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  • UBEC: Unlocking new frontiers in basic education

    UBEC: Unlocking new frontiers in basic education

    By Ololade R. Atobajaye

    Over time, Nigeria’s basic education sector has trudged along under the weight of outdated systems, bureaucratic bottlenecks and disconnect between policy and actual impact. The stories were familiar: matching grants that couldn’t be accessed, classrooms without learning materials, and millions of out-of-school children underserved by the system. But all of that is changing, quietly but powerfully, through reforms undertaken by the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) under its Executive Secretary, Aisha Garba.

    This transformation isn’t built on rhetoric. It’s built on results.

    For the past 20 years, states across Nigeria struggled to access matching grants due to rigid, bureaucratic conditions that turned resources meant to catalyse development into funds trapped in administrative limbo. Those unutilised funds turned into unbuilt schools, unfurnished classrooms, unpaid teachers, and ultimately, untaught children. It was two decades of missed potential, of progress stalled by process.

    Then came the reforms in UBEC under Garba.

    By stripping down and overhauling these long-standing barriers, UBEC has breathed new life into the basic education framework. The commission has removed the friction in the system, introducing mechanisms that are not only efficient but also transparent. This isn’t just a policy tweak. It is a structural reset, and the ripple effect is visible across the country.

    Today, over three million children have already been directly impacted by these changes. Schools that once lacked the bare minimum now have interactive smart boards. A total of 740 of them have been deployed. Girls in alternative high schools now have access to 250 desktop computers, a deliberate step toward inclusion. Children with special needs are not left behind either, with 140 talking computers provided to bridge accessibility gaps. Over 420,000 library materials have been distributed, and more than 158,000 Nigerian History books have found their way into classrooms, putting context and identity back into learning.

    Since Garba assumed office, UBEC has also distributed over six million primary school textbooks across the country. This milestone represents more than just scale. It signifies a renewed effort to restore quality to early education and ensure that no child is left behind because of a lack of basic learning resources.

    What’s more telling is the rate of fund utilisation. Under Garba, fund utilisation has now exceeded 60 percent. That’s a leap from years of stagnation when barely half of the available funds were put to use. The reforms have turned resources into results.

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    But beyond these statistics lies a deeper story: one of access, inclusion, and restored public confidence. We are witnessing increased enrolment rates in places once plagued by empty classrooms. Communities that had written off education as a lost cause are seeing their children return to school, some for the first time. And even where numbers don’t yet tell the whole story, the shift in attitude is undeniable. Teachers are more equipped. Parents are more engaged. The system is learning how to work again.

    This is reform with intentionality. This is execution with empathy.

    Yet, the most commendable part of this transformation is that UBEC isn’t resting on its early wins. The leadership understands that foundational change must be sustained, scaled, and supported across levels. That’s where strategic programmes like HOPE-EDU come into play.

    The HOPE-EDU programme, a 552 million dollar basic education initiative co-financed by the World Bank and the Global Partnership for Education (GPE), represents a bold leap toward addressing the structural gaps in Nigeria’s basic education. UBEC Executive Secretary, Garba, stated that the initiative has a target reach of 29 million children, 500,000 teachers, 65,000 public schools, and 10,000 non-formal learning centres. The programme embodies both ambition and pragmatism.

    UBEC, as the national implementing agency, is providing technical guidance and support to state governments to ensure this programme doesn’t become another well-intentioned policy lost in translation. What makes HOPE-EDU stand out is its clear alignment with real-time needs: Learning outcomes, equitable access, and systems strengthening. It acknowledges that solving Nigeria’s education crisis isn’t just about building more schools. It’s about building better systems to support learning in all its forms.

    The initiative also speaks to the commission’s wider focus on evidence-based governance. Data is being used not just to diagnose the problems, but to tailor solutions in a way that is measurable and scalable. Whether it’s deploying digital tools in underserved regions or distributing culturally relevant textbooks, the goal remains the same: to raise the floor for every learner and make quality basic education non-negotiable.

    In a country where 10.5 million children were once estimated to be out of school, these reforms are nothing short of urgent. But more than urgency, they require consistency, and that’s what the current UBEC administration is delivering.

    By intentionally focusing on foundational learning, Dr. Aisha Garba and her team are reinforcing a truth we too often overlook. There is no tertiary without primary. A solid education system is built from the ground up. The quality of our universities, our workforce, even our governance, rests heavily on how well we teach our children to read, write, think, and question in their earliest years.

    Nigeria’s education woes did not begin overnight, and they will not be resolved overnight. But when a system begins to correct itself, when it learns to be transparent, responsive and efficient, then real transformation becomes achievable.

    And these reforms are not just fixing broken parts. They’re reimagining what basic education can be in this country. They are showing that the Nigerian government can work, that policy can reach people, and that with the right leadership, Nigeria’s education story can change.

    But this momentum must be protected.

    State governments, local communities, school administrators, and even parents must align with this vision. While UBEC can lead from the centre, sustainable change depends on how far states are willing to go to implement these reforms at the grassroots, getting to those who truly need it. The flexibility now built into the system gives them the opportunity and the responsibility to act.

    At its core, the transformation of basic education is not just about numbers. It’s about the girl who now has a computer to learn from. It’s about the child with special needs who can finally interact with lessons in a way that speaks to them. It’s about removing our children from the streets. It’s about drastically reducing the outrageous number of out-of-school children. It’s about the teacher who no longer feels like they’re fighting the system to do their job. And it’s about the millions of children who will walk into school tomorrow because yesterday, someone changed the rules.

    This is not just reform. It’s a declaration that every Nigerian child deserves a fair start in life, and that government has the will and capacity to deliver it.

    If this is what Nigeria has been able to accomplish so far, then one can only imagine what’s still possible with the right people at the helm of affairs.

    And like UBEC rightly put it, we are only just getting started.

    Atobajaye, a writer and education enthusiast writes from Lagos.

  • Indigeneship and the failure of the Nigerian project

    Indigeneship and the failure of the Nigerian project

    By Matthew Alugbin

    The recent legislative attempt to redefine indigeneship in Nigeria, as seen in the now-withdrawn Indigene Status by Birth Bill sponsored by Benjamin Kalu, shows Nigeria’s festering national malaise. Far from being a simple constitutional amendment, the bill and the vehement debate it ignited exposed the failure of Nigeria’s multicultural project. It forces a critical interrogation of how a nation, built from a diverse mosaic of ethnic identities, continues to struggle with the very concept of a unified citizenship, allowing a deeply divisive and exclusionary practice to persist at the heart of its governance and social interactions.

    To understand the weight of this bill, one must first recognise the dual nature of indigenisation itself. In theory, indigene-ship can be a tool for inclusion; it can be a way to grant recognition and rights to long-term residents who have contributed to a community. However, in the Nigerian context, it has overwhelmingly become a powerful instrument of exclusion. It is a mechanism for the mobilisation of collective interests in the fierce and unending struggle for access to scarce resources and the quest for what individuals perceive as their rightful share.

    Historically, the concept of indigeneship, or what could be seen as ancestral identity, served a different purpose in pre-colonial African societies. It was a means for a community to define its identity, reclaim its resources, and assert its rights after periods of political and economic marginalisation, often in the face of external pressures or migrations. It was about preserving cultural heritage and securing a community’s place in the world. In the post-colonial era, however, this noble purpose has largely been corrupted, morphing into a cynical tool primarily focused on the struggle for political power and economic resources.

    In Nigeria, the implications of this modern indigenisation are tangible and widespread, manifesting as a pervasive challenge across multiple sectors. Indigeneity certificates have become a gatekeeping tool, particularly in the public sector. State civil service jobs, appointments to boards, and even elective positions are frequently reserved for “indigenes.” VC-ship positions in universities are determined by favouring “the son/daughter of the soil.” The irony is that these same individuals are full citizens of Nigeria, paying taxes and contributing to the local economy, yet are treated as second-class citizens in the very states they call home.

    The indigeneship challenge also manifests in the education sector through preferential admission policies. State-owned tertiary institutions often have a quota system that favours indigenes, making it significantly harder for “non-indigenes” to gain admission, regardless of their academic performance. This practice not only compromises the meritocratic ideal of education but also reinforces the notion that one’s place of origin is a more important determinant of opportunity than one’s ability or hard work.

    In the midst of this deeply flawed system, the Indigenisation Bill was introduced, seeking to provide a legislative solution. Proponents of the bill saw it as a progressive step towards creating a more unified and inclusive Nigeria. By allowing long-term residents and those born in a state to become indigenes, the bill aimed to break down the ethno-regional barriers that have divided the country for decades. They aim to address the inherent injustice of a system where citizens are discriminated against in their states of residence.

    However, the opposition to the bill was equally fervent, reflecting complexities of Nigerian identity politics. It is deeply ironic that some of the same regions and groups that have been victims of ethnic violence and discrimination also opposed the bill, primarily because they have their own versions of “indigenisation” built into their state policies. Opponents, particularly those in ethnically homogenous regions or economically prosperous urban centres, view the bill as an existential threat. They are driven by the fear that their ancestral homes and cultural heritage could be legislated away in the name of national unity. A prime example is the recurring narrative in Lagos, where the assertion that the city is a “no man’s land” has often been met with fierce resistance from indigenes.

    Beyond the cosmopolitan nature of Lagos, they see the “no man’s land” assertion as a deliberate attempt to erase the history and traditional ownership of the land. This sense of historical custodianship is central to their identity, and any bill that threatens to redefine it is viewed with profound suspicion.

    Opponents envision a scenario where “settlers,” who may have made fortunes from the economic opportunities in their territory, could suddenly be granted equal rights to land and political power. This, in their view, would not only lead to the loss of their cultural identity but also a loss of economic control, as indigenous people could be outspent and outmanoeuvred in their own homes. The Indigenisation Bill, therefore, was not seen as an act of inclusion but as a political weapon that could be used to dispossess them of their heritage and resources, turning them into marginalised strangers in the very places their ancestors founded.

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    Ultimately, the bill was withdrawn, becoming a victim of the very divisions it sought to address. Its failure to pass, however, should not be seen as a victory for its opponents. It is, in fact, a stark indication of Nigeria’s collective failure to define citizenship in terms that transcend ethnic ancestry. The “state of origin” concept, a constitutional anachronism, has become a more potent marker of identity than the national passport. It is impossible to build a cohesive nation with a legal and social framework that institutionalises ethnic and regional divisions.

    The Indigenisation Bill is not the enemy, nor are its proponents. They are merely a reflection of a nation grappling with its foundational identity crisis. The real enemies are the political lords who have, for decades, exploited these divisions for personal and political gain. They have maintained a system of ethnic identity politics because it is a convenient tool for mobilising support and controlling access to state resources. They have no incentive to create a truly unified nation where merit, not ancestry, is the primary criterion for success. These political elites and the corrupt system they uphold are the primary obstacles to Nigeria’s progress and unity.

    The debate surrounding the Indigenisation Bill is not just about a piece of legislation; it is a symptom of a deeper, systemic rot. It shows the ongoing failure of the Nigerian project to move beyond its colonial inheritance and forge a modern, civic nation-state. Until Nigeria can resolve the fundamental question of what it means to be a citizen, a question that demands a re-evaluation of the role of ethnic identity in public life, it will continue to be plagued by the very divisions the bill attempted to heal. The solution is not a single bill; it lies in a fundamental restructuring and redefinition of our national identity. Are we ready to build a system that elevates humanity above the divisive and exclusionary politics of indigene-ship?

    •Alugbin, PhD, teaches at Edo State University, Iyamho

  • Super Falcons and battle of Maroc

    Super Falcons and battle of Maroc

    • By Mike Kebonkwu

    The Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON) championship ended about a fortnight ago in Morocco with the Nigeria’s Super Falcons lifting the coveted trophy. Nigeria paraded the finest of its athletes whose selection was not based on ethno-religious quota system of state of origin; we even had a Nigerian of British parentage who proudly wore the green-white-green. The selection was based on merit, competence and performance.  They put up measured performance which came out golden.  It was the battle of Maroc!  The Super Falcons were high value athletes who earned their reward and appreciation in equally valued currency in dollars. Their spirits were not dampened with two goals down; they were not out and they were not finished.  They were simply focused with determination and national pride.  It was not a miracle but resilience and conviction that earned them victory.  They were set to do honour to our country, to give us something to celebrate. 

    For sure, I am not a football freak!  I have never watched any of their matches or known any of them by name.  I do not even like soccer fans of any club for that matter, local or international; don’t bother to ask me why.  I simply use the same brush for them like some of their religious counterparts, very fanatical.  Don’t even try to go into argument with soccer fans because that too may be settled with broken whisky or beer bottles on someone’s head.   Football is a mega money spinner sport all over the world.  It has attractions of fame and glory with crown of celebrities. Nations can pause in the midst of battle to watch their favourite teams play; that is the power of football. 

    When our Queens of the field, the Super Falcons  conquered Africa in the soccer fiesta that ended in Morocco a fortnight ago, I didn’t even know until I woke up to see the social media space ignited in an inferno  of wide celebrations.  The mood was electrified by the dollar showers from the presidency, gifts of apartment and national award of Order of the Niger (OON).  There appears to be a mood swing for which I do not know the real reason; especially after the announcement of the $100,000 and other perks for the conquering queens of the tribe of Nigeria. They were not Igbo, they were not Hausa/Fulani or Yoruba, they were simply Nigerian team!

    Soccer is a unifier in our ethno-religious divisive country which thrives in nepotism and graft. Experience has shown that when selections and appointments are based on merit and competence, the result is a resilient performance as we saw with the Super Falcons who were two goals down but came back with the trophy in the final. They fought hard and did not relent in the face of the setback. They girls were in their blaze of glory, it was their season. They went, they saw and they conquered! That is power of conviction, determination and patriotism.  We are a soccer loving nation and we are true to its unifying character.  Selections process is straight jacket merit not mediocrity of tribalism.  There were times the squad of the national team both junior and senior teams were dominated by people from one state and nobody had problem with it because they delivered.

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    If we experiment the same process with political appointments and other fields, we will see Nigeria transform into a haven of success and development.  We rather choose to appoint people based on filial bond of ethnicity. We do not seem to have problems with each other; the politicians set us up against one another with wrong narratives for selfish reasons, and we pretend not to know this.  We throw our lots on the wrong person because he is our own even when we know that he cannot deliver. I do not have problem at all with the mega bucks in dollars to the girls.

    We do not have standard reward system but methinks the Super Falcons got deserving rewards in dollars, apartment, national awards and honours.  I expect corporate organizations to host and celebrate them in more windfalls in addition to any signage they may get.  This is the result of hard work and national service.  Nobody should bellyache the dollar rain.  Success has many friends, brothers and sisters but failure is an orphan. If anything, let us first protest the undeserving jumbo salaries and allowances of political office holders and members of the National Assembly. We have youths today who feel that the only way out of poverty and breakthrough is through manipulations of cyber space and internet frauds which they now call FOREX trading.  The message from the Super Falcons celebration is that honest hard work pays.

    By the way, my heart goes out to our Service men and women in the security forces who lay down their lives for us to live in safety. I know some of my comrades in arms from the frontline who are double amputees with other debilitating battle injuries.  They too deserve no less because they put their lives on the line that we may live in safety. I hear that the Air Peace gives recognition to Service personnel boarding their flights.  That is highly commendable, and I hope they extend it to the veterans who also have paid their dues and made sacrifice for the nation. I feel excited when I hear the announcement that people in the Business Class, Service personnel should come and board on Air Peace.

     Every honest work and effort in national service deserves recognition and reward; teachers, doctors etc.  Our reward system is impulsive with no set standard.  What is left to get this country going is what just secured victory for the Super Falcons at the just concluded WAFCON tournament; get the right people to do the job; put round pegs in round holes. 

    The girls deserve everything they are offered and more.  Their names have been written in our minds and in gold which they brilliantly earned from the football fiesta.  What is the lesson from the Super Falcons, if any?  Moving forward, selections and appointments to offices should be based on competence, merit and team spirit, not mediocrity of quota system based on tribalism or state f original or religious consideration.

    •Kebonkwu Esq, an attorney is based in Abuja. He writes via mikekebonkwu@yahoo.com

  • Is the PDP dead in Kwara State?

    Is the PDP dead in Kwara State?

    • By Ibrahim Sukurat

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Kwara State, once a dominant force under the Saraki dynasty, is grappling with a crisis that threatens its very existence. A wave of defections to the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the African Democratic Congress (ADC), coupled with internal divisions and a failure to resonate with voters, has left the party struggling to maintain relevance. The question is whether the PDP in Kwara is dead or merely weakened, capable of revival with the right strategy. A close examination of verified developments, rooted in available evidence, suggests that while the PDP is severely diminished, its complete demise is not yet certain, though its path to recovery is fraught with challenges.

    The PDP in Kwara has suffered significant defections that have eroded its political structure. Former Governor Abdulfatai Ahmed, who served from 2011 to 2019, has reportedly joined the ADC, a move that highlights the PDP’s loss of key allies. Similarly, Gbenga Makanjuola, the PDP’s deputy gubernatorial candidate in 2023, and Dare Bankole, a two-time federal constituency candidate, have defected to the APC. Other notable defectors include Wahab Issa, a former House of Representatives member, and Bolaji Abdullahi, the 2023 PDP senatorial candidate for Kwara Central. These departures, verified through multiple reports, indicate a significant loss of political heavyweights who once sustained the PDP’s influence in Kwara.

    The defections extend beyond the elite to the grassroots level. Local operatives, including ward-level executives and former local government chairmen, have also left, weakening the party’s voter mobilization capacity. The Kwara PDP Transformation Movement has publicly criticized the party’s leadership for marginalizing members, a grievance echoed by defectors who feel side-lined by Bukola Saraki’s inner circle. While the scale of defections is substantial, there is no definitive evidence that the party has lost all its grassroots support, as some loyalists remain active, particularly in areas like Ilorin.

    Bukola Saraki’s influence has been both the PDP’s greatest asset and its Achilles’ heel in Kwara. As a former senate president and two-term governor, Saraki inherited a political dynasty from his father that dominated Kwara for decades. However, his centralized control has alienated key stakeholders. His 2018 return to the PDP, after a stint in the APC, exacerbated tensions among members who felt overshadowed by his loyalists. This lack of internal democracy has driven defections, with figures like those in the Kwara PDP Transformation Movement accusing the leadership of favouritism.

    Saraki’s political base has weakened significantly. Kwara and Kogi, his home states, are now controlled by the APC, with Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq’s administration consolidating power since the 2019 “Otoge” movement, which ended the Saraki dynasty’s grip. The PDP’s poor performance in the 2023 elections, failing to secure major victories in Kwara’s gubernatorial or legislative races, has further diminished Saraki’s influence. Defectors have praised AbdulRazaq’s focus on infrastructure and grassroots development, contrasting it with the PDP’s reliance on Saraki’s fading legacy. However, initiatives like the Abubakar Bukola Saraki Foundation suggest he retains some community goodwill, though these efforts are more tied to his personal brand than the PDP’s revival.

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    The PDP’s struggles in Kwara reflect broader challenges at the national level. The party’s decision to zone its 2027 presidential ticket to the South, as reported by The Nation on August 2, has sparked debate. Potential aspirants include Goodluck Jonathan, Bukola Saraki, Nyesom Wike, Peter Obi, Seyi Makinde, and Akinwumi Adesina. However, the Gbenga Hashim Solidarity Movement has challenged the zoning decision’s legitimacy, arguing it lacks formal approval and could violate constitutional principles. This internal discord mirrors the PDP’s difficulties in maintaining unity, a problem that amplifies local challenges in Kwara.

    Nationally, the PDP has faced setbacks, with defections of figures like Atiku Abubakar to the ADC and losses in states like Delta and Akwa Ibom to the APC. These developments highlight a party struggling to maintain its role as Nigeria’s main opposition. In Kwara, the emergence of the ADC as a third force, attracting figures like Abdulfatai Ahmed, suggests that the PDP is losing ground not only to the ruling APC but also to a new challenger capitalizing on its disarray.

    The PDP’s decline in Kwara is undeniable, but pronouncing it dead may be premature. The party retains a core of loyalists and a historical brand that could, in theory, be leveraged for a comeback. However, its challenges are formidable. The loss of key figures and grassroots structures has crippled its electoral machinery, and Saraki’s dominance continues to stifle new leadership. The APC’s governance under AbdulRazaq, while not flawless, has resonated with voters through tangible projects, making it difficult for the PDP to present a compelling alternative. The ADC’s rise further complicates the PDP’s prospects, as it risks losing both elites and voters to a party unburdened by the PDP-APC rivalry.

    Efforts to stem the tide, such as emergency meetings led by Saraki, have so far failed to address the root causes: internal divisions, lack of inclusivity, and electoral underperformance. For the PDP to revive in Kwara, it would need to decentralize leadership, nurture new talent, and articulate a vision that resonates with a populace disillusioned with dynastic politics. Without these reforms, the party risks further erosion of its base.

    If the PDP is going to survive, Bukola Saraki will need to first understand that the party he has tried so hard to build in his image is no longer about him. He must let his autocratic and selfish ways die first and only out of that fire can a new Kwara PDP arise.  But knowing the man, he probably will never do any of that.

    As the 2027 elections approach, the PDP in Kwara is at a critical juncture. Its current trajectory suggests a party on the brink, almost to the point of being considered entirely extinguished. The defections, while severe, have not eradicated its presence entirely, and pockets of support remain in areas like Ilorin. However, without significant restructuring, the PDP risks becoming a marginal player in a state it once dominated. The rise of the APC and ADC shows a shifting political landscape, where voters prioritize governance over loyalty to old dynasties.

    The PDP’s story in Kwara is a cautionary tale of what happens when a party fails to evolve. Its reliance on Saraki’s influence, once its strength, has become its greatest liability. While the party is not yet dead, it is on life support, and its survival depends on its ability to address internal flaws and reconnect with voters. The 2027 elections will be a litmus test, and unless the PDP can reinvent itself, it risks fading into Kwara’s political history as a relic of a bygone era.

    •Sukurat writes from Ilorin, Kwara State

  • Coalition of strange bedfellows

    Coalition of strange bedfellows

    •  By Sola Ajisafe

    There is no doubt that the political atmosphere in Nigeria is currently high-stakes, despite that the 2027 election still being about two years away. Make no mistake; it will be high drama, yet a lot may not really change in the country’s political spectrum at the end of the day.

    To give further evidence of the rumblings, two events will ultimately affect the political calculation of 2027. One is the death of former president, Muhammadu Buhari, and the second, the resignation of Atiku Abubakar from the PDP. These two issues will have political impacts as we move forward.

     No one needs to be told that the PDP has suffered internal haemorrhage for a very long time, causing it to gasp for breath. The possibility of its survival was dependent on how much the care-givers or those charged with taking care of it could continue to maintain it on an oxygen-induced life support. Unfortunately, the consultants charged with providing the necessary medical support had become uncommitted, self-serving, and compromised.

    The coalition is not any better. It is composed of angry, hungry, battered, and frustrated politicians looking for succour anywhere they can find it. These individuals, who have now found their way into the ADC, pride themselves on coming to rescue Nigeria. It is led by Atiku Abubakar, former vice president – a serial contender for the presidency since 1993.

     There is Peter Obi, another serial contender and serial defector like Atiku. Nasir El-Rufai is a man who has occupied one political office or the other since 1999. His loyalty is based on the position he is offered in any political party or association. Under Obasanjo, he was Director General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises, minister, and later a two-term governor of Kaduna State.

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     Also in the leadership of the coalition is Rotimi Amaechi, whose only known contribution to the Nigerian project is being in political office. He was Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly for eight years, governor for eight years and minister for Transport under President Buhari for almost eight years. He was at various times chairman of the Speakers Forum of Nigeria and Nigerian Governors Forum.

    There are other lesser coalitionists masquerading as rescuers whose lives in public space speak of unenviable achievements that do not qualify them for the least office in the land.

    When we put together these people, starting with Atiku Abubakar, from his presence in the Nigerian Customs Service to his political life as vice president, none of the tasks given to him to handle show him as a man with the capacity that can rescue the Nigerian nation.

    If Peter Obi, El-Rufai, and Amaechi with a combined tenure of 24 years and none of their states –Anambra, Rivers, and Kaduna – could be considered to have given their inhabitants the best in anything, how can we trust them with our future? To return to them under these circumstances is going back to Egypt.

    This leads to the incongruity of their quest to return to political prominence supposedly to rescue Nigeria. The inconsistency and mismatch in their political trajectory or their contradictory ideological posturing and mental capacity make their quest unachievable and unrealisable.

     Let me use Atiku Abubakar as an example. He was the one who head-hunted El-Rufai as the DG of BPE, which was placed under Atiku by President Olusegun Obasanjo. At the end of the day, it ended up as a mess. This was pointedly revealed by El-Rufai in his book “Accidental Public Servant.” In the book, he showed how impossible it was to work with Atiku. 

    El-Rufai himself was served the same breakfast by President Obasanjo in his book “My Watch,” where he described El-Rufai as a disloyal and lying machine. It is a fact that the connecting rod between these elements is not their love for Nigeria or the capacity to do better than the current occupants of political office. They are fired by loss of power, status, and a sustained hatred for President Tinubu.

    I venture to state without mincing words that it would be impossible for this group of people to take the presidency from Asiwaju Tinubu under whatever coalition or banner. The reasons are numerous. One, many of them are driven by personal ambition and the desire to become president at all costs, rather than the ability, capability, and discipline of a potential president of Nigeria.

    For instance, Atiku’s continued search for the presidency has become not only an obsession but a cross that he has to carry for the rest of his life. Unfortunately, much as he has the ambition to wear the lapel of Mr President, he lacks the discipline and strategy to achieve the objective. His inability to have a strong political structure that could make him win an election is legendary. He runs a fragmented, confused, and extremely pliant political structure that is incapable of tying down a presidential ticket in any party.

    He has become a nomadic politician over the years, seeking the best way to get into Aso Rock without setting the right building blocks. For the rest of the coalitionists, they are driven by their overrated assumption of their political value rather than what they actually measure on the political scale.

    For instance, the only effect Amaechi could lay claim to outside his Rivers State is his leadership of the Nigerian Speakers Forum and the Governors Forum. These are his main planks for leadership at the national level. His being a minister added nothing to his national appeal in terms of building bridges.

     El-Rufai has always shown that he is not a friendly and reliable political asset. Not with flawed religious extremism and ethnic exceptionalism.

    On the part of Peter Obi, his quest for the presidency is not based on capacity and national political relevance or past achievement. Rather, it is based more on ethnic and religious sentiments or a sense of entitlement based on ethnic competition.

    In a larger sense, one can see that most of those involved in the opposition or coalition have different reasons for ganging up against the Tinubu government. Many are angry because they could not find a place in the government, some habitual political nomads are looking for a place to excite themselves or exercise their political rights.

    The opposition’s message is not deep enough and is not resonating with the people. As it stands, the coalition will remain a political dead wood.

     As far as I can see, 2027 will be filled with the usual hullabaloo and razzle-dazzle of political activities, but in the end, the ultimate outcome would be a total decimation of the opposition at the polls and a continuation of the Asiwaju presidency. The reason is very simple: aside from the brighter optics in the political horizon, the “centre cannot hold” for the Nigerian opposition parties to make any difference in the 2027 presidential election.

    •Ajisafe, a lawyer, journalist and farmer, writes from Akure, Ondo State

  • The imperative of ethical leadership

    The imperative of ethical leadership

    By Frank Ojeme Anyasi

    Leadership plays a crucial role in shaping the decision-making process within the polity. A true leader enriches, uplifts, and illuminates, fostering an environment where everyone feels not only led, but important, seen, heard, and valued.

    Ethical leadership is defined as “leadership demonstrating and promoting normatively appropriate conduct through personal actions and interpersonal relationships.” Leaders must inspire those around them to behave ethically. They place national interest above personal interest. When they set good examples and behave ethically, they are noticed and emulated. In this way, ethical leaders positively influence others by presenting them with a set of actions they too can adopt for the common good.

    Ethical leadership is essential for credibility and reputation. Becoming a leader is a long-term goal. Unethical behaviour can greatly discredit a leader and damage personal reputation. Additionally, unethical conduct often undermines self-esteem, making it difficult to achieve optimal results or reveal one’s full potential.

    Ethical leaders know their intrinsic values. Knowing oneself is the first trait such leaders must possess. By being clear about their values and principles, they make them visible to others, take a stand, and negotiate from a position of strength. They behave ethically over a long period; reputations are built on repetition. The trust others place in leaders can disappear very quickly if they deviate, even after a history of good conduct. Leaders must continually send signals that they can be trusted.

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    They dare to tackle problems even at the risk of losing popularity. They stand by their convictions. They do not desperately seek fame. Ethical leaders understand that omitting certain details can have serious consequences. They admit mistakes, take responsibility, and communicate their corrective plans when necessary. If things go wrong, they look for solutions and ensure stakeholders are informed. Ethical leaders respond in both good and difficult times. They are the first to show up on stormy days. They guide and help their followers to overcome challenges, knowing they are there to serve the interests of others before their own.

    They act fairly, make tough decisions, and face complex negotiations. They do not fear the people or simply obey popular opinion. Their decisions clearly favour long-term gains. They encourage meritocracy and fair treatment of everyone, regardless of ethnicity, age, or any other factor that may lead to discrimination. They act with integrity and practice what they preach. Their values, discourse, and actions are aligned and visible to all. If they fail, even once, to meet the expectations they set for others, they risk losing both credibility and reputation.

    In the face of prevailing challenges in various spheres of our society, ethical leadership stands as a beacon of hope, steering collective consciousness towards moral rectitude and shared prosperity. As we navigate the complex landscapes of politics and economics, the transformative power of ethical leadership cannot be overemphasised.

    The true leader thus emerges as a guardian of moral integrity, guided by the principled light of righteous conduct, instilling a profound sense of self-worth in others, safeguarding the sanctity of leadership, and inspiring a chain reaction of virtuous behaviour. Leaders who follow their moral compass create environments ripe for growth, self-expression, and the realisation of potential.

    Empathy is the fuel that keeps ethical leadership running. You know your leaders and employees are empathetic when they understand and share the feelings of those around them. Empathetic leaders are skilled at putting themselves in the shoes of others, responding with compassion, and doing all they can to ensure people are heard and valued.

    Creating a culture of ethics and compliance often begins with building empathetic connections, where doing the right thing becomes the everyday norm. Empathetic leadership also involves emotional intelligence: the ability to understand the needs, feelings, and thoughts of others. It means being more person-focused, improving social interactions, fast-tracking conflict resolution, and ultimately ensuring organisational harmony.

    Unfortunately, the attitude of many youths toward leadership is uninspiring. They are politically inactive. For instance, they are yet to fully take advantage of the Not Too Young to Run Act of 2018. Many of them appear distracted and desperate to escape the country rather than contribute to building it.

    Nevertheless, ethical leaders can support the youth by offering personalised guidance and creating a supportive environment. The youth, standing on the shoulders of giants, can become even more effective and visionary in administration.

    There is a Greek proverb that says, “A society grows great when old men plant trees in whose shade they may never sit.” People are often motivated when they understand the benefits of working hard and making daily sacrifices. Anyone who educates children, be it a parent, teacher, or volunteer, knows that change does not happen overnight. One generation plants the tree, and another enjoys the shade. Planting a tree is an act of selflessness, hope, and a lasting gift to the future.

    The Holy Book tells us: “Whoever is generous to the poor lends to the Lord, and He shall repay him for his deed.” Life is not just to be lived but to live meaningfully. Sadly, today’s politics is heavily skewed toward the elderly, those who have the means to fund their political aspirations. Yet this group often prioritises short-term interests over the long-term well-being of their grandchildren.

    We need ethical leaders who will invest in training the younger generation to take over the mantle of leadership. We must prioritise leadership development. The joy of a father lies in the prospect of worthy successors.

  • Buhari as elected president: My verdict

    Buhari as elected president: My verdict

    By Ray Ekpu

    The people who packaged Muhammadu Buhari for sale to the public before the presidential election of 2015 must have been public relations superstars. He wore various attires representing the various tribes of Nigeria and then topped it up with a designer dinner suit and bow-tie, something he neither wore before then nor after that.

    After the election he returned to wearing his long gown or agbada. That return was symbolic. It meant that even though his promoters were telling Nigerians he was ready for change, he symbolically told them he was ready to remain his old rigid self. They told us that as a former military leader he was ready, willing and able to smoke out the Boko Haram terrorists who had given President Goodluck Jonathan and Nigerians hell. We believed them. And when Boko Haram was causing mayhem in various parts of the North and Buhari had no answer, he lamely told Nigerians “Technically, we have won the war against Boko Haram.” Nigerians then had to learn the new meaning of technically to mean “failure.”

    And that is a man who told Nigerians at his re-election victory speech that “you shall be able to go to bed knowing that you are safe.” We went to bed without feeling or thinking or knowing that we were safe because we were not safe. The terrorists had become more ferocious, more violent and more daring. Now we are all at their mercy and they are merciless.

    When Buhari was sworn in as an elected president, many Nigerians thought that having campaigned in all parts of Nigeria four times, he knew enough excellent, seasoned and technologically sound Nigerians to appoint immediately into his cabinet. But it took him six months to pick his team and when he did, we did not find any new faces that were capable of bringing innovations into a country that needed innovations badly. Those Nigerians who thought that he would hit the ground running because of the positions he had held in the past were disappointed as he hit the ground crawling.

    Many people admired Buhari for his simplicity, modesty and his belief in a united Nigeria. Others also believed that he was a man of high integrity who was also principled. As he mounted the saddle these qualities were put to severe test. His admirers were happy that he stopped in their tracks the separatists that had been causing problems in Igboland and Yorubaland in their quest for separate countries. It was obvious that someone who had fought in the Nigerian civil war to keep Nigeria one was not likely to yield an inch of Nigerian soil to the separatists. That was something to give him credit for.

    He has also earned some credit for establishing the railway system in some parts of the country, building roads and bridges and linking them with hitherto inaccessible parts of Nigeria. Of particular importance for people in the Eastern part of the country is the building of the second Niger Bridge to ease the traffic gridlock at the first Niger Bridge.

    For the Niger Delta people, the long awaited Petroleum Industry Bill which he signed into law in 2021 after two decades of pussy-footing by previous governments was a welcome development. Even though only a meagre 3% was approved as community development fund instead of the expected 10%, Buhari deserves some credit for the decision. However, his failure to resolve the Ogoni crisis or to respond positively to the 16-point agenda submitted to him by PANDEF was a source of irritation in the Niger Delta. The only item that he attended to was the University in Delta State.

    Another idea for which he deserves credit was the whistle blowing policy which encouraged citizens to expose corruption for some rewards. Corruption was a major item on his agenda and at the end of his tenure the government said that it had prosecuted and got convicted about 600 corrupt people. But his prosecution of corruption was tepid, very tepid, as there were many corrupt people within his government. Infact, his party leader openly said that anyone who wanted to be free from prosecution for corruption should walk over to the ruling party and his sins would be forgiven. During his inauguration on May 29, 2015 Buhari had said “If we don’t kill corruption, corruption will kill Nigeria.” He did not kill corruption; corruption is still walking on four legs though it has not yet killed Nigeria. But it is doing considerable damage to the psyche and reputation of Nigeria. It is killing Nigeria by installments.

    The most devastating policy of his government was perhaps the change of currency approved by him for the Central Bank to execute. It was a savage policy that brought untold hardship to millions of people. On one occasion I went to a bank to withdraw N100,000. The supervisor said to me: “Mr Ekpu, we are only paying N2,000 but as for you, we can pay you N3,000.” She thought she was doing me a big favour. I sighed and went away. Several people committed suicide when they could not get money out of the system. Some of them set some banks ablaze. The worst condemnation of that government’s policy on the change of currency was that several governors of the ruling party led by the governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai dragged the government and the Central Bank to court. The court ruled in their favour. That is what brought some kind of relief to Nigerians.

    Buhari’s human rights record was eminently atrocious. He violently suppressed freedom in the name of law and order and did not care a hoot what the courts said. The cases of Sheik Ibrahim Elzakzaky and the former National Security Adviser, Sambo Dasuki who were detained for years despite the decisions of various courts that ordered their release. The Dasuki case even went up to the ECOWAS Court which ordered that he should be released. The Buhari government refused to comply. In these two cases Buhari exhibited once again his penchant for tyranny and inflexibility. It is when someone has power that his morality is truly tested. In these two cases among others, Buhari’s morality was tested. He failed the test woefully.

    In October 2020 Nigerians assembled at the Lekki toll gate in Lagos and peacefully protested against police brutality. The government sent soldiers to the place of protest who shot, killed and wounded several people. That was another evidence of cruelty exhibited by the Buhari administration, an indication that even in a democracy peaceful protests were banned.

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    In February 2015, Buhari had a meeting with Nigerians in the United Kingdom. There he made a promise to Nigerians when he said: “We intend to bring back our national carrier, the Nigeria Airways. We shall do this by bringing all the aircraft in the presidential fleet into the Nigeria Airways and within a year increase the fleet to about 20.”

    This is one of the most outstanding failed promises made by Buhari. He stayed for eight years without even mentioning it again and a few days to his departure there were noises about bringing the Ethiopian Airline to come and help Nigeria to establish a national carrier. It all ended like a bar room gossip by drunkards. Today, Nigeria does not have a national carrier. That promise has refused to fly away.

    Also for eight solid years the four refineries owned by the federal government stayed unoperational. Nigeria, an oil producing country was exporting crude oil but importing petroleum products, what an irony? Buhari did not get the refineries repaired and did not get them sold, and did not build new ones. Nigeria remained at the mercy of shylock marketers who corruptly inflated the prices of the petroleum products astronomically. In such matters he was clearly weak, very weak, an insensitive, a very insensitive leader who for eight years played the laid-back game.

    Buhari was accused by some critics of nepotism in his appointments. Some critics also accused him of ethnic and religious irredentism particularly because he failed or refused to rein in Fulani herdsmen who were attacking farmers and destroying their farmlands with their cattle. Instead of seeking to establish ranches for the herdsmen, Buhari thought the solution was to discover grazing routes that herdsmen used in the 40s and 50s. He then discovered that was not a viable solution to the problem because these grazing routes had been overtaken by development.

    For a man who was touted as being a nationalist and a patriot you would expect that he would seek to hand-over power to a southerner. Bola Tinubu, who helped him to get elected was interested. His deputy, Yemi Osinbajo was also interested. He ignored both men and went for another northerner, Ahmed Lawan who was then the Senate President. Did his action show that he believes in one Nigeria? Maybe he believed in one Nigeria that would be in the pocket of the north. The good thing is that some wise northern governors opposed the idea. That way what would have been a serious problem for Nigeria was averted.

     Buhari’s age and ailments were a source of irritation for him. He was away for medical treatment in the United Kingdom for a total of 225 days. If he knew he wasn’t well, why did he not throw in the towel? The reason is that power is sweet, extremely sweet. His health was a handicap, so was his age.

    It is fair to say that in those eight years he must have done his best. But was his best good enough for Nigeria? My verdict. No.

  • The nature of history

    The nature of history

    By Oluwole Ogundele

    Despite the seemingly simple character of history, its epistemological underpinnings are too profound to be wished away. In other words, history is ontologically complex. However, sophisticated research methodologies and theoretical constructs are capable of reducing to some degree, historical subjectivity. History is basically about reconstructing or re-enacting facets of the past of a people through time and space. This entails consulting a wide range of sources such as written laws, unwritten but literate rules and regulations (oral traditions and oral history), photographs, pictorial records, newspapers and official records from institutions like the national archives and national museums. However, this popular history (knowable past) cannot be neatly separated from the investigator/writer. This type of history is enshrined in unfettered subjectivism.

    The second form of history (unknowable past) is not reachable. It is characterised by unknowability. Therefore, for sustainable peace to begin to reign supreme, every nation, community or family must understand and appreciate the epistemological crises that define history. This awareness is critical to human progress on a sustainable scale. Unknowable history represents the truth about particular past events as well as those who participated in them. This truth cannot be polluted via the lens of smelly politics or personal aggrandisement. As a matter of fact, this type of history is unforgetful, unforgiving, silent and incorruptible. Big politicians and their business friends across the board cannot bribe it.

    However, we can move towards it in the face of uncommon integrity as well as the application of fine-grained theoretical constructs. Let me state it here again, that nobody can fully re-enact unknowable history.  Unknowable history is monitoring all of us especially the leaders and to some extent, the gullible followers. Consequently, no amount of praise singing and spiritless approval of weak, gluttonous leadership can change the verdict of history. 

    While it is normal to write our autobiographies and commission experts (or sometimes professional praise singers) to craft biographies for us, we should not forget that most of these publications are always full of inaccuracies and lies. Luckily, all these will crumble away with the passage of time. This is the beauty of truth, represented by unknowable history.  In other words, most of the vanity autobiographies and biographies are going to be treated like a bunch of trash in the long run. Truth will prevail, no matter how long.

    This is the major reason why leaders and their uncritical sympathisers have to appreciate the fact that the world is a school. Power does not last forever! According to one of the popular Yoruba epistemologies, “the annual masquerade festival only lasts for a few days, and the frying and eating of beans cake (locally called akara) necessarily come to an end.”  Therefore, “the power brokers” today, have to be responsive to the needs and/or sensitivities of the led.

    Most books being published for or by the leadership class members suffer from misjudgements and misapplications on a monumental scale. They (the books) are too selective and jaundiced to serve as intellectual materials for robust humanity. Those writers or owners of such books assume very wrongly, that every Nigerian has a memory like a sieve. Everybody pretends that he was a saint while holding a political office or offices. In the process, many critical points defining a particular historical event are deliberately glossed over. This is the chaotic nature of knowable history.

    Thus, for example, the Nigerian civil war between 1967 and 1970 happened because of certain reasons. The war was fought. Casualties happened on both sides. These among other things, are historical facts that can never be fully captured or narrated by any human being, no matter the hugeness of his historical scholarship or intellectual capacity. Many books have been written by Nigerians and foreigners about this unfortunate phenomenon. Their perspectives naturally differ. More books on this subject matter will be written in the future. But all of them are versions of a single event or a set of events. It is too easily forgotten, that no one can write the story of the Nigerian civil war in its entirety. Only a story or history as opposed to the story of this event can be written by him. This is due to the several epistemological crises staring everybody in the face like a dreadful monster.

    This time-tested reality applies to all other historical reconstructions. It is the nature of man to gloss over or exaggerate certain pieces of information when documenting a historical event. But the unknowable history patiently waits for the right time to shatter the myth of self-glorification among other things. Truth is immutable!

    The iconic Yoruba film entitled, Sawooro Ide produced some years ago by late Professor Akinwunmi Isola and his vibrant team of actors and actresses, gains its relevance in this context. Pa Faleti (who acted in the film) was an elderly man with uncommon wisdom in the king’s palace. He was always advising the reckless, gluttonous chiefs (ministers in the modern political hierarchy) to have a rethink. But unfortunately, these chiefs whose ears had been blocked with cotton wool by Satan, never listened to Pa Faleti. Foreign investors were cheaply tapping the natural resources of the kingdom, having bribed the local political authorities while the masses groaned. These investors were indeed, the neo-colonialists rubbishing Nigeria’s independence and economic prosperity. At last, the bubble burst in the kingdom! Therefore, today’s “power brokers” must learn from the past, in the interest of the common good.

    It is a fact, that no amount of eulogisation of the political leaders who have short-changed and raped Nigeria, can pollute or destroy unknowable history. When those who have thoroughly abused their power are tired, then history will certainly expose them. Therefore, publishing huge numbers of vanity, nauseating, prostituted biographies and autobiographies almost on a monthly basis, cannot and will not stop the truth. It is just a matter of time!

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    According to a popular Yoruba proverb, “pounded yam prepared about 20 years ago will still remain very hot”.

    All categories of leaders need to begin to do a rethink. There are consequences for their actions and activities beyond the understanding of humanity. Those that have served or are currently serving humanity robustly, will be celebrated by history. Indeed, their descendants and the society (as a whole) will necessarily be proud of them. On the other hand, those who are stealing the commonwealth, as if they have surrendered their souls to Satan, will not escape the wrath of Providence.

    Nobody can deceive ideal history (unknowable history) despite its silent nature. Salute to history, the last hope of the masses who are always being shabbily treated by the political class! If indeed, every public office holder was a saint, then who paralysed Nigeria? The led are tired of the unbridled hypocrisy of most members of the leadership class. We need sanity in our land which is painfully enmeshed in disorientation of huge proportions.  If truth be told, Nigeria is sinking into the abyss of monumental lies and deception.  Consequently, peace and economic development remain a mirage. PBAT has to start a cultural revolution as the clock ticks.

    •Prof Ogundele is of Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan

  • Single-day elections

    Single-day elections

    Members of the House of Representatives are reported to be mulling an amendment to the electoral law that will alter the pattern of elections in this country from the staggered mode to a unified mode, whereby all elections will hold on a single day. There are five polls in the general election cycle – three at the national level namely into the Presidency, Senate and House of Representatives, and two at the state level into the governorships and state houses of assembly. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) also conducts elections into area councils of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) in line with the tenure of those councils.  

    Until now, the national elections were held on a day and the state elections on another day some fortnight later. Under the amendment being sought, all the elections will hold simultaneously on the same day. The proposal is contained in “A bill for an Act to repeal the Electoral Act No. 13, 2022 and to enact the Electoral Act 2025 to regulate the conduct of Federal, State and Area Councils in the Federal Capital Territory elections and for related matters,” which has scaled second reading in the green chamber. Sponsored by the chairman of the House Committee on Electoral Matters, Bayo Balogun (APC, Lagos), the bill has a slew of other proposals that will alter parameters of the legal framework as presently obtained.

    Section 27 of the proposed amendment prescribes that elections at all levels be held not earlier than 210 days and not later than 30 days before the expiration of the tenure of occupants of an office, adding that “where a vacancy occurs in any of the houses mentioned in sub-section (1) more than 90 days before the date of the general election, an election shall be held to fill such vacancy not later than 30 days after the occurrence of the vacancy.” The 2022 Electoral Act in subsection (1) of Section 28 mandates INEC to publish notice of election 360 days before the conduct of an election, and in subsection (3) stipulates that in the case of a by-election, the notice is to be published not later than 14 days before the date appointed for the election. The proposed amendment provides that “without prejudice to subsections (1) and (3) above, apart from off- cycle elections, all the elections shall hold the same day.”

    If the proposed amendment to the Electoral Act gets enacted into law, it should oblige INEC to conduct unified general elections rather than the two-tiered polls it conducted hitherto. The 1999 Constitution in sections 76 (1), 116 (1), 132 (1) and 178 (1) stipulates that elections to the two National Assembly chambers, state houses of assembly, offices of the President and state governors “shall be held on a date to be appointed by the Independent National Electoral Commission.” But the 2010 alteration to all those sections inserted “in accordance with the Electoral Act” immediately after the word “commission,” thereby tying INEC’s exercise of its constitutional prerogative of appointing dates for elections to provisions of the Electoral Act. This should make the proposed amendment in the Act binding on the electoral body.

    Opinions differ, of course, on the desirability of adopting the one-day model. Some political actors considered it welcome because of its potential to drastically cut the cost of elections and eliminate the typical ‘bandwagon effect’ of national elections outcomes on state polls conducted in their aftermath. But others argued that single day elections could unduly overwhelm INEC, impair its operational efficiency and allow greater opportunities for rigging by electoral desperados. This would be besides that voters themselves could get confused by the multiplicity of choices they would have to make in all the elections that would confront them. It makes it even less appealing that lawmakers are considering the change for the 2027 general election when all stakeholders would have had little time to adjust to the new pattern.

    Both sides have valid points. But first, let’s get what the proposed model is not. Some people voiced the fear that the proposal could take away INEC’s statutory power to fix dates of elections. That isn’t true. It shouldn’t be taking away the electoral commission’s  power to appoint dates for elections because INEC will yet schedule polls within the time frame set in the law even if they hold on a single day.

    Next, a dispassionate analysis of implications of the single day election model. By the way, the model is a global best practice adopted by countries like the United States, Sweden, Belgium and Germany, even Ghana and Sierra Leone in our own sub-region. The model is presently being vigorously canvassed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India – the world’s largest democracy that is typically in perpetual election mode by virtue of its federalised structure and staggered elections involving nearly a billion eligible voters. Many of these countries run successful electoral systems that recommend the model.

    The biggest argument for holding simultaneous elections is cutting election costs, both on the part of the election body and the political actors. For the current staggered model, INEC engages poll workers twice for its 176,846 polling units nationwide and pays them; so also it renders material support to security operatives involved in the poll twice. Even before election day, expenses are duplicated. The electoral commission  warehouses sensitive materials for a particular election year twice at the Central Bank on Nigeria at substantial costs, and it operates its Registration Area Centres (RACs) for onward deployment to the polling units twice. Meaning associated logistics are laid out and funded twice. Little wonder the commission had a N355billion budget for the 2023 general election, and it’s likely that wasn’t just all the money spent.

    Same scenario applies to the political actors who have to engage with processes of the general election twice, including posting agents at the polling units and collation centres. Inability to pay the way compels most parties to go without representation at critical junctures of the electoral process where their interest could be shortchanged. Election observation missions too deploy their personnel twice, with those from outside the country forced to quarter those agents in hotels for the two-week interval between the national and state polls.

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    INEC may need to speak for itself about the fear it could be overwhelmed with all elections holding on a single day. But it seems commonsensical enough that the argument about system overload and possible collapse is unfounded, since the electoral body wouldn’t be doing anything extra beyond what it presently does pertaining to election day other than add on the ballot papers and boxes for state elections to those of national elections. Electoral bodies in other climes made the switch successfully in recent history. Indonesia, the world’s third largest democracy, held the largest single-day election anywhere on the planet in April 2019 when the country, for the first time since its transition to democracy, gave more than 192 million registered voters an opportunity to select a new president and Legislators at national and provincial levels at the same time. Previously, the two elections were held three months apart. With an average of 300 voters per polling station, each voter was issued five ballots and voting closed at about 1:00p.m., though ballot sorting and counting continued late into the night. The country repeated the feat in February 2024 without the system collapsing on the General Election Commission of Indonesia (KPU). There is no reason it should collapse on INEC.

    Some people argued that holding the general election on one day would leave the electoral commission idle for four years in-between the election cycle. But that is evidently non-sequitur, because the difference to the present system is only to eliminate the fortnight interval between the national and state elections. INEC presently conducts electoral activities nearly all-year round owing to many elections and by-elections that fall outside the election cycle. Those off-cycle polls will yet be there even if the general election were to hold on a single day.

    The elephant in the room is the average voter’s adaptability to make enlightened choices in all of the elections that will confront him/her on one day. But that is where intensive voter education comes in – not only by the electoral body but also other stakeholders like the political parties. Mob parades at mass rallies do not serve the end of voter education. Political parties and their candidates would need to calibrate messages about their aims in power in ways that voters would clear-headedly see the merit and make enlightened choices and not ride on primordial adrenalin.

    It should be obvious that such culture isn’t fully cultivable between now and the 2027 poll. That is what makes the timeline proposed in the Reps’ amendment unrealistic. The change should rather be targeted at the 2031 general election.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation

  • Day Prof. Adewole dissected higher education in FUTA

    Day Prof. Adewole dissected higher education in FUTA

    • By Sunday Saanu

    The 14th Registry Annual Lecture of The Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA), which was recently held at Obafemi Awolowo hall of the university, was not only picturesque in form, scrumptious in taste, but spectacular in substance, with a cultural group welcoming guests with drums, songs and dances, thus, generating hype, hoopla, and hysteria! The carnivalesque lecture which saw both staff and students of the university; turning out in resplendent corporate outfits, with their ties and scarfs adorning their enviable appearances, spoke to the seriousness they attached to the event.

        The well decorated hall, with effective sound system, as well as the courtesies with which the organizers welcomed and ushered guests into the venue of the event was amazing-a tell tale of proper planning and preparations. FUTA Registrar, Mr. Charles Olusegun Adeyeye had proudly informed the gathering that the idea of Annual Registry Lecture started in 2009 at Akure before other universities in Nigeria jumped on the bandwagon. Excellent! FUTA deserves kudos for mooting a novel idea, but it can not  monopolize it. There is nothing bad in copying a good idea.

        However, this 14th edition of the FUTA’s Lecture series was entitled “The Conundrum of  Leadership Emergence in Nigerian Higher Education Institutions: The Missing Links”. The guest lecturer was a one-time Vice Chancellor of University of Ibadan, and a former Health Minister, Prof. Isaac Folorunso Adewole. FUTA would not just invite anyone to mount the rostrum, rather, it carefully selects its guest lecturers mainly consisting system administrators, including Vice Chancellors , Registrars and influential Nigerians from diverse backgrounds.

         In her welcome address, FUTA Vice Chancellor, Prof. Adenike Temidayo Oladiji had observed that certain salutary traditions in the university system in Nigeria “are beginning to evaporate, hence, the need to interrogate not just the nature of leadership in our universities, but also the processes and principles that inform its emergence”, adding that “FUTA as a university remains committed to building a culture of principled leadership, rooted in integrity, professionalism, and academic excellence. According to her, “Our processes continue to evolve to reflect global best practices in university governance. The Registry, in particular, remains central to this transformation as it anchors the administrative life of the university and ensures that due process is kept in focus in the scheme of things”

         Mounting the rostrum to deliver the lecture, Prof. Adewole, a cerebral scholar of uncommon standing, called on government to stop establishing new universities until the existing ones are on sound footing. In his words: “There should be a moratorium on the establishment of new universities by the government until established ones are on sound footing. Let us expand the first-generation universities first in a phased strategic approach to increase access to higher education. To buttress his argument, Prof. Adewole in his flowing sky-blue agbada; cited The University of Cairo, which he said has a student population of 207, 853, the figure he noted; was at least six times that of the University of Ibadan.

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          Traveling through the past, Prof. Adewole whose lecture was intermittently punctuated by applause from the appreciative audience also condemned the continuous interference of the federal government and its agencies in the administration of university system, saying “National Universities Commission (NUC) should restrict itself to accreditation and quality assurance only”. He recommended that campus unions should negotiate with the governing councils, and not the federal government, pointing out that autonomy must be complete and total in words, spirit, and actions.

        The former Health Minister who was brilliantly emitting knowledge like the sparks given off from the welders’ oxyacetylene lamp argued that as long as the salaries of full-time university lecturers cannot support a middle-class lifestyle, the development of universities may be impossible in Nigeria and most African countries,  stressing that most governments pay university lecturers salaries that can hardly cover their households. According to the former UI boss, “In Nigeria, for example, the highest- paid professor earns less than USD 500 per month. The workload for university lecturers is so heavy that they have little time to conduct thorough research” He added: “Teaching at satellite campuses or participating in revenue-generating activities that divert attention from academic and research priorities cannot foster the  values that support and sustain Universities”

        On weak infrastructure and policies in the university system, Prof Adewole who kept the audience spellbound by his brilliant oratory, delivered in measured cadence stated that “Many Universities lack essential academic and research infrastructure, including laboratories,specialized equipment,spacious libraries with current journals and books ,and effective systems for storing, retrieving and utilizing information. He also noted that “Continuous access to high-speed internet is another critical support that most institutions, unfortunately, lack. Additional barriers include the absence of policies that promote academic and research activities, including efficient research management systems, and a shortage of suitable incentives to recognize and reward high-quality research”

     On funding the university, the guest lecturer who was accorded all the accouterments of a celebrity asserted that “Each university must actively seek diverse ventures to increase its internally generated revenue, thereby enhancing resilience and sustainability”. In Nigeria, according to him, “nearly all internally-generating enterprises are inactive, and they need to be reactivated and improved with more viable and internationally recognized money-making ventures. Such strategies include forming economic partnerships with the private sector”

     To restore standards and quality in university education, he advised that “African countries must depoliticize education, reintroduce it, and deregulate it, pointing out that what costs nothing is worth nothing, and what carries a price has value” In his words: “Universities should receive an annual grant from the Federal Government based on their student load and the number of courses offered. The Governing Council should therefore determine salaries as they deem fit and charge appropriate fees, subject to a particular ceiling. Loans and scholarship should be restored and sustained”

          Speaking on the appointment of a new Vice Chancellor, Prof. Adewole remarked that the process of appointing Vice-Chancellors was a complex one, maintaining that statutory guidelines exist, the reality often involves a combination of strict selection procedures and behind-the -scenes lobbying. “Successful vice-chancellors are typically those who can balance academic excellence with political acumen, resource mobilization, and effective stakeholder engagement. Sometimes, the process becomes unpredictable, leading to the appointment of an acting Vice-Chancellor. The appointment of an acting vice-chancellor has also become problematic, often requiring intervention from the Ministry of Education”, he said.

     “The Governing Council should carefully review the appointment of Vice-Chancellors and other key officials. This role requires creativity, energy, and tact. In all these areas , adopting a new approach is crucial. The time between the appointment and the beginning of duties should be dedicated to orientation and training, helping the new VC perform effectively in a role they may not yet be fully prepared for. This period should also focus on developing a strategic plan with clear, measurable objectives”, he added.

        Clearly, his arguments were breathtaking in their range and reach, as his delivery was magisterial and compelling. Indeed, the truth got told. But will the authorities listen? Only time will tell. The lecture which drew representatives from the neighboring universities including University of Ibadan, Obafemi Awolowo University, University of Benin, Federal University of Agriculture Abeokuta, Joseph Ayo Babalola University, Osun state university among others later saw the participants treated to a quality hospitality. It was indeed a well organized event.

    • Saanu, Ph.D in Cultural and Media Studies is with University of Ibadan. He can be reached on 08034073427. Email: sundaysaanu@gmail.com