Category: Comments

  • Meta’s $220m fine and Nigeria’s digital sovereignty

    Meta’s $220m fine and Nigeria’s digital sovereignty

    • By Wale Bakare

    In July 2024, the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) of Nigeria announced a monumental N352 billion ($220 million) fine against Meta Platforms, the parent company of Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp. The penalty stems from alleged data privacy violations and discriminatory treatment of Nigerian users—specifically, Meta’s failure to offer transparent, opt-out mechanisms for data collection and a lack of clarity on how Nigerians’ data is used compared to other jurisdictions. Meta’s response? A warning that it may withdraw Facebook and Instagram from the Nigerian market.

    While some may view Meta’s reaction as a corporate bluff, the implications of this fine and any potential withdrawal demand deeper examination. This is not just a legal or economic issue; it is a national conversation about digital sovereignty, user rights, and the responsibilities of global tech giants operating within Nigeria’s borders.

    The fine is one of the largest ever imposed by a Nigerian regulator on a foreign technology company, signalling a new era of enforcement. For too long, Nigerian users have been subject to opaque algorithms, unfair content moderation practices, and unconsented data harvesting by big tech firms, with little recourse. The FCCPC’s decision sends a clear message: Nigerian citizens deserve the same level of privacy protection, respect, and transparency that users in the European Union or the United States enjoy.

    The Nigerian government’s stance aligns with global trends. In recent years, regulators across the world, from Ireland to India, have been pushing back against Meta’s data practices. However, unlike the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), Nigeria’s digital rights and data protection framework is still evolving, and enforcement has often lagged behind legislation. This fine, therefore, represents both a challenge and an opportunity to redefine the rules of engagement in our digital economy.

    Meta’s counter-response that it may withdraw Facebook and Instagram from Nigeria raises a critical question: Is this a genuine threat or a strategic negotiation tactic? With over 51 million Nigerians actively using WhatsApp, and millions more on Facebook and Instagram, it is difficult to imagine Meta abandoning such a sizable market.

    But this is not the first time Meta has made such threats. In 2021, it briefly blocked Australian news content over a proposed media bargaining code. It also threatened to suspend operations in Europe over data transfer disputes. These incidents follow a familiar script: regulators assert control, Meta resists with aggressive messaging, and the world watches to see who blinks first.

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    In Nigeria’s case, the potential fallout is complex. A Meta pullout could destabilise digital businesses that rely on these platforms for customer outreach, marketing, and sales. Thousands of small and medium enterprises (SMEs), influencers, and content creators could be affected overnight. But it could also catalyse local innovation and force a long-overdue reckoning about our overdependence on foreign tech infrastructure.

    At the heart of this dispute is a larger conversation about digital colonialism, the idea that tech giants exploit the data and digital labour of users in the Global South without providing equitable returns, protections, or governance. For many Nigerians, Facebook and Instagram are not just social networks—they are critical economic tools. Meta’s data monetisation practices turn user behaviour into profit, yet users are often left in the dark about how their data is used, sold, or weaponised. By fining Meta, the FCCPC is asserting that Nigeria is no longer content to be treated as a digital periphery. If European users enjoy certain rights—such as data portability, consent mechanisms, and algorithmic transparency, why should Nigerian users settle for less? The fine symbolises a demand for parity and dignity in the global digital economy.

    The short-term risks are real. If Meta follows through on its threat, there could be economic and social disruptions. Businesses that depend on Facebook Ads for visibility may lose access to their customer base. Civil society organisations and advocacy groups that use Instagram to reach youth audiences may be forced to migrate to other platforms. For the average user, it may mean losing a community, a marketplace, or even a livelihood. However, this situation could also ignite a broader movement toward digital resilience. Already, Nigerian developers are building homegrown alternatives, and regional platforms like Ayoba, Nairaland, and Creatlie and others are showing promise. With the right investment and regulatory support, Nigeria can turn this crisis into a springboard for digital independence.

    The Meta fine must not be the end of the conversation; it should be the beginning. What Nigeria needs is a comprehensive Digital Bill of Rights that guarantees data protection, platform accountability, freedom from algorithmic discrimination, and recourse mechanisms for users. Enforcement agencies like the FCCPC and the Nigeria Data Protection Commission (NDPC) must be empowered, well-funded, and free from political interference. We must also build civic awareness. Too many Nigerians still do not know what happens to their data online, or what rights they possess under existing laws. Public campaigns, digital literacy programmes, and multi-stakeholder dialogues will be essential in closing this gap.

    Nigeria is not alone in this battle. Across Africa, governments are grappling with the power imbalance between sovereign states and multinational tech companies. Kenya’s proposed data protection regulations, South Africa’s Protection of Personal Information Act (POPIA), and Ghana’s recent investigations into social media abuse, all reflect a regional awakening. Nigeria can lead this charge not just by fining corporations, but by proposing models of digital governance that balance innovation with rights.

    Meta’s $220 million fine is not just about punishing a tech giant; it is about reclaiming agency in a digital world where Nigerian voices have often been marginalised. The choice before us is not whether to keep or lose Facebook and Instagram; it is whether we will shape the digital future on our own terms or continue being passive consumers of technologies built elsewhere, for someone else’s benefit.

    Now is the time for bold leadership. Nigeria must stand firm, invest in local alternatives, and demand that tech giants respect our laws, our people, and our data. Because Nigeria is not a digital dumping ground. It is a sovereign nation with rights, dignity, and a future worth protecting.

    •Wale Bakare

    wale@webfalainitiative.org

  • CBN’s steady hand on monetary policy

    CBN’s steady hand on monetary policy

    • By Isah Aliyu Chiroma

    In the unending battle of economic stability, with both promising growth and persistent challenges, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has made a pivotal decision by retaining the Monetary Policy Rate (MPR) at 27.50 percent. This announcement, made during the Monetary Policy Committee’s (MPC) 300th meeting, signifies a continued commitment to stabilising the Nigerian economy. By holding the MPR steady for the second consecutive time in 2025, the MPC’s unified approach reflects an in-depth analysis of recent economic indicators and the overarching inflationary pressures that continue to loom.

    The decision to maintain the MPR at 27.50 percent comes amid a backdrop of mixed macroeconomic signals. Key highlights from the MPC’s meeting reaffirm the bank’s intention to focus on economic stability. The committee also retained the asymmetrical corridor at +500/-100 basis points around the MPR, along with the cash reserve ratio (CRR) at 50 percent for Deposit Money Banks and 16 percent for Merchant Banks. The liquidity ratio remains at 30 percent, demonstrating a cautious stance in managing liquidity within the financial system.

    Several factors played a crucial role in guiding the MPC’s decision. Among these was a notable improvement in macroeconomic indicators. The committee observed a narrowing gap between the Nigeria Foreign Exchange Market (NFEM) and Bureau De Change (BDC) windows, a phenomenon that signifies harmonisation within the foreign exchange market. A positive balance of payments position and the recently declining prices of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) emerged as critical developments supportive of economic health.

    Food inflation has been a significant concern, which showed signs of moderation. The committee announced a decline in food inflation to 21.26 percent in April 2025, down from 21.79 percent in the previous period. Core inflation further decreased to 23.39 percent from 24.43 percent, indicating a potential easing of price pressures. The MPC highlighted these developments as encouraging signs of economic resilience, countering fears of unchecked inflation.

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    Another development was the growth of real Gross Domestic Product (GDP), which expanded by 3.84 percent in the fourth quarter of 2024. This growth was driven by both oil and non-oil sectors, with particular emphasis on the services sector, which has increasingly become a cornerstone of Nigeria’s economic advancement. Coupled with a rise in gross external reserves, which increased by 2.85 percent to $38.90 billion as of May 16, 2025, this economic growth narrative paints a picture of cautious optimism for stakeholders and investors.

    Despite these positive indicators, the MPC expressed its concerns regarding several underlying challenges that could threaten the economy’s stability. Among these concerns is the persistence of inflationary pressures, driven by high electricity prices and continued foreign exchange demand pressure. Other legacy structural factors within the economy still cast shadows over its potential for growth, showing that while progress has been made, significant hurdles remain.

    The decline in crude oil prices also represents a significant concern. Increased production from non-OPEC member countries and uncertainties surrounding US trade policy present new challenges for Nigeria’s fiscal health. As oil remains a critical driver of the Nigerian economy, fluctuations in global prices can reverberate loudly through fiscal receipts and budget implementation, complicating the CBN’s monetary policy framework.

    The implications of the decision to retain the MPR at 27.50 percent are far-reaching. From a positive perspective, maintaining the current policy rate will inject confidence within the foreign exchange market. With a narrowing gap between the NFEM and BDC windows, market actors may find a renewed sense of optimism that encourages investment and fosters economic growth. This stability can provide a buffer against external shocks and is vital for sustaining consumer confidence during uncertain times.

    On the flip side, the lingering inflationary pressures and the potential for declining crude oil prices could inhibit revenue streams and complicate budgetary execution for the Nigerian government. Fiscal revenues, heavily reliant on oil exports, may face additional strains, which could necessitate revisions in fiscal policy to accommodate lower-than-expected revenue inflows. The CBN must navigate these complexities deftly to ensure that economic growth remains on track.

    As the CBN adopts a cautious approach to monetary policy amid these oscillating conditions, its strategy remains focused on anchoring inflation expectations and alleviating exchange rate pressures. The MPC’s optimism regarding the near-term economic outlook is tempered by an acute awareness of the risks that continue to loom. The committee recognises that sustaining economic growth will require vigilant monitoring and proactive responses to emerging challenges.

    Looking ahead, the CBN’s commitment to implementing sound monetary policy will be crucial in maintaining the delicate balance between growth and inflation. Policymakers must remain agile and responsive to changing economic conditions while reinforcing measures to support market confidence. Transparent communication with the public and market stakeholders will also be essential in fostering trust and stability within the economic landscape.

    The road ahead is undoubtedly fraught with complexities, but the MPC’s decision to maintain the MPR at 27.50 percent underscores a resolve to confront these challenges head-on. As the Nigerian economy continues to navigate these currents, the role of the CBN as a stabilising force will be paramount in shaping the future of Nigeria’s economic trajectory. The path toward a robust and resilient economy requires not only strategic monetary policy but also collaborative efforts across all sectors to ensure that growth is inclusive and sustainable.

    The CBN’s steadfastness in its monetary policy approach reflects a broader understanding of the interconnectedness of economic variables. Stakeholders can take solace in the MPC’s careful deliberations, even as they remain vigilant about the ongoing risks. By prioritising economic stability and growth, the CBN sets the stage for a more promising future for Nigeria.

    •Chiroma – aliyuisahchiroma29@gmail.com

  • Understanding retirement poverty

    Understanding retirement poverty

    • By Timi Olubiyi

    Across the African continent, a silent crisis is unfolding: the rise of retirement poverty; only a few have retirement security. From Lagos to Lusaka, retirement is becoming not a time of rest but a significant economic concern for the elderly, marked by overdependence on children and increasing poverty.

    Despite decades of service, countless Africans reach old age without savings, without a reliable pension, and without the means to meet basic needs; and this is a worrying concern. In Nigeria, for instance, like many other places in Africa, rising living costs have worsened the retirement outlook since 2020, with the COVID-19 pandemic.

    This retirement poverty trend has become more visible than ever in Nigeria, where the experience mirrors that of many African nations. In countries like Kenya, Ghana, and Uganda, pension coverage remains low, and the quality of life for the elderly is declining, particularly after their meritorious service and business management years. While many factors contribute to this retirement poverty crisis, one issue stands out. It is the growing concern of a lack of cash flow.

    The lack and absence of steady, predictable income during retirement directly translates into poverty in old age. Retirement poverty refers to the situation where individuals lack sufficient financial resources to maintain a decent standard of living after they retire. The opposite of it is to have retirement security. But the fact is that growing older means living with less income expectations, yet savings can never be enough.

    In recent times, many individuals in small businesses find themselves working well into old age, trading, hawking goods, performing manual labour, or turning to street begging. For those with health challenges, the consequences are even more dire and difficult, all to no access to cash flow.

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    The informal sector contributes over 60% of Nigeria’s GDP and employs more than 80% of its workforce. Yet, the pension schemes available in the country barely cater to this segment, that is, informal micro and small businesses. The majority of workers, especially those in this informal sector, such as agriculture, petty trading, and transportation, lack social protection or a structured retirement savings plan.

    The informal sector, which is the backbone of Nigeria’s economy, is technically and largely excluded from pension scheme coverage. For them, old age arrives with no guaranteed income, and financial security relies on extended family, faith-based charity, or sheer luck. While I agree that Nigeria’s National Pension Commission (PenCom) launched the Micro Pension Plan (MPP) in 2019 to extend coverage to informal workers, uptake remains low due to a lack of awareness, poor financial literacy, general distrust of financial institutions, and, once again, wide spread irregular cash flows.

    I realise that before now most elderly and retirees usually save up for retirement, or make property investments, especially those who are middle-income earners in Africa, but in recent times the capacity to save for retirement is crippled by irregular or insufficient income and, in particular, the continued inflationary pressure.

     At the heart of retirement poverty is a fundamental issue: cash flow and savings. Daily earners and small business owners in Nigeria often face volatile cash inflows, which make consistent savings difficult, if not impossible. Inflation, currently hovering in double digits in Nigeria, erodes whatever little savings many manage to accumulate. For most people, survival takes precedence over long- term planning. Retirees who worked in the informal sector largely depend on adult children or extended family networks for support.

    However, the erosion of traditional family structures, rural-urban migration, and economic hardships among younger generations have weakened this safety net. Considering the cost of living, rent, and transportation in a place like Lagos, Nigeria, there is no way a retiree can live comfortably without external support in the form of a constant cash flow.

    When food prices, fuel costs, and rent increase unpredictably, any available cash is quickly consumed by urgent needs. The problem of retirement poverty in Nigeria, and indeed Africa, is fundamentally a cash flow problem at the individual, institutional, and national levels. Moreover, cash flow problems are not confined to individuals. Governments across the continent are grappling with delayed salary payments, arrears, and underfunded pension systems. In South Africa, although the elderly grant system provides a little relief, it is facing increasing pressure as the number of beneficiaries rises.

    In Africa’s most populous country, citizens’ daily survival takes precedence over long-term financial planning or retirement. Workers, especially those in informal sectors like retail, farming, trading, transport, and artisanry, earn irregular income, often paid in daily cash, with no access to structured savings or pension schemes. You will agree with me that when income is uncertain and living expenses are rising, saving for retirement becomes a luxury that only a few can afford. More so, chronic cash flow challenges have turned retirement into a period of anxiety for millions. Yet this trend is growing without any succour in sight. Without urgent intervention, the golden years risk becoming a generation’s greatest fear.

    Retirement security in Nigeria is not just about pension policies. When cash does not flow reliably into the hands of citizens, it cannot flow out to support them in old age. When individuals do not have consistent income, they cannot make consistent contributions. And when contributions are irregular, future retirement income becomes uncertain or non-existent. Therefore, addressing retirement poverty and improving retirement security in Nigeria, or Africa, requires direct intervention in a meaningful way, such as by expanding pension schemes and financial access for informal workers, and providing social interventions. More so, it is important to strengthen the awareness of pension schemes and their benefits, improve financial literacy at every level—individual, employer, and government, in particular on cash flow.

    Because the truth is simple: without cash flow, there is no retirement security. Only prolonged poverty will exist. Statistics and surveys have shown that poverty among older adults could worsen in a few years if the governments in Africa do not address pension coverage issues.

    •Olubiyi – drtimiolubiyi@gmail.com

  • The man who knows the road

    The man who knows the road

    By Dare Babarinsa

     We salute Prof. Oladipo Adamolekun for his courage and persistence in providing solutions to our political and social problems, even when we are unwilling to take his prescriptions. He has unveiled a new book, ‘Reflections on Governance and Development in Nigeria.’ He is a tireless advocate of our possibilities. He is a man of ideas, for he believes, like most thinkers throughout history, that ideas rule the world.

    One of his persistent prescriptions for our country is that we must devolve power from the centre, or else the Nigerian federation would die eventually. It would literally choke on too much food at the centre!

    It is noteworthy that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has, in recent months, decided to set up regional development commissions along the lines of the six geopolitical zones. This is a novel thing, but whether it would eventually develop into a coherent system to serve the purpose of devolution of power is what we cannot say at this moment. However, what he has done is an act of courage. It is not an easy task to tinker with the system that is costing so much but delivering so little in terms of development and welfare of the people.

    Before the colonial era, the African states and societies were also governed according to philosophies and concepts. The philosophy of governance among the Yoruba people was centred around Oduduwa, a mythical figure who was revered as the progenitor of the race. It was said that all land belongs to Oduduwa, and each of his sons or descendants who have received crowns from him or his successors in Ile-Ife, have the divine right to rule in any kingdom they set up or appropriate. Each of such princes who originated directly from the House of Oduduwa have the right to independence and a semblance of equality.

    Three polities were to disrupt the old system in the 19th century. One was Ibadan, a military state founded by soldiers who had no direct relationship with the House of Oduduwa. Its rulers had scant regard for the old system. They tried to create an empire made up of hitherto independent Yoruba states and thereby ignited a civil war that lasted for several decades. The second was Ilorin, a provincial town in the old Oyo Empire, where the commander of the Imperial Army went rogue and declared his independence of his lord only for him to be killed in an internal revolt. Thereafter, Ilorin was seized a foreign political philosophy which claimed that men are equal, but the Fulani man is more equal than the others. The third was Lagos, the most successful port for slave trade in from the 18th century, seized by a foreign power which claimed a higher moral ground. The Yoruba political elite could not unite to create a coherent philosophy and body of thought to tackle these three disruptions. The effects are still with us till today.

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    The core of Adamolekun’s body of thought is that ideas must guide the development of Nigeria and Africa. If the right ideas and concepts are rooted among the elites, it would be difficult for our society to be disrupted again like it happened in the 19th century. Such disruption is developing again with the Donald Trump presidency in the United States.

    We have seen from the careers of leaders like Chief Obafemi Awolowo that the right concept and philosophy can change the trajectory of development. Awolowo was guided by his philosophy of making life more abundant for the people and he embarked on massive social engineering to achieve his objectives. Even today, almost 70 years after he left power, Awolowo remains the most potent political figure in this part of Africa. The late Chief Jobi Fele, in a moment of profound clarity, describing the philosophical indolence that has overtaken our land, said Awolowo made good soup, but there was no one to warm it!

    During the struggle against colonial domination, many of our leaders, including our own Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, subscribed to the Pan-Africanism idea of confronting colonialism and neo-colonialism. This struggle eventually led to the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and later the African Union (AU). Since then, we have formed other bodies like the Economic Community of African States (ECOWAS), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the East African Community (EAC).

    African leaders must have the courage to move these bodies forward to create new political entities in Africa that would strengthen our land against emerging disruptions in the international arena. These disruptions are coming, and it should not meet us unprepared and almost helpless as it happened to our ancestors in the 19th century.

    Today, Africa and Nigeria needs thinkers and philosophers like our erudite Prof. Adamolekun, Nigerian National Merit Award laureate. His academic attainments as an author, university teacher and his exposure and exploits as an internationalist and top executive of the World Bank, makes him a valuable asset for our society and our continent. He knows the road to a worthwhile future for Africa when we would take our rightful place as equal citizens of the global village. It is time we employ what we have to get what we need.

    The future is bright if only we have the courage and sagacity to discover it. Only the correct ideas could show us the way. It is time Africans shed their old reputation as the poorest part of humanity, living in the richest portion of the earth.

    Congratulations, Prof. Adamolekun! May your ideas find fertile ground to germinate and flourish.

    •Babarinsa is Chairman, Gaskia Media Ltd

  • Oloyede as an exemplar of leadership

    Oloyede as an exemplar of leadership

    By Kunle Akogun

    What do Nigerians really want? Are we really serious about our oft-repeated yearning for an ideal leader comparable to those in ‘saner climes,’ as professional critics often regale us with?

    Which particular leader can ever satisfy Nigerians: the abrasive? the candid? sincere? whimsical? the unabashedly corrupt? audacious? Apparently and quite unfortunately, none of these! For, like the characters in Ebenezer Obey’s classic song, ‘The Man and the Horse,’ Nigerians are difficult, if not impossible to satisfy.

    In one breath, we yearn for an ideal ‘saner-clime’ type of leader who is full of integrity and with the interest of the people at heart. In another breath, we scoff at any leader whose disposition is closer to that ideal construct of leadership trait just because he does not belong to our clan or creed.

    This scenario would appear to have played out last week when a Nigerian public official did the unthinkable by owning up to a fault he did not commit directly and sought forgiveness of Nigerians, especially those directly affected. That was the Oloyede story.

    In a rare display of sincere leadership and genuine compassion for the welfare of the people he serves, the Registrar of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), Emeritus Prof. Is’haq Olanrewaju Oloyede (CON), on May 14, 2025, publicly apologised for the glitches that marred the just concluded Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME).

    Not only did he take full responsibility for the computer errors that led to failures in the examination in Lagos and some Southeastern states, he also offered a second chance to the affected candidates, about 379,997 of them, to retake the examination.

    Whereas a typical Nigerian leader would blame everybody else but himself for any anomaly, Oloyede, knowing full well that as a servant- leader, the buck stops on his table, took responsibility for everything that went wrong. He said: “As Registrar of JAMB, I hold myself personally responsible, including for the negligence of the Service Provider, and I unreservedly apologise for it and the trauma that it has subjected affected Nigerians to, directly and indirectly.” He wouldn’t even blame the contractor (Service Provider) who had pocketed huge sums of money for the critical job he was supposed to have provided seamlessly!

    This is quite unusual, but very laudable, especially in a country where leaders are fond of giving excuses to rationalise their failure to deliver on assigned mandates. Indeed, like the Vice Chancellor of the University of Ilorin, Prof. Wahab Olasupo Egbewole (SAN) said, while reacting to the unusual openness displayed by Oloyede in the handling of the matter, “only a conscientious, sincere, and courageous leader with genuine compassion for the welfare of the people he serves could openly accept responsibility for an incident surrounding the service delivery of an organisation he heads but which glitch was not due to his personal negligence.”

    Expectedly, this unprecedented sincerity, by Nigerian leadership standard, was massively commended all over the country by prominent individuals, national and international organisations, as a rarity in Nigeria’s socio-political milieu.

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    This is not surprising, anyway, as the iconic figure has always proven to be a rare-breed Nigerian. As I wrote in the introduction to my humble contribution to a Festschrift in honour of Oloyede on his retirement from the University of Ilorin in 2024, “he is a public official who is apparently immune to the general malaise bedevilling the nation’s socio- economic milieu. His entire public service record radiates transparency, accountability, single-minded commitment to service excellence, administrative acumen, dogged commitment to the achievement of set goals, undiluted integrity in public service, effortless exhibition of leadership by example and unapologetic insistence on fairness to all!”

    I added in that piece, titled ‘OLOYEDE: Portrait of a Rare Breed Public Servant’, “This audacious public servant became a household name nationwide during his tenure as the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ilorin, having largely succeeded in turning the second-generation University to a world class institution. This, he achieved by dint of hard work, resilience, consistency, tenacity of purpose, innovative ideas, and unparalleled team spirit.

     “As Registrar/Chief Executive of JAMB, Oloyede left no stone unturned in his relentless pursuit of academic excellence through which he ensured that admission into tertiary institutions in Nigeria is transparent and credible. Apart from ensuring and sustaining the unassailable integrity of the tertiary institutions’ admission process, another remarkable feat of JAMB under Professor Oloyede’s watch is the yearly remittance of huge funds, running into billions of naira,

    to the Federal Government’s coffers. This is quite unprecedented by any non-revenue yielding MDA in the country. The money, according to the Board’s spokesman, Dr Fabian Benjamin, was saved through the transparent and judicious use of resources. This is indeed praise-worthy, especially in a country where even some MDAs that were specifically and statutorily established to collect revenue for the government often go back to the government to ask for extra-budgetary bail-outs to augment their overhead costs. Those who do not receive such bail-outs often remit pittance to the national treasury at the end of the financial year.”

    However, even though Prof. Oloyede’s genuine acceptance of blame and sincere apology in the UTME saga drew massive applause from well-meaning Nigerians and non-Nigerians, the reactions of some professional critics and a coterie of unapologetic habitual haters of this new-breed Nigerian public official have left a lot to be desired.

    One of these reactions was the rejection of JAMB’s decision to conduct a fresh examination for candidates affected by the system error by a group that went ahead to make a laughable demand that rather than scheduling a ‘re-sit’ of the UTME, JAMB should just “award 300 marks to all affected candidates from the South East”! What a demand! Why must we politicise everything in this country, including subjecting the future of our innocent children to the needless game of political mischief?

    Another weird reaction to JAMB’s public apology was the unconscionable call for the resignation of Oloyede and outright scrapping of JAMB. In all honesty, these two demands are a disservice to this nation at a time when the JAMB Registrar has become the poster boy of service excellence and when JAMB itself has become a reference point for public service integrity.

    To me, and I think to many Nigerians, if we are truly serious about making the country work, we should actively encourage people like Prof. Oloyede, and they are very rare to come by in this clime, to take up higher national responsibilities. There are so many areas of the nation’s socio-economic sector that need the type of the well-known Oloyede-Midas touch. Rather than vilifying him for technology glitch resulting from the negligence of a careless Service Provider, Oloyede’s service could be sought to sanitise some crucial national agencies that are very critical to the socio-economic development of Nigeria and the general well-being of its citizens.

    •Akogun is the Director, Corporate Affairs, University of Ilorin

  • Tinubu at the Vatican: Religious diplomacy as tool of statecraft

    Tinubu at the Vatican: Religious diplomacy as tool of statecraft

    By Ademola Oshodi

    When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu joined world leaders at the Vatican for the investiture of His Holiness, Pope Leo XIV, the moment carried weight far beyond ceremonial significance.  As the first Nigerian Muslim head of state to attend a papal inauguration, President Tinubu’s participation was a subtle yet powerful assertion of Nigeria’s evolving approach to diplomacy – one that is rooted not only in economic or geopolitical interests, but increasingly in values, inclusion, and soft power.

    Nigeria, one of the most religiously diverse countries in the world, is home to over 200 million people, with nearly half identifying as Christians. According to the Vatican News in 2025, Nigeria has one of the highest Catholic populations on the African continent – surpassed only by Dr. Congo. That reality has often been underemphasized in the country’s foreign policy posture.

    President Tinubu’s presence at the investiture of the Catholic Church’s new global leader – himself a historic figure as the first American-born Pope – represents a deliberate recalibration. It affirms that Nigeria’s global engagements will no longer sideline cultural and religious identities that shape its domestic reality. More importantly, it is a signal that under his leadership, religious diplomacy has become a key instrument of Nigerian statecraft.

    This shift matters. In an era marked by rising sectarianism, identity-driven conflict, both locally and globally, Nigeria’s leadership is intentional in projecting the values that hold the federation together: pluralism, inclusion, and mutual respect. The visit recalibrates perceptions of the Tinubu administration, countering narratives that conflate Nigeria’s internal security challenges with governmental indifference to religious harmony.  When a Muslim president stands in solidarity with the Catholic Church at a moment of global attention, it sends an unmistakable message: Nigeria will not be governed by sectarianism. It will be governed by vision.

    This moment also reflects a convergence of values between Pope Leo XIV and President Tinubu. Known for his commitment to social justice, Pope Leo XIV’s lifelong advocacy for worker dignity and inclusion mirrors President Tinubu’s domestic agenda – from the Renewed Hope Conditional Cash Transfer Scheme supporting over 15 million households, to ongoing investments in inclusive education, healthcare, and economic equity. The resonance between Abuja and Rome is not rhetorical, it is substantive.

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    More broadly, the visit repositions Nigeria as a moral and cultural force on the global stage. Religious diplomacy, in this context, enhances Nigeria’s soft power, builds trust with international partners, and challenges the narrative of division that has often defined the country’s representation abroad. This visit offers a reminder to the international community and to Nigerians that leadership in a diverse society cannot afford to be performative. It must be deliberate, symbolic, and strategically inclusive. As Africa faces rising religious extremism and sectarian conflict, Nigeria’s example under President Tinubu offers a model for others: a leadership style that governs beyond identity and builds across difference.

    The Tinubu administration now faces the task of translating this diplomatic capital into concrete gains, whether through Vatican-backed peace initiatives or partnerships with Catholic development agencies. What remains undeniable is that Nigeria has, once again, asserted its unique voice on the global stage: one of unity in diversity, and faith in common purpose.

    This is not just an anecdote from a foreign visit. It is a statement of intent. A diplomatic reset. And perhaps, a roadmap for how Nigeria can lead, not just with military strength or economic leverage, but with moral clarity, cultural confidence, and strategic purpose.

    President Tinubu’s presence at the Vatican transcends merely ticking diplomatic boxes. It proves that Nigeria is not governed by the religion of its leader but by the responsibility of its Constitution. It showed that faith, dignity, and inclusion are central to our global posture. We are one people – many faiths, yet one nation.

  • Opeifa at 60: Steering Nigeria’s railway renaissance

    Opeifa at 60: Steering Nigeria’s railway renaissance

    In January 2025, Dr Kayode Opeifa assumed duty as the Managing Director of the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC), bringing with him a wealth of experience in transportation management spanning over two decades.

    His appointment by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu marked a significant move towards the revitalisation of the nation’s railway, which had been a victim of lacklustre leadership and the burden of the nation’s legacy public enterprises.

    Under him, the railway that was rather operating below par in the estimation of stakeholders is now showing rays of hope of returning to occupy its space as the facilitator of business and mover of large cargoes over a long distance unobtrusively.

    Since his assumption of office, he has been pushing the train towards enhanced connectivity, economic growth and national integration.

    Born on May 21, 1965, in Agege, Lagos State, Opeifa embarked on his academic journey at the University of Ilorin (UNILORIN), Kwara State, where he earned a BSc In Biochemistry between 1982 and 1986. His passion for education led him to pursue postgraduate studies, culminating in a PhD in Transport Planning. He joined the academic staff of Lagos State University (LASU), Ojo, and by the age of 29 became a member of the institution’s Senate.

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    During his undergraduate days, he was actively involved in Student Union activities and represented UNILORIN in handball at the Nigerian University Games (NUGA). When he left school, he teamed up with other activists to form the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR), under which umbrella he fought human rights abuses under the military dictatorship.

    In 2018, he began sponsoring the Lagos State Secondary Schools Handball Competition, nurturing future stars in handball and reflecting his passion for youth development.

    Opeifa entered public service in 2007 when he was appointed Special Adviser on Transportation by Governor Babatunde Fashola. His tenure was marked by significant reforms, including the revitalisation of the Lagos State Traffic Management Authority (LASTMA), which was barely four years old when he assumed office. Not only did he lay the foundation for the aura and influence the agency has today. In July 2011, he was sworn in as the Commissioner for Transportation, where he implemented a wide range of reforms that have continued to impact traffic management and public transportation in Lagos, (Africa’s most populous city), setting a benchmark for urban transportation systems in West Africa.

    Beyond Lagos, Opeifa became a subject matter expert on a wide range of issues regarding transportation that was soon noticed at the national level.  In 2017, he was appointed Transport Secretary for the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) by the Minister of Transportation, Mohammed Musa Bello. His role involved overseeing transportation systems in Abuja, ensuring efficiency and safety of all the modes in the nation’s federal capital.

    In 2019, under President Muhammadu Buhari, he was appointed Vice Chairman and team leader of the Presidential Committee charged with the task of decongesting the Apapa Port and its access roads, an assignment he discharged creditably. His team resolved the decade-long traffic congestion that was almost becoming endemic in Lagos. His committee not only restored sanity, but brought back order and improved traffic flow in the otherwise heavily congested port area.

    Today, despite the two ports in Apapa being the busiest in Nigeria, contributing hugely to the nation’s GDP, traffic management has remained unmatched.

    After his appointment on January 22, 2025, which was greeted with general optimism, Opeifa started a silent revolution to rewrite the story of Nigeria’s oldest corporation. His wealth of experience and extensive background in transportation management has positioned him most suitably as the change agent needed to spearhead the modernisation of the Nigerian railway system.

    At his inaugural address at the NRC headquarters at Ebute Meta, Lagos, he emphasised his commitment to railway repair and maintenance, revitalisation, efficiency, safety, and customer satisfaction, while playing big on workers welfare and improved conditions of service.

    Under him, the NRC aims not only to modernise and expand the nation’s rail infrastructure by not fixating on the deployment of modern rail system, (known as the standard gauge), but one that aims at repairing the old narrow gauge, cherish the rich story behind the system and optimise the rich network of rail assets in the country. Standing shoulders tall at 127 years old, this year, the corporation is arguably West Africa’s oldest railway system.

    Since he assumed office, Opeifa has initiated a number of initiatives such as railing with the state, optimising railway systems, both narrow and standard, and a cargo revolution, that aims at returning the golden era of the railway which was hallmarked by high cargo freights from the hinterlands to the ports. His plan is to connect all agro-allied belts of the country by rail and revive local industries by servicing them with spurs that would remove their headaches of linking with the railway networks, whether narrow or standard gauge.

    Within his first few months in office, Opeifa’s revolution has witnessed a boost as APMT has started loading containers thrice weekly from its quays in Apapa straight to Moniya on the standard gauge, while Inland Container Nigeria Ltd. (ICNL) has also shown interest to move cargo from Kaduna to Lagos. Presently, the railway is moving commodities such as Cement, Gypsum, Soda Ash, and some cereals from various manufacturing giants in the country, all aimed at cutting down the cost of logistics, thereby reducing the cost to end users/consumers.

    His commitment to workers’ welfare has resulted in a huge resurgence of hope among the rank and file of workers who are being motivated by his uncommon approach to their wellbeing. Also, efforts are at an advanced stage to change the face of railway workers. Soon, Nigerians would begin to see railway locomotive drivers, health workers, and engineers in colourful official uniforms, the first in a long while. Also, part of his reforms is the return of the Railway Security outfit to complement the Nigeria Police Command and the Nigeria Civil Defence and Security Corps (NSCDC) in intelligence gathering across all its seven districts in the country.

    The workers are being motivated and equipped to deliver on the corporation’s mandate in line with the visions of the current administration’s renewed hope agenda for transportation where the railway is saddled with a huge responsibility.

    Opeifa’s commitment to customer satisfaction is almost unequalled. Not only has he assured that the narrow gauge would begin to wear a new look, the promise has started manifesting as the interiors of the narrow-gauge coaches are being remodelled, with plans to ensure they are fitted with fans, and in some cases for First Class coaches, air conditioning units.

    He is playing big on deploying technologies to improve efficiency and safety, as well as fostering partnership to drive progress in the railway sub-sector of the economy. Efforts are afoot to improve the ambience of all NRC structures nationwide, to give them a fresh coat of colour to show the vitality of the resurgent corporation.

    As the Managing Director of the NRC, his vision and leadership acumen are poised to transform the country’s railway infrastructure, fostering economic growth and enhancing the quality of life for average Nigerians currently struggling with severe economic realities.

    •Aderibigbe-ynotaderibigbe@gmail.com

  • Open letter to President Tinubu on N5,000, N2,000 notes

    Open letter to President Tinubu on N5,000, N2,000 notes

    By Kola Amzat

    Mr President, this is my second letter in six months to Your Excellency on this key issue and hope it meets you well, Sir.

    Without doubt, since your inauguration as President, Commander-in- Chief, Armed Forces, Federal Republic of Nigeria, Nigeria has graciously and boldly moved to assume her rightful place as the largest economy in Sub-Saharan African. And, coupled with the nation’s audacious population, we’ve equally taken our place as the authentic giant of the African continent.

    This Year 2025 historic Appropriation Bill of N59.44 trillion, coming on the heels of the immediate past Year (2024) of N28.78 trillion have unequivocally proved that Nigeria’s economy has moved rapidly over the two years. It’s a fact we must accept.

    With the quantum of liquidity that would flow this fiscal year into the economy from all directions on account of the AUDACIOUS budget, it’s a no-brainer that the existing naira notes denomination with the highest at N1000 would no longer provide necessary support for the economy.

    If we continue with this arrangement, the country would be disregarding the basic law of economics that emphasises that a country’s currency basically reflects her strength. And the continual inaction in this respect would continually be at the nation’s peril!

    Instructively, in recent times, market capitalisation has oscillated between N67 trillion and N68 trillion mark, a marked indication that the investment market has grown in leaps and bounds, particularly, from the position of years 2020-2022 when it was swinging between N15 – N16 trillion mark, a stunning percentage growth of about 320%.

    Your Excellency, is it justifiable that the nation still maintains the existing arrangement of N1000 highest note denomination without creating disequilibrium and imbalance between the quantum of money supply in the economy and currency denomination in the face of the above reality?

    Sir, the government’s bold reforms in the Oil and Gas sector, as well as liberalising the Forex market, have attracted applause, even from unusual quarters – World Bank, as well the international community, including the globally recognised Fitch rating.

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    The reforms initiated by the CBN have helped narrow the gap between the official and alternative markets, as well as assisted in restoring market confidence and encouraged increased autonomous forex inflows through official channels, which ultimately has assisted broadening Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings and sources beyond oil, with foreign reserves account presently standing at $38 billion.

    But, at present, the domestic currency to dollars still swings between N1600 and N1615.

    On the other hand, reforms in Oil and Gas have helped in totally restructuring and repositioning the NNPCL for results, as well as totally fortifying the security architecture in the Niger Delta region, with particular reference to engagement of Tantita Security outfit to halt the theft of crude oil on the deep sea, with the ultimate effect in the significant increase in oil revenue to the FAAC, following increase in crude production.

    But the effect of oil subsidy removal has really not abated, as PMS still hovers between N900 in Lagos and N936 in Abuja as at May 13, 2025.

    The implications of the above analysis remain: the nation can no longer operate with N1000 as the highest denomination as it doesn’t sufficiently reflect the country’s position.

    Your Excellency, against the backdrop of the above reality and statistics, maintaining the existing arrangement of N1000 denomination note as the highest would obviously be injurious and inimical to the economy.

    Cement price goes for between N8,500 and N10,500 in May 2025, a quantum leap from about N3,200 to -N3,500 in the year 2022, an increase of more than 200%.

    Astronomical increase has also been recorded on all other building materials – sands, gravels, blocks, steel reinforcement, timber, paints and finishing, with some hitting 250% and others going as much as 300%, yet, the currency highest denomination remains at N1,000.

    Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) recently rolled out new charges on ATM withdrawals with N100 per N20,000 withdrawal at on-site ATMs and an additional surcharge of up to N500 per N20,000 at off-site ATMs. This directive took effect in March. 

    The Apex Bank has been generating incredible funds all over the country from this directive alone, a development that would ultimately REFLATE the economy and make mincemeat of the N1,000 note as the highest denomination.

    It’s also instructive that tariffs and general increase of 40-50% on Telecoms services is already on. The multiplier effect of incredible sums that are already reflating the economy is better imagined, particularly with a massive population of about 230-250 million Nigerians, with about 65-70% eternally glued and attached to telecoms services on hourly basis.

    Your Excellency, with the above, it’s a no-brainer that we can’t afford to continue with N1,000 note as the highest denomination.

    Sir, even though there is continual decrease in prices of staple foods -rice, yams, yeast etc., some items like bread, semovita, semolina stubbornly remain where they are for about two years running, thus ridiculing the purchasing power and, ultimately, rendering the retention of N1,000 notes as the highest unjustifiable.

    Finally, N50 and N100 notes have almost disappeared in circulation, an indication that even the economy itself is technically responding by sending them into extinction.

    Your Excellency, less discerning minds may disagree with my submissions on the need to roll out N2,000 and N5,000 notes denominations with a view to creating economic stability, balancing and equilibrium.

    They may be anchoring their criticisms on the potential inflationary rate that the proposed submission may bring to the economy.

    They may even liken it to devaluation of the nation’s currency. This is never the intention of this piece.

    Their argument may be valid within the context of the basic economics theory that higher currency denomination is akin to inflation, but it’s instructive that the nation will not continue to sacrifice the stability, equilibrium and balance of quantum of funds in the economy and appropriateness of currency denomination, for an inflationary rate challenge that does not hold water whatsoever in this present circumstance.

    •Amzat is a Lagos-based financial and management consultant

  • The illogic of pampering terrorists

    The illogic of pampering terrorists

    By Ray Ekpu

    I find it difficult, even impossible, to understand why the security agencies in Nigeria are pampering instead of punishing terrorists. This pampering programme is called “Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration” (DDR). This concept is usually applied for post-conflict management when both sides in a war agree to lay down their arms and embrace peace after negotiated settlements. One of the reasons often used to support this sort of project is that some of the terrorists were either conscripted or induced to join on pain of death. But for me no excuse is good enough to kill a fellow human being who has not hurt or wronged you in any way.

    This formula adopted by our security agencies to set free criminals who have kidnapped and or killed scores of people is not the right solution for Nigeria’s security situation. Nigeria is not in a post-conflict situation and there is no negotiated settlement or ceasefire of any sort. The terrorists are still vigorously operating in various parts of Nigeria. They are busy attacking our police and army stations, people on the roads, towns and villages and even persons in displaced peoples’ facilities, schools and other targets that they consider soft. They have remained ruthless and merciless in their offensive against the Nigerian people.

    This approach towards managing serious crime is quite offensive to most Nigerians, including crime-and-punishment experts, communities, law enforcement agencies, victims and right-thinking people. These terrorists have done a lot to damage the psyche and wellbeing of Nigerians. They collect huge ransom from Nigerians, sometimes without releasing the victims. They collect ransom and still kill their captives under the pretext that the ransom was not huge enough. They sometimes kill their victims and also burn down their houses, thus rendering the survivors homeless.

    This DDR approach conflicts with our criminal justice system and rule of law. A few weeks ago, the government of Nigeria approved the release of a few thousand Nigerians with minor offences, thus saving about two billion naira in feeding costs for those released from prison. That was a goodwill gesture that pleased many Nigerians because there are thousands of Nigerians who have been put behind bars for years for very minor offences. So, if the justice system puts behind bars people who steal bananas and plantain, crayfish and corn, goats and chicken, toothpaste and tooth pick, why should hardened criminals who kill or maim people be set free under some dubious agenda? It does not matter whether the terrorists were captured or they surrendered. They ought to be tried under our laws and punished appropriately. If they surrendered and confess their sins, the decision makers in the legal system may decide to give them punishment that is a little milder than what the full wrath of the law prescribes for such offenders. But there can be no freedom for terrorists without punishment.

    Terrorism is a crime, and all crimes must be punished for the society to be sane, and for other potential criminals to be discouraged from taking to crime. Punishment is a deterrent to crime. Non-punishment is an incentive to crime. We must not show compassion to crime because criminals do not show compassion to their victims, no matter how vulnerable, no matter the gender, no matter the age. It is not the guns that they hold that kill people; it is they, the people who hold the guns, that kill people. If the assumption on the part of those proposing the DDR formula is that people may do evil things without being evil, they are wrong. No one can do evil things without being evil inside out.

    Some people may plead that criminals can be forgiven because they are not in control of the root causes of terrorism or other crimes in the society. Yes, terrorism may be caused by poverty, illiteracy, unemployment and religious extremism. Yes, these issues are there in almost every society. The duty of leaders in every society is to ensure that these contributory causes of crime are reduced to the barest minimum. The duty of every citizen is to ensure that they prevent themselves from being involved in crime despite the challenging times in which we find ourselves today. That is why the people who commit crime are fewer than those who don’t. And that is also why those who commit these crimes cannot, must not, be given a hug by those whose responsibility it is to exterminate crime from society.

    In this DDR programme, the question to ask is: “where is justice for the victim?” Every crime has victims; without a victim there would be no crime. And if a crime occurs and the victim gets no justice, that is double jeopardy, especially if the criminal is set free. This DDR programme seems to pay much attention to the terrorist and no attention whatsoever to the victim.

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    In Borno State, Governor Zulum has been campaigning for the rehabilitation of the terrorists who have damaged his state almost irreparably. His plan is to reintegrate these terrorists among the people, among their victims. Is that a good decision? I don’t think so. And the victims are protesting anyway. This is a betrayal of the victims. It cannot make for community harmony and stability. It is a blatant and indirect way of encouraging the spread of terrorism. The logic here is that the potential terrorist will think that if he takes to terrorism and he is caught he will be pardoned, not punished. He will be accepted and taken back into the community and he will be embraced by those he punished if they are still alive.

    There might be some unspoken excuses that are quietly being offered by the security agencies for the DDR programme. One of them may be that these terrorists came from various countries; such countries include Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Libya etc. Wherever criminals come from does not matter. Every person living in any country is subject to the laws of that country. If a foreigner violates the law in his country of residence he must carry the can. Punishing a criminal who is a foreigner does not affect the relationship between the country of origin of the criminal and the country of the criminal’s residence.

    The other reason some people think the decision makers are in favour of pardoning and rehabilitating the terrorists is that our prisons are already overcrowded. The prisons may be overcrowded, but people who commit serious crimes must not be spared. The executive and the judiciary big wigs must work out ways of punishing small-time criminals without

    necessarily throwing them into jail. They can be subjected to manual labour or such other activities that are fair but are seen as punishment for their offences. That way, congestion can be severely reduced in our prisons so that congestion does not become an excuse for setting hardened criminals free.

    I believe that it is the victims of terrorism who should receive pampering from our security services and government. It is they who deserve to receive rehabilitation, counselling, compensation, financial support, legal and medical aid and full resettlement in a safe environment.

    Those who are pushing this DDR programme should rethink because it is a disincentive to justice delivery, justice for the victim and the society.

  • Enter pontiff of peace

    Enter pontiff of peace

    Pope Leo XIV formally began his papacy yesterday, 18th May, with an inauguration mass in St. Peter’s Square at the Vatican. World leaders, including Nigeria’s President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, made the event that offered a rare platform for diverse – even adversarial – interests across the world to come together for a common purpose. The ascension of the 267th Catholic pontiff heralds a papacy dedicated to world peace, as Leo has made clear that would form his major agenda.

    The new pope took to the world stage soon after his election on 8th May with the message of peace. He has his mission cut out. The church under his leadership, as he envisions, will play the conciliator in a world ridden with conflict and hatred. His first words to crowds gathered in St. Peter’s Square on the day he was elected pope were: “Peace be with all of you.” His utterances ever since echoed that theme.

    In an audience a few days after his election with members of the eastern Catholic churches, many of them based in conflict-wracked places like Ukraine and the Middle East, Leo affirmed his personal commitment to pursuit of peace: “For my part, I will make every effort so that peace may prevail. The Holy See is always ready to help bring enemies together, face-to-face, to talk to one another, so that peoples everywhere may once more find hope and recover the dignity they deserve – the dignity of peace.” The pontiff urged global leaders to engage in diplomacy before resorting to combat. “War is never inevitable,” he said, adding: “Weapons can and must be silenced, for they do not resolve problems but only increase them. Those who make history are the peacemakers, not those who sow seeds of suffering.”

    On his first Sunday as pope, Leo called for “authentic and lasting peace” in Ukraine; a ceasefire in Gaza and release of all Israeli hostages held by the Palestinian militant group, Hamas. He also welcomed the fragile ceasefire between India and Pakistan – two nuclear-armed neighbours that recently took to war with each other over the disputed Kashmir region. His call resonated with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, who spoke with the pontiff shortly after his election and is reported to be his first known conversation with a foreign leader as pope. Zelenskiy said the pope offered to facilitate peace talks as world leaders come to his inauguration mass. He welcomed the pontiff’s offer and gave assurance that Kyiv was open to all efforts to end his country’s war with Russia.

    Writing on X social media platform, Zelenskiy also expressed gratitude to the pontiff for his “wise words about the Holy See’s willingness to play a mediatory role in restoring global peace.” He signalled his availability to engage with Russia at the highest level even at the pope’s inauguration mass. It was not certain, though, that Russian President Vladimir Putin would be available. Putin’s personal attendance at direct talks between Russia and Ukraine earlier arranged to hold in the coming weeks in Turkey remains doubtful despite that United States President Donald Trump and leaders of Europe have said they would join the parley. Reasons for Putin’s outing shyness are not often discussed, but it is noteworthy that an arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court is pending against him and may advise caution about places he goes so the warrant is not executed on him by ambush.

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    It is to be seen if Pope Leo XIV can break the ice. But his papacy already promises significant inroads into the world’s knottiest tangles. The election of Cardinal Robert Francis Prevost – the first ever American pontiff – caught many off guard because he was not in reckoning ahead of the conclave at which a frontrunner dropped out of the race to endorse him. Conclaves are famously unpredictable, and the one through which the Chicago-born cardinal emerged as pontiff, taking Leo XIV as his papal name, was no less a surprise. Leo won the consensus of the 133 cardinal electors after four ballots – a fast process for a diverse college of cardinals.

    Although his name had circulated among some Vatican watchers, there were other cardinals perceived as clear front-runners. These include Pietro Parolin, the Vatican’s number two who would have been the first Italian in almost 50 years to become pontiff; and Luis Tagle, a Filipino cardinal who was looking to become the first Asian pope. Typically held two to three weeks after a former pope’s funeral, the conclave gathers the college of cardinals behind locked doors in the Vatican’s Sistine Chapel where through prayer, reflection and secret balloting, they must reach a two-thirds majority to choose the new pope and Bishop of Rome.

    Insider accounts of the workings of the latest conclave said until lunchtime on Thursday, 8th May, Cardinal Parolin was ahead with between 45 and 55 votes – a substantial number, but well short of the 89 votes he needed for a two-thirds majority. At that point, Cardinal Prevost had between 34 and 44 votes. But whereas Parolin struggled to grow his consensus during the first three rounds of voting, he suddenly stepped down from the race and endorsed Prevost, according to sources. An internal tussle in the Asian bloc between Luis Tagle and another cardinal, Pablo Virgilio David, cancelled out their chances; while a contender from Africa – the most conservative bloc – was never in the game for the conclave where the majority of cardinals were appointed by the late Pope Francis, a progressive pontiff.

    Reports said Cardinal Prevost was able to draw support from across the groups making up the electors: moderate United States cardinals, South American cardinals and many European cardinals who coalesced around him. A leading Italian newspaper, La Repubblica, reported that he “attracted cross-party preferences, both ideologically and geographically.” The newspaper added: “In the conclave he was the least American of Americans: born in Chicago, he lived 20 years in Peru. As a man used to teamwork, Prevost appeared to many as the right man to make the papacy evolve into a more collegial form.”

    Leo was made a cardinal by Pope Francis in September 2023, and his most recent office before the papacy was as head of the Vatican’s Dicastery for Bishops, whereby he oversaw the selection of new bishops. Overall, he’s considered a centrist, but on many social issues he is seen as progressive, embracing marginalised groups like his predecessor, Francis, who championed the cause of migrants and the poor. But as cardinal, he opposed ordaining women as deacons, among others, and so was regarded as conservative on church doctrine. The new pope takes office at an uncertain time for the Catholic church and its 1.4 billion members, as it confronts whether to continue with Francis’ agenda of reforms or retreat into conservatism. Leo’s supporters, in the run-up to the conclave, pitched him as a “dignified middle-of-the-road” candidate. For his papacy, he will need to chart a path that preserves church doctrine while promoting expanded followership.

    Among the trickiest manoeuvres of the new pope would be dealing with the leadership mood in his native country, the US. The first American pontiff, who advocates peace, is showing up at a time when an American president is, arguably, turning the world on its head. It is hard to believe the cardinal electors weren’t making some political statement, even if Leo’s office and duties supersede politics.

    Trump preaches America First; Leo looks out for the world. Despite growing up in the US, he spent more than two decades in Peru where he became a naturalised citizen. He speaks multiple languages and, notably, spoke in Italian and Spanish in his first remarks as pontiff while not uttering a word of English. He also gave a shout out to his former diocese in Peru. Leo’s predecessor, Francis, was vocal in criticising Trump’s immigration policies and backed action to fight climate change; continuity of that leadership stance could set him on a collision course with Trump.

    In short, there are now two towering American figures of great power bestriding the globe, but they couldn’t be more different in values and temperament.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.