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  • Obi’s one term promise, a deception

    Obi’s one term promise, a deception

    sir: Nigeria’s constitution approves a two term of four years each totalling eight years if an incumbent president wins a re-election, but if he loses re-election, he vacates office for the winner to take over.

    In 2015, former president, Goodluck Jonathan lost re-election to late president, Muhammadu Buhari, who won and invariably took office as president. This is a constitutional imperative. A one term presidency as former Labour Party Presidential candidate, Peter Obi, recently touted is unconstitutional and is a recipe for crisis.

    Former first Nigerian President, Nnamdi Azikiwe once said: “I have my mind, and I can change my mind”; isn’t it my mind? Virtually all politicians are in this mould and characteristics, whereby they believe they are at liberty to renege over political promises.

    In 2015, in spite of overwhelming persuasions cum moral suasions, former president, Goodluck Jonathan, threw in the towel because of the monumental constitutional odds that were against him. And of course, as a Christian, he feared God and the consequential outcomes of stabbing the constitution at the back.

    Some northern oligarchy and stakeholders are perhaps proposing Obi as a vice president and are probably behind his idea of a one term presidency while the vice president would take over the presidency to begin a new eight year term for the north.

    Yet there is nothing in Peter Obi’s political trajectory and pedigree to show any iota of honesty and sincerity other than he seems too desperate to become president, even if it means throwing the nation into another monumental crisis and even another civil war.

    In 2023, he took the generality of the Nigerian youths at the jugular and by utter surprise, because they saw him as representing one of them. It will be an uphill task to believe or think he can repeat such phenomenal political stroke, not with what President Bola Tinubu has succeeded doing in just two years in office for the Nigerian youth.

    Read Also: Obi in dilemma over 2027 presidential ticket

    It will take a herculean task to dislodge the APC from power come 2027, not with the series of defections, and the real fundamental grip that the Tinubu government has displayed over the economy. Even though wisdom is no respecter of age, yet wisdom is a respecter of experience because you don’t acquire experience by studying but by doing over time and this is where the APC leader seems to beat all his competitors for the presidency.

    Nigerian electorate are not fools and they know what the current government has done these past couple of years which former regimes have been unable and they won’t allow this opportunity to slip them or trade it at the altar of political expediency or deception. 

    • Sunday Olagunju, Ibadan, Oyo State
  • Averting the gathering storm at NNPCL

    Averting the gathering storm at NNPCL

    By Dan Aibangbe

    The NNPC remains the life-blood of the Nigerian economy in terms of governmental revenue earnings as well as fuel for industrial and domestic productivity. The successes and failures resulting from the activities of this mega – corporation have far – reaching effects on the entire populace. No wonder, everyone is keenly interested in every bit of whisper relating to this entity.

    The bane of this money spinner income determinant and blood of the nearly mono-product economy is its notorious opacity, endemic corruption and legendary inefficiencies that are anathema to the private sector. The figures being bandied around are earth-quacking and heart-rending, for an economy plagued by ‘multidimensional poverty’. Things have gone so bad that the natural reaction to any further news or rumours of corruption is the lynch-them attitude of the hardship-infested citizenry.

    For close to an ‘eternity’, the hopes of citizens and in fact regional populace have been dashed, with Nigeria being unable to supply the energy needs of her citizens and neighbouring West African nations. Lack of refinery capacity, huge draw-down on foreign exchange, poor distribution logistics, subsidy-induced smuggling, oil-theft, carnage from the mobile bombs called petrol tankers, environmental degradation from spillages, etc. are among the myriad of problems. The quantum increases in price of PMS releases price shocks unto the entire economy, so much so that everyone from middle-class down are financially anaemic today. There is pervasive hardship across the land.

    Every successive administration has been making feeble attempts to tackle or ameliorate the challenges, with little or no significant successes, until the present ‘Renewed Hope’ administration boldly bit the bullet and yanked-off the major artery feeding the corruption behemoth – subsidy! Today, the story is changing rapidly – Nigeria is transiting from being a major importer of refined petroleum products to a major exporter. Trust the private sector to respond to positive stimuli in such lucrative scenarios. The moribund refinery licences are springing to life, with additional new projects initiated to add more than 900,000 bpd to the basket. The Dangote Refinery, for instance, is now a noticeable disruptor of the energy value-chain in Africa and Europe!

    Read Also: Glamour, royalty on display as Eribake is presented as Lions District 404 B2 Nigeria Governor

    However, the problems with the NNPC appear intractable! The so-called refineries Turn-Around Maintenances, TAM continue to be a mirage and money guzzling Godzilla of sorts! Most recently, a monumental scam emerged, when the touted successful refurbishment of the Port-Harcourt refineries ended up as a monumental hoax that failed to produce any refined product! This resulted in the eventual unceremonious exit of the penultimate GMD, Mele Kyari, the longest serving GMD, who successfully transited the entity from the corporation to the Limited Liability Company in July, 2022. At the time of his removal in April, he was just three months short of six years in the saddle and the longest tenure at the helms of affairs. Among his major achievements were his longevity in office, his monumentally corrupt tenure, his ability to deceive the entire nation on the success of an unsuccessful TAM and the recurrent inflated import figures that resulted in massive subsidy claims.

    Along came the announcement of sweeping changes that saw the exit of the entire management team and Board of the NNPCL. The nation heaved a sigh of relief that at last, the government finally meant business with the business of petroleum energy supply and free market that engenders growth and rapid investments by the private sector. The clean sweep came with the selection of what insiders in the sector saw as the Dream-Team, consisting of great technocrats of the oil sector.

    Fast-forward to August 1, the NNPCL GMD/CEO, Bayo Ojulari was rumoured to have submitted his resignation letter written from an undisclosed location. This is coming barely 120 days into office, during which he has established new footprints of accountability, transparency, efficiency, and profitability in the NNPCL. Ojulari has been unapologetically focused on delivering a company that can compete globally through innovations in cost optimization, digital transformation, new revenue streams and improved stakeholder engagement.

    Ojulari is tightening most leakages by ramping up financial disclosures, project due diligence, and procurement transparency, closing the loopholes that have historically enabled billions in revenue losses. The workforce is being professionalized through merit-based appointments, performance audits, and executive accountability. The previous structure where loyalty and patronage superseded competence is being dismantled.

    Ojulari, a globally respected Petroleum Engineer and Strategist with more than three decades of experience in the Oil & Gas industry, has managed complex upstream and integrated energy projects. Before assuming office at the NNPCL, he had carved a legacy for himself at Shell Nigeria Exploration and Production Company (SNEPCo), where he led deep-water operations and championed local content development. He had put in decades of meritorious service chequered with great results within the industry and in many organisations since his debut at Elf Aquitaine as the first Nigerian process engineer before joining Shell in 1991. His career path also spanned the Middle-East and Europe.

    Sadly but expectedly, some industry operatives are now going for the jugular of Bashir Ojulari. Within just four months in the saddle, the touted knight-in-shinning-armour is being painted as a villain. The people are making a masterpiece of the absurd and turning a treasure into graffiti! The long and short of it is that they want Ojulari to go! Their tactics is to turn him into an enemy of the powers that be!

    Nigeria cannot afford to shatter the renewed hope for a sanitised, efficient and profitable national oil company comparable to Saudi’s ARAMCO and the Brazilian PETROBRAS. Nigeria needs to have a new day and truly Renewed Hope today.

    •Aibangbe is a Media & Public Relations Consultant

  • Sloppy WAEC

    Sloppy WAEC

     Like Coach Fanny Amun’s famous coinage that stuck though he later denied using the exact phrase, the West African Examination Council (WAEC) ‘wombled and fumbled’ to declaring the results of the 2025 West African Senior School Certificate Examinations (WASSCE). The council, last week, published an outcome on which it shortly after backpedalled. On Friday, it announced that 62.96 percent of candidates who sat the examination obtained credit scores and above in a minimum of five subjects including English Language and Mathematics. Earlier in the week, it reported 38.32 percent success rate, which would have been the worst outcome posted by the council in that examination in over a decade.

    The exam body reported that a total of 1,969,313 candidates sat the examination conducted between 24th April and 20th June, 2025, out of 1,973,365 candidates that registered across 23,554 recognised secondary schools in Nigeria. The examination also held in schools operating the Nigerian curriculum in Benin Republic, Côte d’Ivoire and Equatorial Guinea.

    Head of Nigeria National Office of WAEC, Dr. Amos Dangut, said at a press parley in Lagos on Friday that 1,794,821 candidates – representing 91.14 percent – obtained credit and above in a minimum of five subjects with or without English Language and Mathematics. In a relief to candidates and parents, among other stakeholders, he added that 1,239,884 candidates (62.96 percent) obtained five credits including English Language and Mathematics. This revised up the figures he posted on Monday, namely that 1,718,090 candidates (87.24 percent) obtained credit scores and above in a minimum of five subjects with or without English Language and Mathematics, while only 754,545 candidates (38.32 percent) obtained credit and above in at least five subjects including English Language and Mathematics. The new tally reflected a 9.16 percentage point drop in performance compared with the 72.12 percent success rate in the 2024 edition, but was better than the 33.8 percentage point difference reported on Monday.

    Dangut, at the Friday briefing, owned up to an error in the marking of serialised papers, which led to a misrepresentation of candidates’ performance. Earlier, he had linked candidates’ poor performance this year to the council’s efforts to curb malpractice, saying one of the key measures introduced was the serialisation of objective test question papers in Mathematics, English Language, Biology and Economics, which made it difficult for candidates to cheat. “This approach drastically reduced the incidence of collusion and made examination malpractice more difficult. We observed a dip in the performance in objective papers, but essay papers remained consistent with previous years. It’s a strong signal that candidates must rely on their own preparation,” he had said on Monday.

    Read Also: Abuja Original inhabitants: Nigeria urged to ratify ILO Convention on indigenous people

    On Friday, however, he acknowledged that during post-examination reviews, it was discovered that the English Language Objective Test (Paper 3) was scored using incorrect keys due to a wrongly assigned serialised code file. “We investigated and discovered that a serialised code file was wrongly used in the printing of the English Language Objective paper. This resulted in them being marked with incorrect answer keys. It is important to note that candidates who wrote the exams using the computer-based mode were not affected,” he explained.

    Of the total number of candidates, WAEC said 1,763,470 candidates (89.55 percent) had their results fully processed, while 205,916 (10.45 percent) had one or more subjects pending owing to technical issues. The examination body assured that efforts were underway to conclude processing and release of outstanding results shortly. Meanwhile, results for 191,053 candidates (9.7 percent) were withheld for various offences including use of mobile phones by candidates and group cheating. This marked a slight improvement on the 2024 edition where 11.92 percent of the results were withheld. “WAEC will continue to sanction all cases of examination malpractice. All hands must be on deck to sanitise the system,” Dangut stressed.

    At the briefing on Monday, the examination body had found some ground for chest-thumping, with the council boss noting that the 2025 WASSCE marked the beginning of transitioning to computer-based testing (CBT) of school candidates, as they were allowed to choose between the traditional paper-and-pencil mode or the CBT mode. “This year’s exam placed us as a foremost examining body to have conducted an achievement test using a computer-based format,” he said, adding that WAEC was preparing to fully digitalise the examination process for school candidates by 2026, following after the transition in school certificate examination sat by private candidates that is in its second edition. The mood on Friday was, however, far from being exultant as Dangut offered an unreserved apology to stakeholders. “We acknowledge the emotional ordeal that candidates, parents, teachers, school administrators, ministries of education and the media must have endured. This is a trying time for us at WAEC. We are doing everything we can to ensure this dismal situation does not recur,” he said.

    It is true that the current generation of pupils are no longer studious and aren’t primed for academic excellence like past generations. But it is also debatable that the high failure rate in this year’s WASSCE owes mainly to inability of candidates to cheat as WAEC argued. The council’s operational competence was as well a major culprit. There were at least two occasions in May when pupils wrote examinations with dim illumination at nightfall. Most notable was on 28th May when candidates in Lagos, Oyo, Osun, Ogun, Kwara, Benue and Taraba states, among others, sat Parts II and III (Objectives and Theory) of the English Language paper till about 9p.m. on the average and close to midnight in Taraba particularly. The candidates had taken Part I of the paper (Oral English) in the morning and were waiting to sit the remainder in the early afternoon, only to encounter a delay by which the question paper did not arrive most centres until dusk. In most places, centres were illuminated with phone torches and other makeshift lamps to enable the pupils to write exams at nightfall.

    Way back from then, the poor outcome of the examination was a debacle foreseen. But WAEC did not deem it necessary to remediate as school proprietors, teachers and parents, among other stakeholders, canvassed. On the day of the nighttime exam, for instance, a teacher in Osun was reported saying: “It is a frustrating experience. We never planned to stay this late, but officials of WAEC insisted the exam should be held today. We had to use phone torchlights to illuminate the hall. There may be mass failure in the subject due to this. Many parents have been calling us about the whereabouts of their children, we had to explain to them about the change (of schedule). We started the exam at 7p.m. and ended by 9p.m.” A school proprietress in Taraba confirmed that her pupils finished their exam at midnight and voiced her concern over the emotional and physical toll on the students, many of who waited in school throughout the day. “As teenagers, they needed to be well-fed and in the right frame of mind to write such a critical paper. I had to take full responsibility for their welfare,” she said. The proprietress alleged poor logistical arrangement on the part of the exam body, saying she personally drove out in heavy rain that night to pick up supervisors so the examination could hold. Parents who went in search of their wards only to be told they were taking the English paper late described the arrangement as uncalled for. They said WAEC could have postponed the examination rather than subject the candidates – mostly teenagers – to such hardship, especially as many had to take another subject the next day.

    WAEC apologised for the delay that it attributed to efforts aimed at safeguarding the integrity of the exam after the English Language paper was compromised. It, however, spurned calls for immediate remediation. If the exam body cared to check, it might find that the overall failure rate is more strictly connected to candidates’ failure in the English Language paper. Many stakeholders had advised that the paper be cancelled and retaken by the candidates. But the council apparently think its system too foolproof to warrant such concession. Well, it should know better now.

    The least you would expect is that the exam body would skew its score grading system to reflect the challenges candidates encountered in the course of writing the papers. The results announced on Monday obviously did not countenance such possibility, and many people suspect that may actually be what the council was eventually forced to reconsider following the public outrage sparked by its earlier announcement. But that reconsideration came rather late, and at the cost of denting the credibility of the whole examination and the integrity of WAEC itself. Sad.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • The coalition gambit

    The coalition gambit

    Various opposition parties have been striving to replace the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) at the national level in Nigeria. Notable among these are the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the Social Democratic Party (SDP), Labour Party (LP) and the African Democratic Congress (ADC).   

    To enhance their chances and defeat incumbent President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the 2027 elections, some members of the opposition have formed a coalition. The coalition is based on their belief that none of the individual parties could, on its own, defeat the APC and its candidate at the polls. Accordingly, coalition members, some of whom are disaffected members of the ruling APC, have been resigning from their existing parties and joining the ADC, which was deemed more stable and more accommodating than other opposition options.

    Some of the most prominent entrants into the party include former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar from PDP, former Governor of Kaduna State, who is also a former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, Malam Nasir El-Rufai, from APC, and former Governor of Rivers State who is also a former Minister of Transport, Mr. Rotimi Amaechi, from APC. It is worthy of note that the new entrants into the ADC seem to be predominantly from PDP.

       Senator David Mark, a former Senate President, who is also a former officer of the Nigerian Army, has been appointed the Interim Chairman of the ADC and Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, a former Governor of Osun State and former Minister of Interior, has been appointed the Interim National Secretary of the party. As expected, the ADC coalition has been upbeat about its chances of defeating APC and President Tinubu in 2027.

    In fact, the Interim National Publicity Secretary of ADC, Malam Bolaji Abdullahi, said in a statement reported in the 6 July, 2025 issue of The Punch: “On Saturday, when Bayo Onanuga [Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy] tweeted before the world that, moving forward, all bottlenecks hindering ‘the realisation of the Tinubu administration’s potential’ would be removed to enable food sovereignty and export, he didn’t just issue a statement, he issued a confession. A confession that this government had, by design, been sitting on its hands while Nigerians starved.”

    Read Also: Tinubu, Oyetola have not anointed any Gov aspirant—NIWA boss

    Malam Abdullahi went further: “Now, under mounting political pressure, they want applause for doing the bare minimum? This is not reform. This is not leadership. This is a scramble for survival by an administration that has been cornered by its own failures. Let us make one thing clear, it took the emergence of the ADC and the growing momentum of a united opposition to push this government into action.” And he continued: “It wasn’t the hunger of hundreds of millions of Nigerians that moved them, it was fear. Fear of the 2027 elections. Fear that Nigerians have woken up. Fear that, with a united opposition, 2027 will be a clear-cut election between the APC and the Nigerian people.”

    Malam Nasir El-Rufai had also declared on 27 May, 2025: “Anybody that thinks that it is possible for President Bola Tinubu to get re-elected is living in another country, not Nigeria. It is impossible for Bola Tinubu to get re-elected. I don’t see a pathway for him no matter how disorganised the opposition [might be.] Who would vote for him?”

    On the contrary, some, such as Professor Okey Okechukwu, the Executive Director of Development Specs Academy, see the likelihood of the ADC coalition being an exercise in futility. In a 2 July, 2025 ARISE News interview, he noted that, in view of the problematic profile and disgruntled nature of some of the leaders of the coalition, and in the absence of a clear ideology, developmental policy alternatives, realistic implementation strategies, and an organic, broad-based engagement of the populace, “to keep coming on air and saying we are doing coalition to remove Tinubu … is just entertainment. … It will peter out.”

    Moreover, in an 11 July, 2025 Channels TV interview, Felix Morka, the National Publicity Secretary of the APC, described the politicians converging in the ADC as “a coalition of … political villains … many of [whom], through our history, … dictated the poverty, the underdevelopment, the misery that our people have felt over the years.” 

    The ADC has also started to encounter concrete problems. According to the Benue State Chairman of the party, Honourable Adikwu Abu Elias, in a 4 August, 2025 interview with TVC News, “what is happening in the party is like a mirage, and the whole thing is caused by Ralph Nwosu, the former National Chairman. He says that the party is his own property and that he can do anything he wants … with it.”

    Elias added: “When you talk to him, he will tell you that if you [are not pleased], you can go away from the party. … I’m elected as Chairman, Benue State, into the NEC [National Executive Committee], but once you … answer him, he will tell you that you are suspended; [and say] ‘You are no more a member of the party. Don’t you know I’m the one that registered the party? The certificate is with me.’”

    ADC members like Dumebi Kachikwu, the party’s presidential candidate in the 2023 election, similarly allege that Ralph Nwosu unilaterally, illegally and without due process claimed to have dissolved the Executive Committees of the party at all levels, expelled the leadership of the party and handed it over to coalition members who have never been members of the ADC.  Elias likened this to “a man who has a home with his family and everything, decided to sell his house, his household, his children, and become a floor member in another person’s compound.”

    Understandably, Kachikwu is among those ‘expelled’ from the ADC, and the expulsion as well as the legitimacy of the interim leadership are being challenged in various ways, including in court. Most strikingly, Nafi’u Bala, a former Gombe State governorship candidate and ex-Deputy National Chairman, declared himself, on 30 July, 2025, as the authentic National Chairman of the party. As at 7 August, 2025, the Independent National Electoral Commission website had Mr. Ralph Nwosu as the National Chairman of ADC; but the ADC website had Senator David Mark as the National Chairman, and Ralph Nwosu as the “Founder” of the party.

    Interestingly, in a 5 August, 2025 ARISE News interview, asked whether he was a member of ADC, former Governor of Jigawa State, Alhaji Sule Lamido, who had in the past been reported to have said “I am part of the coalition”, responded: “I’m in PDP. I can’t go into a smaller thing, because like I say, … I swim in an ocean where there are sharks.”

    On 25 June, 2025 in Nassarawa State, President Tinubu described the coalition members as “political IDPs” [Internally Displaced People] and gangsters “forming a coalition to unseat themselves”; and on 25 July, 2025 at the NEC meeting of the APC in Abuja, he called them the “coalition of confusion”. Indeed, the confusion is underscored by the fact that some of its patrons are not confident enough of its prospects to be able to give up their pre-existing membership of other political parties.

    In fact, in his 6 July, 2025 response to Channels TV’s Seun Okinbaloye’s question, “Does it mean you are an ADC member or a Labour Party member?”, Peter Obi answered: “Today, I’m a Labour Party member and I remain in Labour Party, but we have all agreed to work in coalition for 2027 election, and for that, we’ve just adopted ADC.” The confusion is further worsened by the fact that it is difficult to identify clearly the prospective consensus candidate and rallying point among the foremost leaders of the coalition.

      This uncertainty has led to the potential presidential candidates of the coalition offering curious concessions. Most notably, Mr. Peter Obi who was the LP’s presidential candidate in 2023 has said that he would spend only one term of four years, if he is given the presidential ticket of the ADC coalition and wins the election. This pledge is a means of assuring the North that it would have its turn to occupy the presidency in 2031 just as would be the case, if President Tinubu, who is also a Southerner, wins a second term in office in 2027, in compliance with an informal North-South 8-year rotational principle.

    Similar kinds of pledges by politicians in Anambra State have been condemned by the Governor, Professor Charles Soludo, who belongs to the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). According to Governor Soludo, “Some of them want to come to lie to us. How can anybody, anybody with brain [say that]? You think you are talking to fools? You come to people and say ‘I will do only one term.’ … Anybody who is saying ‘I’m going to do one term’ needs a psychiatric examination, because you are taking everybody else to be a fool.”

    Though this condemnation did not refer explicitly to Mr. Peter Obi, he responded to it swiftly, as follows: “I will serve only one term of four years if elected President. And that vow is sacrosanct.” However, Mr. Bayo Onanuga countered: “You talk about keeping your promises or your vow being your bond, but you and I know that’s not true. You have broken previous promises and usually lie with reckless abandon.” Onanuga also queried: “You talk about trust, but how do you expect people to trust someone who can’t keep a simple promise not to leave a political party?”

    This charge alludes to a trending 4 March, 2023 YouTube video in which Obi said: “In the year 2002, I said I will stay on. I will not leave. We will die with APGA.” In the video, the National Chairman of APGA at the time, Mr. Victor Oye, declared: “Unless Peter Obi, my brother, returns to APGA, he will not achieve anything politically. He knows, because he took a vow that he will never leave APGA. … He left APGA and joined PDP. He was Vice-President to Atiku. Now he’s going for President [on the platform of LP]. It will be a catastrophic exercise. It will not work.”

    Meanwhile, on 4 August, 2025, a group named Concerned State Chairmen of African Democratic Congress addressed a World Press Conference at which they stated: “If the coalition led by Senator David Mark and their agents are determined to pursue their ambitions, they are advised to create their own party or look elsewhere. The ADC is not for sale, not for hijack, and certainly not a dumping ground for discredited power brokers. … We, the legitimate custodians of the ADC structure across all states of the federation, reject this illegitimate junta.”

    So, what, really, do we have on our hands? A coalition gambit or a coalition gamble?

  • Still on Tinubu, Aregbesola and Oyetola

    Still on Tinubu, Aregbesola and Oyetola

    That I hesitated to write this piece is intentional. That I’ve decided to write it now is also deliberate. I’ll explain both reasons when the time is right.

    I have met Bola Ahmed Tinubu, now President of Nigeria, a few times, but one meeting that stands out was at Lagos City Hall, in 2010. It was during the ‘Oodua, Know Thyself’ programme organized by the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), where I served as the Administrative Secretary at the time.

    Our paths had also crossed earlier at Chief Bisi Akande’s 70th birthday celebration in Ila-Orangun, Osun State, on January 16, 2009. I attended that event in my capacity as the ARG Administrative Secretary as well. I vividly remember even shaking hands with the Asiwaju of Lagos.

    I didn’t know Rauf Aregbesola, but my support for him over other contenders for the political soul of Osun State was based on principle. One event led to another and we eventually met a few times before his re-election bid.

    My first encounter with Gboyega Oyetola, then Chief of Staff (COS) to Governor Aregbesola, was in 2014. It was during the buildup to the Osun governorship election, in which Aregbesola was seeking reelection on the All Progressives Congress (APC) ticket. I had expressed my interest in monitoring the election. The governor gave his blessing and told me to ‘go and see’ his COS.

    In 2015 or thereabouts, I visited Governor Aregbesola with Bola Ilori. During our visit, I was deeply moved hearing Aregbesola speak glowingly about Tinubu. He told us he had no bank account and lived day-to-day. He even recounted a time when he was broke, and “Asiwaju gave” him “the N5 million” he was “spending”, adding he’d “not hesitate to go back to” him if it ran out. For me, this fraternal bond was truly remarkable.

    Fast forward to October 5, 2016. I wrote an article titled, ‘Is Tinubu right or wrong?’, which was a full-page publication in a national daily. This piece followed attacks on the Jagaban of Borgu for calling for John Odigie-Oyegun’s resignation as APC National Chairman. Two days later, Aregbesola phoned me and thanked me for the article. That phone call led to me becoming a member of his media team as a Senior Special Assistant on Media, a position I held until November 26, 2018.

    Read Also:Osun 2026: Adeleke denies fratanising with ADC amid Aregbesola’s visit to Oyinlola

    In 2017, I visited Oyetola to passionately plead with him to resolve some lingering disagreements within the governor’s Media Team. The feud was already gaining traction and threatened to affect our productivity. After visiting him on the same matter three times, the COS told me on my fourth visit that he needed his principal’s approval before he could do anything. I’ve also heard Aregbesola describe Oyetola as “richer than me”, “well read and sound upstairs,” and “not coming into office as Osun governor to steal”.

    On December 4, 2020, Oyetola appointed me as an SSA in his media team. I held this position until November 26, 2022. During this time, a profound bond formed between us, growing into a lasting father-son relationship that continues to this day.

    During his tenure as Osun State Governor, I often witnessed Aregbesola stand at attention, with his right hand on his chest, whenever the anthem, ‘On your mandate we shall stand’, was chanted. I also heard him say on multiple occasions that, after God and his mother, Tinubu was the next most important person in his life.

    I even learned that Asiwaju so trusted Rauf that he’s one of the few lieutenants who could enter his bedroom at any time. In return, Rauf was always prepared to lay down his life for Asiwaju’s interests. This loyalty was evident at the Lagos City Hall event, where Aregbesola and Sola Ebiseni, a representative of former Governor Olusegun Mimiko, nearly came to blows. Only the timely intervention of Dimeji Bankole, the former Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Fola Adeola, a co-founder of GTBank, prevented a fight.

    Why is it necessary to discuss a link among Tinubu, Aregbesola and Oyetola as well as any attempt to prevent or end any perceived schism amongst them? It is important because they represent a current of thinking, not just in the Southwest but nationally.

    With Tinubu’s emergence during the fight for democracy, a once-dormant, dominant tradition was reignited in Yorubaland. This rich ideological framework, which Tinubu, Aregbesola and Oyetola are the custodians of, is worth reviving. Bringing its standard-bearers back together is crucial because they represent a unique approach to sociopolitical and economic development. If they are the true heirs of the Yoruba renaissance, what is the relevance of the “two-fighting” that Yorubaland is now immersed in?

    The Yoruba tradition, which predates the 1886 Ekiti-Parapo War Treaty, is built on principles similar to the ‘Social Market Economy’ concept later popularized in post-war Western Germany. This approach, echoed in the APC’s 2023 presidential manifesto, has roots in the 1948 Afenifere position and the 1951 Action Group manifesto to ‘Make Life More Abundant.’ This powerful tradition is too significant to be obscured by internal disputes among its proven bearers.

    The conventional wisdom is that Tinubu’s tenure will end in 2031. But the need for the Southwest’s political and economic development is eternal. This raises key questions about the framework and ideological direction after 2031. Disputes about strategies and tactics are inevitable in any political camp, anywhere in the world, and at any time in history. Rather than papering over the cracks, a thorough examination is necessary to permanently end the schism.

    The decision to establish the South West Development Commission (SWDC) is a masterstroke for the region. With the untimely death of institutions like the Cooperative Bank, the Western Nigeria Development Corporation (WNDC), and the Western Nigerian Finance Corporation (WNFC), the Southwest has been deprived of crucial financial capital for decades.

    The emergence of the SWDC, led by Olu Adetunmbi and Charles Akinola, offers hope for reigniting a fundamental development thrust. Without a robust capital mobilization mechanism, the region will likely continue to underperform, which would be tragic given its vast potential and growing population.

    The president deserves commendation for this game-changing intervention. It will be remembered in positive ways by economic historians in fifty or more years down the road. This is why the focus should be on the long-term development of the Southwest rather than on temporary disenchantments.

    Since 1999, Tinubu has evolved into a pivotal historic persona, it is imperative that he now leverages his avuncular mien to rally the progressive forces in the Southwest around the banner of progress. As of today, nobody else has the clout to do so!    

  • Oyebanji: The rally of Ekiti State

    Oyebanji: The rally of Ekiti State

    An interesting recent news item in the recent past was the massive crowd that greeted Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO) of Ekiti State’s declaration to run for a second term.

    A key element of the event was the governor’s endorsement across the dividing lines by members of other political parties, tendencies and factions. The key issue here is that, having shifted the perception of politics in the state and created what’s looking like a new base of hegemony, BAO has put himself in a pole position to sweep the electoral calculus. Therefore, anyone contesting against him has a mountain to climb.

    Read Also: We’ve spent N50bn on agribusiness in three years, says Oyebanji

    Politics is about determining the territory of perception. Oyebanji has clearly shifted the calculus by positioning himself as above partisan and sectional divides, emerging as “The Rally of Ekiti State.”

    In fairness to the facts, BAO has made a mark! He has become a towering figure focused on public service, leveraging exceptional leadership skills and an uncanny ability to build complex relationships. The question now is: what alternative can be offered that surpasses Oyebanji’s vision and leadership?

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Trump’s ultimatum to Putin: Escalation or prolonged conflict?

    Trump’s ultimatum to Putin: Escalation or prolonged conflict?

    • By Shola Adebowale

    US President Donald Trump’s recent ultimatum to Russian President Vladimir Putin, giving him 10 to 12 days to end the war in Ukraine, has sparked intense debate and concern. Trump’s warning comes with threats of severe economic consequences, including tariffs and sanctions, if Russia fails to comply.

    Before taking office, Trump boasted that he could end the Ukraine conflict within 24 hours. However, reality dawned on him as he faced resistance from Putin. Trump’s initial optimism was rooted in his business acumen, believing that economic incentives could persuade Putin to negotiate. Yet, Putin’s priorities lie elsewhere, driven by historical, strategic, and security concerns.

    Russian President Vladimir Putin has consistently emphasized several key points that he considers non-negotiable in the ongoing conflict with Ukraine. These points are crucial to understanding Russia’s strategic objectives and potential areas of compromise in any future negotiations.

    One of Putin’s primary concerns is ensuring Ukraine’s neutrality, particularly in terms of its military alliances. Russia strongly opposes Ukraine’s potential membership in NATO, viewing it as a direct threat to Russian security. By keeping Ukraine out of NATO, Russia aims to limit Ukraine’s ability to form military alliances that could challenge Russian influence in the region. This stance reflects Russia’s broader strategic goal of preventing the expansion of Western military presence near its borders.

    Another critical aspect of Putin’s non-negotiables is maintaining control over the territories Russia has annexed or claims in Ukraine. This includes Crimea, which Russia annexed in 2014, and parts of eastern Ukraine that have been occupied by Russian-backed separatists. Russia’s insistence on controlling these territories is driven by both strategic and ideological reasons. Crimea is vital for Russia’s naval presence in the Black Sea, while the eastern regions are seen as integral to Russia’s sphere of influence.

    Read Also: Trump flays Putin, to resume weapons shipments to Ukraine

    Putin also seeks international recognition of Russia’s sovereignty over the annexed territories. This recognition would legitimize Russia’s actions in Ukraine and provide a legal basis for its control over these regions. However, this demand is likely to face significant resistance from Ukraine and its Western allies, who view Russia’s annexation of Ukrainian territory as illegal and illegitimate. The lack of international recognition for Russia’s claims over these territories remains a major point of contention in the conflict.

    These non-negotiables pose significant challenges for any potential negotiations between Russia and Ukraine or its Western allies. Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity are fundamental principles for Kyiv, and any concessions on these points could be politically untenable. Meanwhile, Russia’s demands for Ukraine’s neutrality and control over annexed territories reflect deep-seated security concerns and ideological commitments that are unlikely to be easily compromised. The ongoing conflict highlights the complexity of finding a resolution that meets the interests of both sides while ensuring stability and security in the region.

    Despite Donald Trump’s peace offer, Vladimir Putin rejected it due to several key factors that align with Russia’s current strategic objectives and ideological stance.

    One of the primary reasons Putin rejected Trump’s peace offer is Russia’s perceived momentum on the battlefield. Putin believes that Russia is gaining ground in Ukraine, and with its military advancements, he sees no compelling reason to compromise on key demands. This confidence stems from Russia’s ability to adapt its military strategy, mobilize resources effectively, and exploit weaknesses in Ukraine’s defenses. By continuing the offensive, Putin aims to achieve further territorial gains and strengthen Russia’s negotiating position in any future talks. This approach reflects a calculated gamble that Russia can secure more favorable outcomes through military pressure rather than diplomatic concessions.

    Another factor contributing to Putin’s decision is the economic benefits Russia has derived from the war. Despite international sanctions, Russia’s wartime economy has seen significant boosts, driven by increased military production, government contracts, and shifts in domestic economic priorities. The war has also provided financial benefits to Russian families through various forms of government support and employment opportunities in the defense sector. These economic advantages have helped offset the impact of sanctions and reduced the pressure on Russia to seek a negotiated settlement. Putin likely views these economic benefits as a critical component of Russia’s resilience and long-term strategic advantage.

    Global analysts continue to assert that ,Putin’s rejection of Trump’s offer is also rooted in his broader imperial ambitions and views on Ukrainian statehood.  While, many emphasize that  Putin has long been critical of Ukraine’s independence and sovereignty, often framing it as an artificial construct or part of Russia’s historical sphere of influence. That he views Ukrainian statehood as an existential threat to Russia’s own identity and security, believing that a strong, independent Ukraine undermines Russia’s claims to regional dominance. As such, Putin’s ultimate goal may be to extinguish Ukrainian statehood altogether, either through direct annexation or by establishing a puppet regime. This ideological perspective makes it difficult for Putin to consider compromises that would preserve Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    These factors combined,Russia’s military momentum, economic benefits from the war, and Putin’s imperial ambitions,have led to the rejection of Trump’s peace offer. Without significant shifts in these dynamics, finding a diplomatic resolution to the conflict will remain challenging .

    There is no iota of doubts that the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine has far-reaching consequences that affect not only the region but also the global economy and security landscape.

    The conflict has significantly impacted the global economy, leading to increased energy prices, inflation, and supply chain disruptions. As a major exporter of natural gas and oil, Russia’s actions have disrupted global energy markets, causing prices to surge. This, in turn, has contributed to inflationary pressures worldwide, affecting countries that rely heavily on imports. Furthermore, the conflict has led to supply chain disruptions, particularly in industries that rely on Ukrainian and Russian exports, such as agriculture and manufacturing. The resulting shortages and price increases have had a ripple effect on the global economy .

    The conflict has also raised significant security concerns, both regionally and globally. The further destabilization of the region poses a threat to neighboring countries, and the potential involvement of NATO could escalate tensions between Russia and Western countries. The long-term security implications for Europe are substantial, with the conflict challenging the continent’s stability and security architecture. Moreover, the conflict has led to a significant humanitarian crisis, with millions displaced and in need of urgent aid. The security concerns are not limited to the region, as the conflict has also strained global relations, leading to increased tensions between major powers.

    The key security concerns surrounding the conflict include regional destabilization, potential NATO involvement, long-term security implications, and a humanitarian crisis. Regional destabilization is a significant concern, as the conflict has led to instability in the region, posing a threat to neighboring countries. The potential involvement of NATO could escalate tensions between Russia and Western countries, leading to a wider conflict. The long-term security implications for Europe are also substantial, with the conflict challenging the continent’s stability and security architecture. Furthermore, the humanitarian crisis resulting from the conflict has led to millions being displaced and in need of urgent aid, adding to the security concerns.

    Overall, the consequences and implications of the Russia-Ukraine conflict are far-reaching and multifaceted, affecting both the global economy and security landscape. A peaceful resolution to the conflict is crucial to mitigating these effects and restoring stability to the region .

    The international community’s response to the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has been varied, reflecting differing perspectives on how to address the situation effectively.

    Ukraine has welcomed Donald Trump’s stance on the conflict, seeking stronger support against Russian aggression. Ukrainian officials believe that a firm approach from the United States and other Western allies is crucial in deterring further Russian advances. By supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, Trump’s approach is seen as a potential deterrent to Russia’s aggressive actions. Ukraine’s government has been vocal about the need for robust international support to counter Russian influence and protect its territory. This support is not only seen as a matter of national security but also as essential for maintaining Ukraine’s independence and sovereignty in the face of ongoing Russian aggression.

    However, the European Union has expressed reservations about the tone and nature of Trump’s ultimatum. While the EU supports efforts to resolve the conflict, it prefers a more nuanced and diplomatic approach. European leaders believe that a peaceful resolution can only be achieved through dialogue and negotiation, taking into account the complex historical and cultural dynamics of the region. The EU’s approach emphasizes the importance of respecting international law and human rights, and it advocates for a solution that balances the interests of all parties involved while upholding the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    Meanwhile, NATO’s position on the conflict underscores the importance of respecting Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in any potential settlement. NATO views the conflict as a significant threat to regional and global security, and it supports Ukraine’s right to self-defense and sovereignty. The alliance emphasizes that any diplomatic or military solution must prioritize Ukraine’s independence and territorial boundaries, as recognized by international law. NATO’s stance reflects its commitment to maintaining stability and security in Europe and its support for countries facing external aggression or threats to their sovereignty. By advocating for Ukraine’s sovereignty, NATO aims to prevent further Russian expansionism and ensure a stable and secure environment in the region .

    As the situation unfolds, one thing is clear: the path forward will be shaped by Putin’s actions and the international community’s response. Will Trump’s ultimatum lead to a negotiated settlement, or will it escalate the conflict further?

    The world watches with bated breath.

    • Adebowale, a public affairs commentator, wrote in from 55, Federal Housing Estate Road, Woji, Port Harcourt.
  • KWAM 1: Who’ll call this Fuji musician to order?

    KWAM 1: Who’ll call this Fuji musician to order?

    • By Mobolaji Sanusi

    Wasiu Omogbolahan Adewale Ayinde Marshal, known in global music circles as KWAM 1 or K1 De Ultimate, is a man of great musical talent. His genre of music, Fuji, pioneered by late Dr Sikiru Ayinde Agbajelola Balogun Barrister, is largely at inception associated with societal dropouts. But because music is food for the soul, admirers of this genre of music, with time, cut across the educated, less educated, illiterates, and even the rich and powerful members of Yoruba land and this country. Surprisingly, yours sincerely have been a devoted fan of Fuji genre of music championed by Ayinde Barrister since my teenage years.

    In Nigeria today, the most popular Fuji musician with vast political influence is KWAM 1. General Kollington Ayinla, who is one of the musicians that popularised Fuji music at inception, is currently the leader and most senior of them all.

    Wasiu Ayinde has been blessed with hit albums from his inception of record making with his Talazo ’84 Evergreen album debut. Forty-one years after that album, he has, inexorably been on the rise.

    One rare divine benevolence on Wasiu Ayinde is his providential luck of sustaining his musical relevance for over four decades, building relationships with the lowly, high and mighty, especially across Yoruba land.  At age 68, his music still appeals to the old and the young folks in the country.

    Today, Ayinde’s greatest plank of influence is his association with the revered former governor of Lagos State and now president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, who has graciously adopted him as the official musician of whatever political party or governments he has interests in. From the AD to AC to ACN and now APC, Wasiu Ayinde is the unwritten adopted musician, courtesy of the president’s love for him.

    The hallmark of his musical attainments so far would definitely include his privileged performance at President Tinubu’s globally televised Inauguration Ball inside the Aso Rock Presidential Villa in May 2023.

    Despite his illustrious musical career, success and privileged association with the current Nigeria’s president, it is still shocking that Wasiu Ayinde is yet to shed the garment of thuggery widely associated with Fuji music genre that he plays. His reported supercilious, uncouth and discourteous acts remain legendary despite his association with nobly decent and powerful men and women in the society. He courted controversy with ease of pride devoid of conscience especially on issues surrounding who created Fuji music after the death of Barrister and in his relationship with others.

    Just a few days ago, Wasiu Ayinde was in the news for the wrong reasons. He was at the airport in Abuja, where he created negatively historic scenes synonymous with societal dregs robed in influential garbs. The scenes were not any that the President or anyone associated with Wasiu Ayinde would be proud of. More successful and far younger musicians like Whizkid, Davido and other globally renowned musicians from Nigeria never exhibited Wasiu Ayinde’s beguiled anti-social personality.

    Read Also: Kwam 1 banned from air travels

    The footage of that better forgotten episode has gone viral on the social media and despite Ayinde’s afterthought denial, the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria’s formal statement on the matter is more believable when juxtaposed with what we saw regarding the belittling and shambolic behaviour of Ayinde at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja after he was de-boarded from a ValueJet flight for alleged violation of aviation security regulations.

    In one Mrs. Obiageli Orah, Director of Public Affairs and Consumer Protection signed statement for FAAN, Ayinde attempted to forcibly board with an unidentified liquid substance exceeding 100ml with his lying upon inquiry that the content was water. The content was later discovered to be alcohol. This is in contravention of international aviation safety protocols.

    As believably reported by FAAN, despite admonitions by Aviation Security (AVSEC) personnel and the flight captain, Ayinde, in his usual overblown ego, refused to comply.

    In FAAN’s graphic words: “As boarding continued, an airline security officer asked the passenger to step aside for further clarification. The passenger allegedly refused and spilled the contents of the flask on the officer, which turned out to be alcohol. The Flight Captain intervened but faced similar resistance. After confirming that boarding was complete, she instructed the closure of the aircraft door.

    “At this juncture, the passenger moved to the front of the aircraft and refused to leave the area despite repeated requests. He was ultimately escorted away by AVSEC Crime Unit for further investigation, after which he was released.”

    The NCAA that serves as the main civil aviation regulator in the country has withdrawn the licences of the two pilots. FAAN that manages airports across the country should have handed Ayinde over to the police for attempted suicide, obstruction of aviation operations and disruption of public peace. The institution never toed that path, probably because of Ayinde’s perceived political stature.

    In the now viral video, the 68-year-old was seen staying close to the external cockpit side of the aircraft, ostensibly attempting to futilely halt the plane’s departure. As the plane taxied, the musician and a handful of airport ground operations officials trying to placate him were seen moving out of its way. But for Ayinde’s prompt docking of the aircraft wing, he might have been badly, if not fatally injured.

    The NCAA penalised the bold pilots of the aircraft, including Captain Oluranti Ogoyi and a first officer, Ivan Oloba, for what it deemed to be violation of “established safety protocols.”

    If the pilots could be so promptly sanctioned by the relevant authorities, the subsequent blacklisting of Wasiu Ayinde from flying for six months is good but inadequate for someone who interfered with the smooth conduct of aviation duties, and so rudely too. Is it the position of aviation law for a superstar musician to attempt halting a taxiing plane to be released after a purported questioning by FAAN officials without involvement of the police and other security services stationed at the airport to maintain peace and order that Ayinde obviously violated?

    What Ayinde did was nothing but an apparent attempted suicide mission capable of even endangering the lives of passengers onboard that aircraft at that point in time?

    It is high time to let Ayinde know that he is not above the law, and that our society is governed by laws and not the whims and caprices of any individual. His widely touted closeness to the president seems to be getting into his head at the detriment of the image of that exalted position.

    The other time, he discourteously put our respected President on speaker phone, addressing him before the whole world on a first name basis. Reactions that trailed that incident showed that Nigerians were flabbergasted by Ayinde’s garrulous showmanship that diminishes the sanctity of our presidential institution.

    How can an Olori Omo’oba of Ijebuland and Mayegun of Yorubaland be putting up, in public, denigrating conducts capable of discrediting the whole Yoruba nation and humanity in general? His irascible public conducts can only reaffirm generally held notion that a musician should not be considered for or worthy of any meaningful title or position.

    Ayinde should be reminded that he’s not the only person who is close to the President because of his skill/talent. While he is because of his musical talent, others with various talents and from various professional backgrounds are as well. Yet, none has been giving the President a bad name because of their closeness to him as Ayinde is currently doing.

    Someone somewhere needs to rein common sense and decorum into Ayinde’s brain. This is because according to Carly Fiorina: “When you don’t respond to bad behaviour, you get more of it.” Wasiu Ayinde’s blacklisting by NCAA from flying for six months is good but inadequate. In addition to this, yours sincerely humbly suggest that Mr President should suspend him indefinitely from consideration for performance at any public/official functions until he has been purged of ‘hooliganistic’ behaviours and demonstrated sufficient remorse and penitence.

    So far, Ayinde’s anti-social behaviour is antithetical to his current high societal status. That is the bitter truth that should bother his family notwithstanding his being their ultimate breadwinner.

    • Sanusi, former MD/CEO of LASAA, is managing partner @ Lagos State based AMS RELIABLE SOLICITORS.
  • Ben Ohiomaimhe: Remembering an academic legend

    Ben Ohiomaimhe: Remembering an academic legend

    • By Yakubu Afe Izevbekhai

    It is insufferably harrowing, excruciatingly devastating to write in the past tense about a man who, a few days prior to his death on 17 July 2025, spoke with me at length that he was worried he had not heard from me for a long while and that my silence was causing him heartache and agony.

    I apologised profusely and promised that we would have a lot to talk about during his next expected visit home to Otuo within a few weeks. With this background one can best imagine how jolted I was to receive the news of his death from a call from his elder brother at 2.00 am on that fateful morning.

    Prof Ben Ohiomaimhe Elugbe was a self-effacing, quintessential academic with a profundity of intellect that saw him transform inexorably into an academician of national and international repute. It was not always so; for, at the beginning he was buffeted by the rough and tumble and, indeed, the viciousness of life.

    Yet his intellect was always rock-solid, effervescent, fertile and unassailably productive – a trait that manifested early in his life. It saw him conquer the vast terrain of academia atop which he sat comfortably until the very end.

    Prof Elugbe belonged to the first set of Linguistics graduates  – produced by any Nigerian university – from the University of Ibadan, graduating in 1969 at age 22 with a Second Class, Upper Division. He topped it up with a Ph D degree from the same University in 1974. Ben Elugbe was a ‘citizen’ of the University of Ibadan, having spent all his undergraduate, graduate and teaching life in UI interspersed only with a variety of academic engagements such as sabbaticals, and research tours in and outside the country.

    With a sound first degree and a PhD on top, there was no denying where Prof Elugbe’s future lay. It laid in academics. He became a lecturer in Linguistics. He pursued his career with such an unrelenting zeal, vigour and panache that he rose rapidly through the ranks to become a professor in 1987.

    Once he attained the Zenith of his totem pole, the horizon of operation became further widened. He twice held the position of Head of Dept and twice held the position of Dean of the Faculty of Arts of the University. In a career that spanned some 45 years of dedicated service to the University, he also chaired several committees with far-reaching recommendations that induced positive changes in the administrative structure of the institution.

    Prof Elugbe’s solid academic standing as evidenced by his ground-breaking publications not only earned him the fellowship of the National Academy of Letters (FNAL); he was at various times the Secretary and president of that famous academy.

    Prof Elugbe once served as a member of the NLNG Literature Committee – the Committee that sets the policy direction and selects the winners of the prestigious annual literature prize.

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    The cherry on the cake and his last public outing was his appointment as Executive Director of the National Institute for Nigerian Languages (NINLAN) in Aba. Although the Institute got embroiled in a monumental existential crisis under him, yet he weathered the storm; moved it to its permanent site; and upgraded it to a degree-awarding establishment in Nigerian languages. With his exit from NINLAN, he left a tsunamic influence that was so glaringly overwhelming, impacting both town and gown.

     Prof Elugbe published extensively, not only in Linguistics but also in English Language & pidgin English as well. His textbook on oral English has been a set book for examiners of oral English in WASC for years. His legion of scholarly publications have often been characterised by raving reviews and innumerable citations by Linguistics scholars interested in Nigerian and African languages.

    Prof Elugbe”s commitment and fidelity to academics remained unflappable until his retirement from service in 2014. He left behind a legacy of undiluted loyalty, integrity, diligence and hard work as well as a fraternity of Ph D holders he had produced who are today holding aloft the banner of academic excellence.

    Although dead at 78 years, he was clearly 26 years in excess of Nigeria’s life expectancy of 52 years. To a large extent, he lived well and lived long.

    May his gentle soul rest in perfect peace.

    • Izevbekhai wrote in from Ake, Owan East LGA, Edo State.
  • Wunti: The Almajiri who made good

    Wunti: The Almajiri who made good

    By Nathaniel Stephen

    In the blistering heat of Bauchi’s streets, a barefoot boy once clutched a battered tin bowl, not out of idleness or defiance, but necessity. He was an almajiri, one among millions of children scattered across northern Nigeria, sent far from home in the name of Islamic education, yet often abandoned to a life of hardship. That boy’s name was Bala Maijama’a Wunti, and had history taken its usual course, he might have been lost to the same obscurity that swallows many children of the almajiri system.

     Wunti was no ordinary boy. He lost both parents at a young age, a cruel blow in a region where orphanhood often seals a child’s fate. Yet, under the stern guidance of his uncle, Maijama’a, he received something rarer than comfort: tough love and relentless discipline. It was on those streets, balancing Qur’anic recitation with begging for survival, that Wunti developed the iron resolve that would one day power his journey to the top of Nigeria’s most strategic industry.

    To understand the weight of his story, one must understand the crisis that is the almajiri system today. Originally designed as a decentralised model of Islamic education built on community support, the system has become, in contemporary Nigeria, a pipeline to poverty and neglect. According to UNICEF, between seven and nine million children in Nigeria are trapped in this broken system. Sent away from their families, many roam cities unsupervised, unskilled, and vulnerable to disease, abuse, radicalisation and exploitation.

    In 2020, the federal government admitted that the almajiri phenomenon had grown into a national security threat and yet, reforms remain elusive.

    Wunti’s emergence from this environment is, therefore, not just remarkable, it is revolutionary. His innate brilliance shone early. Despite the odds, he excelled through primary and secondary school, a feat that often remains a dream for many almajirai. He gained admission to Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, earning a bachelor’s degree in Chemistry. But he didn’t stop there. Driven by a thirst for relevance and reinvention, Wunti bagged an MBA in Marketing from the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University, and later became an alumnus of executive programmes at Harvard Business School and Oxford’s Saïd Business School. These weren’t just academic pursuits, they were hard-won declarations that the street kid had transformed into a global thinker.

    It was only after building his mind and character in the trenches of adversity that Wunti stepped into Nigeria’s oil boardrooms and when he did, he didn’t just fit in. He led.

    In 1991, he joined the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) as a young chemist. From that modest start at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, his career trajectory was nothing short of meteoric. Over three decades, he rose through the ranks to occupy some of the most sensitive and transformational roles in the energy sector. By the time he left public service in May , Wunti had become a symbol of how technical depth and moral clarity could still coexist in Nigerian leadership.

    As Managing Director of the Petroleum Products Marketing Company (PPMC), Wunti led crucial reforms that streamlined petroleum distribution across the nation. As Group General Manager of Corporate Planning and Strategy, he played a pivotal role in resolving multi-billion-dollar Production Sharing Contract disputes, unlocking over $10 billion in foreign direct investment, a lifeline for Nigeria’s beleaguered economy.

    His leadership came into even sharper focus with the passage of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) in 2021. As one of the central architects of the NNPC’s transformation into NNPC Limited, Wunti helped birth a commercially driven national oil company capable of competing globally. As Chief Upstream Investment Officer at NNPC Upstream Investment Services (NUIMS), he introduced cost-efficiency reforms that slashed operating costs to below $10 per barrel, one of the most competitive benchmarks in the global industry.

    Read Also: Why Nigerians must support Tinubu’s administration, by Minister 

    In the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, Wunti’s leadership ensured production stability, and his team pioneered a high-tech Command & Control Centre to monitor, prevent, and respond to sabotage and theft in real-time, a vital tool in Nigeria’s battle against oil theft.

    As Chief Health, Safety, and Environment Officer, he launched digital platforms like IMRA+ and FEMS, which improved incident reporting and fire safety across the corporation. Workplace accidents dropped by 15 per cent in just one year. And as the visionary behind Nigeria’s ‘Nigasification strategy’, Wunti championed a gas-led transition that aligned the country with global low-carbon goals while promoting domestic industrial growth.

    Yet, for all his technical achievements, Wunti never stopped being that boy from Bauchi. His humility remained intact, as did his belief that true success lies in service.

    After his exit from public office, he turned his focus to empowering others. In 2025, he launched the Wunti Tech Fellowship in partnership with AltSchool Africa, aimed at equipping underprivileged Nigerian youth with 21st-century digital skills. Over 500 fellows have already been trained, with the goal to reach 2,000 by 2027. He also spearheaded climate resilience projects in northern Nigeria, including the Katagum Youth League, which drives youth-led tree-planting campaigns and renewable energy awareness.

    These are not token acts of philanthropy, they are systemic interventions grounded in personal experience. Wunti knows what it means to be left behind. He knows what it means to be invisible. And now, he uses his platform to ensure that others don’t remain so.

    In a region where a sizable population of children are out of school, Wunti’s story commands attention. It is not just a narrative of personal success, but an indictment of a system that continues to fail millions. His life proves that intelligence, grit and leadership are not limited by geography or class; they are simply looking for a chance.

    Today, August 8, as Wunti marks another birthday, he will likely avoid the pomp. But in the classrooms he funds, in the trees planted by inspired youth, in the voices of those he has mentored, the celebration echoes.

    The almajiri never disappeared. He just grew up, entered the boardroom and is now helping build a nation where no child is forced to beg for a future.

    •Stephen is a public affairs analyst and writer based in Abuja