is that long-term Igbo presence in the Southwest has sometimes ignored the culture, history, and political rights of the host population. While many Igbo have integrated, the ongoing tensions suggest a gap between economic contribution and socio-political acceptance.

    Historically, Nigeria has experienced similar patterns. Migrants often cluster in regions offering economic opportunity, leading to friction over land, governance, and resources. The 1950s offer a partial parallel, before independence, Nigeria saw cross-ethnic political collaboration, yet post-independence politics revealed the limits of integration and the enduring power of ethnic loyalty. Today’s economic migrations echo those earlier dynamics, but in commerce rather than politics.

    Some argue that this tension is natural. Host communities have a right to expect respect, cultural sensitivity, and shared governance from long-term residents. Yet, the migrants’ argument is equally compelling; they have invested heavily, created jobs, and fuelled regional growth. Both perspectives are valid, but the lack of a shared framework for coexistence has amplified disputes.

    There is also the matter of imagination and ambition. Could the Southeast develop Lagos-like commercial hubs, capable of attracting internal migrants and investment? Many analysts believe yes, citing the entrepreneurial prowess of the Igbo themselves. But doing so requires infrastructure, political will, and a long-term vision, elements often hampered by governance challenges in the region.

    The current friction, then, is not merely about money or politics. It is about respect, belonging, and the balance between host and guest. Yoruba communities seeking to assert their rights are exercising a legitimate prerogative, while Igbo investors expressing frustration are asserting their stake in the national economy. Both impulses are understandable, yet both require negotiation and compromise.

    Critically, the debate also forces a broader reflection. Should Nigerians invest primarily where opportunity exists, or where they are culturally rooted? Is economic migration inherently at odds with regional loyalty? The answer may lie in a nuanced combination of both, a commitment to national integration that respects local rights while fostering cross-regional prosperity.

    Ultimately, the question is one of perspective. From the Igbo point of view, their labour and investment have helped build Lagos into a global commercial hub. From the Yoruba perspective, the Southwest is home, and long-term residents deserve recognition and influence. Bridging this divide demands empathy, structured policy, and mutual respect.

    The stakes are high. Without dialogue and careful management, economic competition can easily turn into ethnic friction, undermining the very prosperity that has been painstakingly built. But with foresight, both communities can benefit, the Southeast could learn to replicate Lagos’ commercial model at home, while the Southwest could institutionalize inclusive policies that reward contribution without eroding local identity.

    Nigeria’s larger lesson is clear; prosperity must be coupled with respect. Economic success is insufficient if it deepens cultural divides. Migration, investment, and ambition are valuable, but they must harmonize with the social fabric of host communities. Only then can regional tensions transform into collaboration, and individual achievement into shared national progress.

    The story of the Southeast in the Southwest is thus not just about business. It is a mirror reflecting Nigeria’s ongoing challenge, balancing opportunity, identity, and belonging in a country still negotiating the terms of unity within diversity. The question remains, will we learn to respect each other as we grow, or will competition deepen the fault lines that have always threatened our cohesion?

    •Michael writes via gbengaadeba@hotmail.com

  • Adjusting monetary policy rate for growth

    Adjusting monetary policy rate for growth

    • By Isah Aliyu Chiroma

    In a significant move aimed at reinforcing Nigeria’s economic recovery, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) reduced the Monetary Policy Rate (MPR) to 27.00%, marking a 50 basis point decrease. This pivotal decision was announced during the 302nd Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) meeting held from September 22-23. Engaging discussions among the 12 members of the committee revolved around key developments in both international and domestic economies, specifically focusing on inflation trends, economic growth, and financial sector stability.

    The decision to lower the MPR reflects the MPC’s commitment to fostering an environment conducive to economic revitalization while maintaining essential macroeconomic stability. The backdrop to this decision includes a sustained disinflation trend observed over the past five months, coupled with positive projections indicating a further decline in inflation rates for the remainder of 2025. These factors offered a compelling justification for the policy adjustment, which the CBN anticipates will invigorate economic activity by reducing borrowing costs and facilitating increased investment across various sectors.

    One of the critical decisions made during the MPC meeting, alongside the MPR cut, was the adjustment of the corridor around the MPR to +250/-250 basis points. This change aims to enhance the efficiency of the interbank market and strengthen the transmission of monetary policy. The Monetary Policy Committee strategically identified this adjustment as necessary to promote stability in the financial sector and ensure effective functioning within the banking system.

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    Furthermore, the Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) for commercial banks was increased to 45%, while the CRR for merchant banks remained unchanged at 16%. Additionally, the MPC introduced a new 75% CRR on non-TSA public sector deposits, a measure designed to improve liquidity management across the banking system. The Liquidity Ratio was retained at 30%, signifying the Committee’s commitment to balancing inflationary pressures and overarching growth objectives.

    Focusing on macroeconomic indicators, the MPC expressed considerable satisfaction with Nigeria’s prevailing state of macroeconomic stability. This stability is underscored by a range of positive developments reflected in significant indicators. Headline inflation, measured year-on-year, moderated to 20.12% in August, down from 21.88% in July. Notably, both food and core inflation contributed to this decline, signalling a positive trajectory for price stability in the country. Additionally, month-on-month headline inflation decreased to 0.74% in August, a noticeable drop from 1.99% in July.

    The moderation in inflation can be attributed to several factors, including decisive monetary policy tightening, stability in the exchange rate, increased capital inflows, and a favourable current account balance. These elements combined to create an environment conducive to sustained disinflation. Notably, the cost of goods and services, particularly in essential areas such as housing, utilities, and transport, has seen a slowdown, positively impacting the core inflation rate, which eased to 20.33% in August, down from 21.33% in July. In terms of food inflation, there was a significant moderation in prices, with food inflation declining to 21.87% in August from 22.74% in July, largely due to falling prices for staples such as rice, maize, and millet, which are vital for the average Nigerian household.

    In examining Nigeria’s economic growth, the MPC highlighted the robust performance demonstrated in the second quarter of 2025. The real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate reached 4.23% year-on-year, a remarkable improvement compared to the 3.13% recorded in the first quarter. The oil sector, a crucial pillar of the Nigerian economy, exhibited significant growth, achieving an impressive rate of 20.46% in Q2 2025, in stark contrast to the mere 1.87% seen in the previous quarter. This strong performance in the oil sector is expected to bolster foreign exchange reserves and ensure sustained stability in the foreign exchange market, thereby supporting overall economic health.

    The MPC commended the ongoing efforts of the federal government to enhance security across the nation. Improved security conditions have had a directly positive effect on crucial sectors, notably both oil output and food production. The committee emphasized the importance of continued vigilance to safeguard these gains and further strengthen economic performance moving forward. As security improves, investments in agriculture and oil production are likely to yield better returns, paving the way for sustainable growth.

    On the subject of banking sector resilience and financial stability, the MPC conveyed optimism regarding the continued strength of Nigeria’s banking system. Most financial soundness indicators remain well within their respective prudential benchmarks, a testament to the robustness of the sector. Notably, significant strides have been made in the ongoing bank recapitalization exercise, where 14 banks have successfully met the new capital requirements mandated by the CBN. This achievement is critical as it enhances the financial stability of banks and bolsters confidence among investors and depositors alike.

    To ensure the successful completion of the bank recapitalization process, the MPC urged the CBN to persist in implementing policies and initiatives aimed at fostering a stable and resilient banking environment. The termination of forbearance measures and waivers on single obligors marks a pivotal development that promotes greater transparency, enhances risk management, and induces long-term financial stability within the banking sector. The MPC reassured the public that the effects of removing forbearance measures would be transitory and should not pose a significant threat to the soundness of the banking sector.

    Despite the promising trends in inflation, the MPC noted a concerning build-up of excess liquidity within the banking system. This excess liquidity has primarily emerged due to improved fiscal releases consequent to enhanced government revenues. While excess liquidity can be indicative of economic vitality, it also poses risks to macroeconomic stability if not managed effectively. The committee recognized these risks and underscored the necessity for prudent liquidity management to avert potential inflationary pressures that could undermine the hard-earned gains in economic stability.

    The recent measures taken by the CBN, encapsulated in the decisions made during the MPC meeting, reflect a balanced and adaptive approach aimed at navigating the complexities of the economic landscape. By prioritizing the reduction of the MPR alongside adjustments to the CRR and other monetary policy tools, the CBN positions itself as a pivotal player in steering Nigeria toward a path of sustained economic recovery and growth.

    The interplay of inflation moderation, robust economic performance, and a resilient banking sector suggests that Nigeria is on a promising trajectory, with the potential for increased investment and improved living standards for its citizens. As we move forward, the continued collaboration between the government, the CBN, and other stakeholders will be vital in ensuring the long-term stability and prosperity of Nigeria’s economy.

     •Chiroma is a public affairs analyst with interest in economic policies and writes via aliyuisahchiroma29@gmail.com

  • On the shea nut export ban

    On the shea nut export ban

    SIR: Nigeria recently announced a ban on the export of raw shea nuts, a commodity highly sought after in the global cosmetic and food industries. The logic behind the ban is simple: instead of exporting raw shea nuts for processing abroad, Nigeria should process them locally into butter, oil, and related products. This way, the country can capture more of the value chain, encourage industrialization, and empower communities, especially women, who dominate the sector.

    Similar approaches in cocoa and palm oil have been proposed, and in principle, such value-addition policies can transform resource-based economies.

    Yet, Nigeria’s manufacturing sector faces structural bottlenecks that could frustrate this vision. Power shortages, poor road infrastructure, high cost of finance, and insecurity already weigh heavily on agro-processing. Without addressing these constraints, banning raw exports could hurt farmers and traders who rely on foreign buyers. If processors within Nigeria lack the capacity to absorb the supply, farmers risk being stuck with unsold produce, leading to losses rather than empowerment.

    Another concern is enforcement. Nigeria has a long history of policies that look good on paper but fail in practice due to smuggling and weak border controls. If raw shea nuts continue to find their way illegally across borders to Benin or Ghana, the policy will create distortions rather than development. Worse still, such underground trade could enrich middlemen and corrupt officials, undermining the very benefits the ban seeks to achieve.

    That said, the shea sector does present unique opportunities. Northern Nigeria is home to abundant shea trees, and millions of women are already involved in collection and initial processing. If properly harnessed, the sector can become a model for inclusive economic growth, providing income for rural households while feeding into export-oriented industries. To unlock this potential, government must go beyond prohibitions and actively invest in infrastructure, training, and credit facilities for cooperatives.

    READ ALSO: Tinubu receives Ogoni dialogue report, orders immediate engagement for oil resumption

    Equally important is the need for public-private partnerships. Global cosmetic giants, local entrepreneurs, and development organizations have already shown interest in the shea value chain. By encouraging investment in processing plants, establishing quality standards, and linking Nigerian producers to international markets, the government can ensure that the sector thrives under the new policy regime. Without these partnerships, the ban risks becoming another isolated directive with limited impact.

    Ultimately, the success or failure of the raw shea nut export ban will depend on implementation. If Nigeria seizes the moment to build processing capacity, strengthen regulation, and empower rural producers, the policy could be a turning point for agro-industrialization. But if it becomes yet another poorly executed restriction, the losers will be the very communities it was meant to uplift.

    • Maryam Iliya Tarpaya, University of Maiduguri.
  • Warri cannot afford another crisis

    Warri cannot afford another crisis

    SIR: The signs of renewed tension in Warri are troubling. Anyone familiar with the history of this oil-rich city knows what is at stake. The Warri crisis of 1999 remains etched in the nation’s memory as one of the darkest chapters in the contemporary history of the Niger Delta. Hundreds of lives were lost, thousands of families displaced, and property worth billions destroyed. Oil facilities were attacked, shutting down production and costing Nigeria revenue it could not afford to lose.

    More than two decades later, the scars of that violence are yet to heal. And now, once again, the drums of conflict are sounding.

    At the heart of the matter is a long-running struggle over ownership, identity, and recognition. The Itsekiri community has historically maintained that Warri belongs exclusively to them, with their monarch positioned as the “Olu of Warri.” This position, while understandable from a cultural perspective, clashes with both historical reality and legal judgments. Warri is not a homogeneous settlement; it is a shared homeland built and sustained by the Itsekiris, the Urhobos, and the Ijaws.

    Courts at every level—from native courts in the colonial era to the Supreme Court in more recent years—have affirmed this shared ownership. The landmark Idundun v. Okumagba case of 1976, for instance, reviewed competing title claims and rejected absolute ownership by any one group.

    In 1967, the Supreme Court dismissed certain Ijaw claims but also recognised the complex, overlapping rights that exist in Warri. More recently, in 2022, the Supreme Court ordered the re-delineation of electoral wards in Warri’s three local governments, underscoring the need for balanced representation across the ethnic divide.

    Unfortunately, successive governments have failed to enforce these judgments consistently. Instead, they have allowed political convenience and silence to take the place of justice. This neglect has created space for the perception of ethnic dominance and the entrenchment of grievances. When one group feels its presence is being erased and another feels its authority is being challenged, confrontation becomes inevitable.

    Nigeria cannot afford to treat Warri’s crisis as a local quarrel. The consequences go far beyond Delta State. Warri sits at the heart of the Niger Delta, home to vital oil and gas infrastructure. Any disruption has a direct impact on national revenue, investor confidence, and Nigeria’s international reputation. Beyond the economy, Warri represents a test of Nigeria’s ability to manage diversity and uphold the rule of law. If the government cannot guarantee justice and coexistence in Warri, it sends a dangerous signal to other flashpoints across the federation.

    READ ALSO: Tinubu receives Ogoni dialogue report, orders immediate engagement for oil resumption

    What, then, must be done?

    First, the government must enforce existing court judgments without fear or favour. The judiciary has already provided a roadmap through decades of rulings, delineating boundaries, clarifying communal rights, and affirming the principle of shared ownership. These judgments must be respected, not shelved. Proper delineation of land and authority will reduce ambiguity and prevent disputes among the inhabitants.

    Second, the government should recognise all traditional rulers from the three major groups in Warri. Recognition is not just ceremonial—it affects representation, resource allocation, and the dignity of communities. When recognition is withheld or uneven, it breeds resentment. When it is balanced, it creates a sense of belonging and fairness.

    Third, there must be a framework for dialogue and coexistence. Beyond the law, peace requires conversation. The government should facilitate sustained dialogue between the Itsekiri, Urhobo, and Ijaw communities, with mechanisms for conflict resolution that do not depend on violence. A Warri Peace and Development Council, drawing representatives from all groups, could serve as a platform for addressing grievances and planning development projects jointly.

    Finally, the government must invest in inclusive development. Warri’s communities must see tangible benefits of peace—better schools, healthcare, infrastructure, and jobs. Where development is equitable, ethnic rivalry tends to subside; where neglect persists, suspicion thrives.

    The time to act is now. Warri must not be allowed to slide back into bloodshed. Instead, it can—and should—be transformed into a model of coexistence, where diversity is managed with fairness and development is shared by all. Nigeria owes this not just to the people of Warri, but to the entire nation.

    • John Amabolou Elekun, Iju-Ajuwon, Lagos.
  • Fragile peace deals with bandits

    Fragile peace deals with bandits

    SIR: Reports indicate that in no fewer than 10 local government areas of Katsina — Batsari, Kankara, Kurfi, Musawa, Danmusa, Sabuwa, Dandume, Matazu, Jibia, and Faskari — locals have struck fragile pacts with armed groups. For them, this desperate gamble is less about legitimising crime than about snatching a brief moment of peace after years of kidnappings, killings, and destruction that shattered their lives.

    Critics of these peace deals often dismiss them as glaring evidence of state failure, but the reality is far more complex. Such agreements do not necessarily mean the collapse of the security system; rather, they highlight the limits of relying on military solutions alone and the urgent need to complement force with soft approaches that address root causes.

    For more than a decade, the Nigerian state has launched numerous military operations across the northwest, deploying thousands of troops, establishing forward operating bases, and conducting airstrikes. Yet insecurity persists. Weak institutions, political interference, the complicity of local elites, harsh terrain, and the ever-changing tactics of criminal gangs have all blunted the impact of kinetic operations.

    The results of these fragile peace deals vary across states, producing moments of relief alongside bitter betrayals. In Faskari, Katsina, a notorious bandit leader, Isya Akwashi Garwa, released 28 abductees without ransom — a rare gesture of reconciliation that briefly restored confidence among locals. But in Zamfara, violence has continued despite peace talks. The abduction of 40 worshippers in Gidan Turbe, Tsafe, and the brutal killing of the District Head of Dogon Dawa by Ado Allero’s gang show how easily these agreements can collapse. For many, these incidents confirm suspicions that some bandits only use dialogue as cover to regroup, rearm, and strike again.

    READ ALSO: Tinubu receives Ogoni dialogue report, orders immediate engagement for oil resumption

    For ordinary villagers, however, even temporary relief matters. After years of sleeping in fear, abandoning farmlands, and losing loved ones, a fragile truce can mean the chance to harvest crops, send children to school, or attend Friday prayers without constant dread. Many rural communities have lost faith in distant government promises. Their embrace of localised agreements is therefore as much a survival tactic as it is a pragmatic acknowledgment of the state’s limitations. To dismiss these efforts as cowardice or complicity is to overlook the human desperation driving them.

    If peace agreements are to stand any chance of lasting, security institutions must take centre stage. The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), the Department of State Services (DSS), the military, and the police should jointly oversee monitoring, disarmament, and rehabilitation. To leave these critical responsibilities solely to state and local governments or traditional leaders is to risk institutionalising weak and inconsistent arrangements.

    Just as crucial is the need to provide repentant fighters with real alternatives to violence. Without vocational training, education, and sustainable economic opportunities, even those who genuinely want peace may relapse into banditry. Reintegration must go beyond token handouts to meaningful empowerment that restores dignity and creates incentives to stay away from crime.

    Beyond disarmament and rehabilitation, Nigeria must also tackle the structural drivers of banditry. Widespread poverty, youth unemployment, weak governance, and limited access to justice all feed the crisis. In many rural areas, state presence is almost non-existent, leaving bandits to fill the vacuum by providing “protection” or enforcing their own rules. Unless these underlying issues are addressed, peace deals will remain short-lived. Communities will continue to oscillate between fragile truces and violent reprisals.

    Building roads, schools, clinics, and agricultural support systems is as critical as deploying soldiers. Development, not just deterrence, is the real antidote to insecurity.

    True peace in the northwest will not come from appeasement or military might alone. It will require a balanced strategy that integrates those willing to repent while deploying decisive state power against those who remain unrepentant. Amnesty cannot be blanket; it must be conditional and accompanied by accountability.

    The federal government must also ensure coordination between state-level initiatives and national security agencies. Fragmented approaches only embolden bandits who exploit divisions between authorities. A unified framework, anchored in law and backed by strong political will, is essential.

    For the people of Katsina, Zamfara, and other troubled states, the dream is simple yet profound: to live in dignity, free from fear, and reclaim their communities from the grip of terror. Fragile peace deals may buy time, but they are no substitute for a comprehensive strategy that combines force, dialogue, development, and justice. Only then can the northwest break free from the endless cycle of violence and chart a path toward lasting stability.

    • Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi, ymukhtar944@gmail.com
  • Dapo Abiodun and his 1,200 political assistants

    Dapo Abiodun and his 1,200 political assistants

    • By Semiu Okanlawon

    Let me start by asking: Do you know why Governor Dapo Abiodun of Ogun State appointed 1,200 political assistants? I know many are angry with DA as he is fondly called, after announcing the appointment of 1,200 political assistants last week.

    One thousand, two hundred political assistants! To do what?

    And this coming after crossing into the second half of his second term?

    In a state which – though witnessing a rapid influx of new factories that should guarantee future industrial fortunes – suffers acute infrastructural deficit, citizens in and out of the state are bound to demand for the correctness of such appointments.

    Of course, the most preferred interpretation for such action is to conclude that Abiodun sought to, in the popular language, find “jobs for the boys” and keep them tightly under his armpit.

    But wait a bit! Is it really strange in this part of our world to see politicians dash out jobs in order to expand their political base and solidify their holds on the system?

    In the same Ogun and under the watch of Governor Abiodun, a councillor has appointed eight aides including a chief of staff. A councillor o!

    Yes; Oluwasegun Ayebusiwa, a councillor in Ogun Waterside Local Government Area, has, apart from his chief of staff, gone ahead to name seven others in the categories of personal assistants, senior special assistants, special assistants, head of security among others.

    And are all these “jobs for the boys” supposed to be based on Ayebusola’s monthly salary or to be driven into the payroll system of the local government area?

    Meanwhile, my findings reveal that in Ogun, the monthly salary of a councillor is between N215,000 and N220,000.

    If you think this is only in Ogun State, take a trip to Kaduna State where a councillor representing Kinkiba Ward in Soba Local Government Area of the state, Sunusi Hashim, also appointed 18 special advisers, according to him “to strengthen his grassroots administration.”

    It is spreading fast! In Gombe State, Yahaya Bajoga, the councillor representing Bajoga East in Funakaye Local Government Area also named 18 personal aides including a principal private secretary, 12 special assistants, and five personal assistants.

    Don’t forget that last year, even if his figure was not as alarmingly bogus as that of the Ogun State governor, his Oyo State counterpart, Seyi Makinde, had also appointed over 160 supervisory councillors in the 33 local government areas of the state. His reason was also to accelerate the pace of development in the state.

    Read Also: Dapo Abiodun: 65 hearty cheers to a change agent

    Coming back to Abiodun; what would the Remo prince do in the face of the gargantuan political onslaught he appears to be facing in the hands of the senator who transferred his legislative service from Lagos West Senatorial District to Ogun West Senatorial District and now has his eyes riveted on the Oke-Mosan Government House come May 29, 2027?

    How many of the people throwing darts at Abiodun understand the silent ‘war’ the governor is waging to be able to stand in control of who succeeds him and even remain politically relevant after his exit from his current seat in 2027?

    When a senator is practically pulling the rugs off the feet of a sitting governor, dolling out electricity transformers to every nook and crannies of the state; sending hundreds on pilgrimages to Mecca and Jerusalem, facilitating construction of roads, you can expect such a governor to be upset and in search of how to tame a ‘rampaging’ aspirant whose supporters now say only God can stop.

    In order words, the 1,200 assistants (forget about whatever they call their job descriptions if at all there is any in their appointment letters) are to now help DA turn the table against his tormentor-in-chief.

    If you are in doubt of how much pressure Senator Adeola Solomon Olamilekan popularly called Yayi has brought on Abiodun, this writer listened to a radio presenter two weeks ago where he questioned the governor over the glaring infrastructure headaches in many parts of Ogun such as Ifo, Ijebu Ode, Ibafo, Mowe, Ota, Agbara, Ado-Odo and others in the face of many roads and electrification projects that are carrying the names of Yayi as its sponsor.

    Yayi, from whatever sources he has brought about his heavy investments in Ogun politics, has further exposed why Nigerians need to question this brand of democracy where those elected to make laws have gradually assumed executive duties and now give those elected for executive positions runs for their money.

    I have interacted with a good number of stakeholders in Ogun. It does look like Yayi is the only name on their lips. But he doesn’t appear to be the candidate Abiodun prefers.

    There is a good population of those who believe that the Yewa axis of the state should produce the next governor. That is where Yayi claims to be his root. But while Abiodun is said to be disposed to a Yewa governor after him, it is not Yayi that he wants. As a matter of fact, I have been reliably told that Abiodun would rather allow another part of the state to produce his successor should the people of Yewa insist on having Yayi as their candidate.

    Of course, the journey to 2027 in Ogun promises to be tense, suspenseful and brutal.

    But Yayi, as formidable a headache as he is to the Ogun governor, is not the only political nightmare he suffers. Former governor, Gbenga Daniel also poses another danger to whatever post-office ambition Abiodun is nursing. And there is no other ambition other than to proceed to the senate from the Ogun East Senatorial District which OGD currently represents.

    It is said that there is no other factor behind the entire fuss about OGD’s properties and other matters for which both Abiodun and Daniel have been at each other’s throats for more than a year.

    Put together, the governor seems to now face the same battle his predecessor, Ibikunle Amosun faced in the twilight of his administration when he sought, in vain, to install a successor but failed woefully with the inevitable emergence of Abiodun. It now appears that just as Abiodun was the nemesis of Amosun, Yayi, at least for now, seems to be the nemesis confronting Abiodun. Abiodun’s 1,200 special assistants, without mincing words, are part of the tools required to fight the battle ahead.

    But then, some pertinent questions come up. How do you accommodate these new political appointees into the payroll of the state without creating a shock?

    With Nigeria’s acute shortage in medical personnel and teachers in public schools and Ogun having its fair share of that, 1,200 political advisers appear way off the mark of decency if the governor were to be sensitive to the real needs of his people.

    Imagine what difference the recruitment of just 500 medical personnel would make to the health sector Ogun?

    By the last count, the Nigerian Medical Association had said that the doctor-patient ratio in the state stood at one doctor to 6,400 patients, a far cry from the recommendation by the World Health Organisation (WHO). In the same vein, the Ogun State Teaching Service Commission had to recruit 1,200 intern teachers to bridge the teaching personnel gaps in the state with a promise to recruit 2,000 teachers in this year.

    At a time when the state battles with such human capital requirements in critical sectors such as health and education, employing 1,200 assistants for the purpose of politics appears misplaced. This is not to speak of other areas of the state’s needs where personnel might be lacking.

    But then, politics takes precedence over every other thing. The survival of political warlords is more of a priority than the wellbeing of the man on the street.

    • Okanlawon, media and communication professional can be reached on sokanlawon67@gmail.com.