Category: Comments

  • Expanding financial access for Nigerians abroad

    Expanding financial access for Nigerians abroad

    • By Isah Aliyu Chiroma

    In the race to build a secure, efficient and inclusive financial ecosystem for Nigerians globally, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), in collaboration with the Nigeria Interbank Settlement System (NIBSS), has taken a monumental step with the launch of the Non- Resident Bank Verification Number (NRBVN) platform. This innovative digital gateway is designed specifically for Nigerians in the diaspora, enabling them to obtain a Bank Verification Number (BVN) remotely and without needing a physical presence in Nigeria.

    The NRBVN platform not only streamlines access to financial services but also serves as an essential bridge, connecting Nigerians in the diaspora with their home country. By facilitating easier and more affordable access to banking options, the NRBVN platform has the potential to reshape the financial landscape for millions.

    At its core, the NRBVN platform is a strategic move towards comprehensive financial inclusion. Many Nigerians living outside the country often face barriers when trying to access banking and financial services back home. The CBN’s initiative addresses these challenges by implementing a secure digital verification process.

    With robust Know Your Customer (KYC) protocols integrated into the platform, individuals can now access a variety of financial services, ranging from savings accounts to debt, mortgages, insurance, pensions, and investment opportunities in Nigeria’s capital markets, all from the comfort of their current locations. This digital transformation marks the beginning of a broader journey towards inclusivity, as it opens the door for a wider demographic of the Nigerian population to engage with their financial system.

    A key aspect of the NRBVN initiative is its commitment to security and compliance. With the integration of stringent Anti-Money Laundering (AML) measures and KYC compliance, the platform will ensure that transactions are conducted with utmost integrity and transparency. By safeguarding these processes, the CBN is not only protecting the interests of the financial system but also instilling confidence among users. Trust is a critical component of financial services, and by emphasising security, the NRBVN platform fosters a sense of assurance for those looking to engage with Nigerian banks from abroad.

    One of the most significant and immediate impacts of the NRBVN platform is its potential to alter remittance flows into Nigeria dramatically. Remittances have always played a crucial role in the Nigerian economy, contributing significantly to the nation’s GDP. Recent reforms, including the introduction of a willing buyer, willing seller foreign exchange (FX) regime, indicate that remittance flows through formal channels are already on an upward trajectory—rising from $3.3 billion in 2023 to $4.73 billion in 2024. The Central Bank is optimistic that the NRBVN platform will facilitate and further accelerate this trend, aiming for a target of $1 billion monthly. Achieving this will provide a much-needed financial boost for numerous families and local enterprises across Nigeria.

    Read Also: 33.9m Nigerians lack financial access, says CBN

    The NRBVN platform forms part of a more extensive framework designed to cater to the financial needs of Nigerians living abroad. This framework includes the Non-Resident Ordinary Account (NROA) and the Non-Resident Nigerian Investment Account (NRNIA). Together, these initiatives create a comprehensive suite of financial services that hollow out complexities often associated with cross-border banking. By establishing these channels, the framework allows for the seamless repatriation of investment proceeds, delivering flexibility and security to Nigerian citizens overseas. Such financial structures not only serve individual users but also contribute positively to Nigeria’s overall economic resilience and stability.

    The benefits of the NRBVN platform extend beyond mere access to financial services; they encompass broader economic implications. The ability of Nigerians in the diaspora to invest in their home country can have transformative effects. It encourages the flow of capital back into Nigeria, which can be directed towards infrastructure development, small and medium- sized enterprises, and other vital economic sectors. This influx of investment can play a significant role in bolstering economic growth, creating jobs, and reducing poverty within local communities. By facilitating investment opportunities, the CBN is harnessing the potential of Nigerians abroad to contribute meaningfully to the nation’s development trajectory.

     The impact of the NRBVN platform is particularly crucial in the context of economic challenges, including high remittance costs and foreign exchange rates. The CBN has expressed a firm commitment to reducing the high costs associated with remittances, recognising that such expenses impose a significant burden on families relying on these funds for daily living. As the NRBVN platform continues to evolve, it is expected to play a pivotal role in optimising the remittance process, making it more cost-effective and accessible for Nigerians abroad.

    Stakeholders’ engagement is paramount to the success of this initiative. The CBN is prioritising continuous dialogue with various stakeholders, including banks, financial institutions, and international partners, to ensure that the NRBVN platform meets the evolving needs of Nigerians in the diaspora. By actively collecting feedback and making necessary adjustments, the CBN will demonstrate its commitment to creating a more transparent platform and grow according to the diverse expectations of its users.

    The launch of the NRBVN platform by the Central Bank of Nigeria marks a significant milestone in the nation’s pursuit of financial inclusion and economic development. By facilitating access to a broad spectrum of prioritising, optimising, recognising, and emphasising the needs of Nigerians living abroad, this platform stands to make a monumental difference in the lives of countless individuals and families.

    The CBN’s commitment to enhancing financial inclusion, coupled with its focus on security, transparency, and continuous improvement of individual scores have the potential to be a critical tool for promoting economic growth, reducing poverty, and fostering shared prosperity. As the platform continues to evolve alongside the needs of its users, it is poised to play an instrumental role in shaping the future landscape of Nigeria’s financial system.

    • Chiroma, a public affairs analyst, writes from Abuja
  • Highlighting Yobe’s dividends of democracy

    Highlighting Yobe’s dividends of democracy

    SIR: Despite political scepticism from opposition politicians, Governor Mai Mala Buni has proven his commitment to serving Yobe State people, prioritising their needs over personal interests since taking office. His political vision aligns with the masses, focusing on their welfare and well-being.

    Since assuming office, the Governor Buni administration has made significant strides in various sectors, including infrastructure development, healthcare, education, road construction, agriculture, and women and youth empowerment. Notably, the administration has offered local and foreign scholarships, boosting citizens’ confidence in the state.

    Governor Buni has made concerted efforts to combat insecurity. He has engaged with service chiefs and heads of security agencies to find lasting solutions. Over the past six years, the Yobe State government has provided over 400 vehicles to support the Nigerian Army, Air Force, Police, and other security agencies, enhancing their operational capabilities.

    The Buni administration has made significant strides in transforming education. To address the pressing issue of out-of-school children, he convened the state’s inaugural education summit, seeking solutions. With approximately 4.4 million out-of-school children in Yobe (about a third of Nigeria’s 13.2 million), the summit marked a crucial milestone in the administration’s efforts to revamp the education sector.

    To expand access to education, the administration established model primary and junior secondary schools in each of the state’s three senatorial districts, with plans for further expansion to all 17 local government areas. This initiative has yielded significant results, including increased school enrollment and the rehabilitation of structures damaged by Boko Haram insurgents.

    The administration has established six new Model Schools, seven Mega Schools, nine Government Girls’ Day Senior Secondary Schools, eight co-educational Government Day Senior Secondary Schools, one additional boys’ school, and an IDP School in Buni-Yadi.

    These new schools are strategically located in affected areas, aligning with the administration’s State of Emergency Declaration on Education. The administration has also awarded scholarships to hundreds of high-achieving students, both male and female, to pursue various fields, including Petro-Engineering, Medicine, Anesthesia, and Pharmacy, locally and internationally.

    Read Also: FG commissions N5.7bn water supply scheme in Yobe

    These initiatives were complemented by the construction of new classrooms, laboratories, ICT centres, hostels, and other essential facilities, as well as the provision of teaching and learning materials to primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions, fostering a conducive learning environment for students and pupils.

    Yobe State’s health sector has seen significant achievements. The state government has constructed, refurbished, and equipped over 138 Primary Health Care centres, increasing access to essential services. Free Dialysis Programme: hundreds of patients receive free dialysis treatment every month at the Yobe State University Teaching Hospital.

    Yobe State was recognised as a leader in primary healthcare, winning $500,000 in the North-East zone leadership challenge. The state allocated 15% of its 2025 budget to the health sector, to promote healthcare delivery services.  The state has upgraded four general hospitals to specialist facilities and eight Primary Health Care centres to general hospitals, enhancing healthcare infrastructure. 

    The Buni Expanded Free Healthcare Scheme provides free basic healthcare to vulnerable populations, including pregnant women, children under five, and people living with disabilities. Under the scheme, there are 222 primary healthcare providers and 24 secondary healthcare facilities supported through capitation and fee-for-service arrangements. Yobe State University Teaching Hospital has secured full accreditation to train 25 resident doctors, a monumental achievement for the state’s healthcare sector.

    Since 2019, the state has witnessed unprecedented infrastructural development under the current administration.  Construction and rehabilitation of over 500 kilometres of roads, connecting communities and fostering economic growth. Township roads and drainages in five local government areas. Damaturu flyover construction.

    Commissioning of new electricity infrastructure for the Nguru Mass Housing Estate, Expansion of the National Grid to more communities.  Installation of solar street lights in 11 local government areas. Mass Housing Policy delivering 2,350 housing units with basic amenities at a 50% discount on an owner-occupier basis. Improved water supply with new solar-powered boreholes and reticulations in Damaturu, Buni-Yadi, Nguru, Geidam, and Potiskum.

    Construction of modern markets in Potiskum, Geidam, Yunusari, and Ngalda, Damaturu Mega Shopping Mall construction and Potiskum Truck Transit Park development. These infrastructure developments aim to drive economic growth, enhance the quality of life for residents, and support the state’s overall progress

    Despite financial constraints, Governor Buni’s administration has successfully implemented developmental projects that enhance human capital development. To achieve its socioeconomic objectives, the administration is proactively seeking local and international investments to leverage the state’s natural mineral resources. Notably, Governor Buni has engaged with Qatari investors to explore opportunities for establishing a cement company and meat processing factory in Yobe State.

    The administration has revitalised and upgraded government-owned industries, including the Gujba Fertiliser Blending Plant, Polythene, Woven Sacks Factory, Yobe Flour and Feed Mills, and Sahel Aluminium Companies, to enhance production capacity. This initiative seeks to boost internal revenue generation and create jobs.

    To realise its vision for Yobe State, the administration has introduced transformative policies and programmes designed to unlock the state’s vast potential and propel it towards greatness.

    • Abba Dukawa Abuja
  • NDLEA’s effectiveness under Marwa

    NDLEA’s effectiveness under Marwa

    SIR: Fifty-one months ago, the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) was, to many, a dormant force — bogged down by bureaucracy, starved of relevance, and barely scraping the surface of Nigeria’s drug epidemic.

    But that perception has been buried under a landslide of reforms, arrests, convictions, and community-rooted campaigns — all bearing the unmistakable imprint of Brig. Gen. Muhammad Buba Marwa (retd), a man whose second act in public service is proving even more defining than the first.

    Under Marwa’s leadership, the NDLEA has swung into unprecedented action: 62,595 drug suspects arrested, 11,628 convicted, and over 10.3 million kilogrammes of illicit substances seized. These are not just numbers—they are the bones and breath of a transformed institution.

    More than 24,000 drug users have received treatment and rehabilitation. Over 10,500 sensitisation campaigns have spread across schools, markets, motor parks, and worship centres under the bold War Against Drug Abuse (WADA) initiative.

    These victories did not spring from improvisation. They trace their roots to the 2019 Presidential Advisory Committee for the Elimination of Drug Abuse (PACEDA), a foundational report co-authored by Marwa and then First Lady Aisha Buhari.

    That report, though buried in government shelves at the time, has now become NDLEA’s roadmap for reform: a shift from reactive raids to preventive strategy, from arrests to awareness, from enforcement to empathy.

    Since taking office in January 2021, Marwa has unfolded a deliberate agenda: build institutions, not headlines. Through policy blueprints like the National Drug Control Master Plan (NDCMP) and operational platforms such as State Drug Control Committees (SDCCs), the NDLEA has decentralised its mission — taking the fight to the grassroots, and giving local communities the tools to resist from within.

    A recent high-level training on Drug Prevention, Treatment, and Care (DPTC) in Abuja showcased this pivot to bottom-up reform. It gathered First Ladies from across Nigeria—not as ceremonial guests, but as state-level drivers of change.

    In an inspired move, the agency positioned them as SDCC chairpersons, supported by NDLEA commanders. The symbolism was powerful: mothers of the state now stand at the frontline of saving Nigeria’s children.

    Read Also: 25 years after, NDLEA gets forensic labs in Abuja, Enugu

    The agency’s strategy is clear and courageous: activate or strengthen SDCCs across all states; establish at least three functional rehabilitation centres per state; and invest in early detection systems to stop addiction before it begins.

    Marwa himself reaffirmed these goals with characteristic clarity: “With the support of our President, this year we are going to upscale the counseling and rehabilitation centres, which currently exist in 30 states. By the grace of God, we will ensure that every state and the FCT has one.”

    Even more ambitious is his push for zonal rehabilitation hubs — at least two or three centres to be rolled out within this budget year. For Marwa, the SDCCs are the true engine rooms of reform:

    “They are the potent platform for fostering multi-sector collaboration in the task of demand reduction. Kindly remember to cascade these committees down to local governments and communities. That is the only way we can uproot this problem from its source.”

    What we are witnessing is a deliberate evolution: from episodic crackdowns to institutionalised prevention. Under Marwa, drug control has broken free of its Abuja-centric shackles. It now lives in state policies, school curriculums, faith-based outreaches, and community conversations.

    As Professor Akintunde Ayodokun of LAUTECH aptly remarked during the DPTC session: “Brig. Gen. Marwa was the man people thought accidentally did well in Lagos. But he has done it again, and is that really by accident?”

    It is not an accident. It is architecture. Reform by blueprint. Strategy wrapped in foresight and delivered with discipline. The NDLEA Marwa inherited was gasping; the one he leads today is galloping.

    Technologically upgraded, mission-driven, and increasingly respected globally, the agency has gone from being reactive to becoming a national rallying point.

    Drug control is no longer a forgotten line in policy documents—it is a standing agenda in presidential briefings, gubernatorial roundtables, and village meetings.

    Marwa is not just policing drugs. He is rebuilding a national conscience—one that favours healing over punishment, partnership over propaganda, and prevention over panic.

    • As-Sayyidul Arafat Abdulrazaq Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC), Abuja
  • Building collapse: Enough is enough

    Building collapse: Enough is enough

    SIR: Building collapses have become a recurrent phenomenon in Nigeria, with a frequency that is worrisome and alarming. Worrisome in that when it occurs, it comes with tragic consequences for the victims and their families.

    According to the Building Collapse Prevention Guild (BCPG), a coalition of professionals in the built environment sector, the first incident of building collapse in Nigeria, which resulted in 27 deaths, was recorded in October 1974 in Oyo State. There have been numerous other incidents since then, including the tallest building collapse in Lagos on November 1, 2021, which killed 52 people. 

     Lagos, dubbed by an expert as “the building-collapse capital of Nigeria,” according to the Council for the Regulation of Engineering in Nigeria has in the last 12 years recorded about 90 building collapses, leaving more than 350 people dead. Recently, specifically on Wednesday, March 5, 2025, a four-storey building under construction collapsed at Oriwu Street, Lekki Phase One, resulting in the deaths of four persons, while many people were injured, prompting renewed call for investigation, and sanction on developers responsible for the ugly incident by BCPG and other stakeholders.

    Every building that collapses has a reason why it collapsed. That brings us to the question:  what are the causes of building collapse?

    Many and varied causes of building collapse are, but not limited to, corruption, hasty construction, use of unskilled labourers, design errors, ageing, and substandard building materials. These factors reveal a deep-seated problem in the way buildings are designed, constructed, and maintained in Nigeria.

    I think the situation is much more precarious than we are talking about, and I don’t know exactly how and when we are going to get the malaise behind us.

     Having identified the causes, I think the onus is on the government to ensure that the right things are done by property developers. There is a need for stricter enforcement of building codes and regulations to prevent building collapse, and to protect lives and properties.

    Read Also: Building collapse: Experts seek strict regulations, innovation

     We will continue to have building collapses as long as proper investigations are not carried out, and as long as people are not punished for their misdemeanour. Sanctions must be applied on developers responsible for building collapses. The government must enforce its laws; those who have been found wanting in the past must be punished. We must see the issue as a serious problem, and it must be treated as such. Enough is enough.

    It is very important for the government to ensure that certified professionals in the built environment sector are involved in building construction, and ensure that quality materials, in the specified quantity, are used too. That is how to sanitise the building construction sector. The government has a key role to play in all these.

    • Akano Olaposi Lagos
  • Boosting Nigeria’s cocoa industry

    Boosting Nigeria’s cocoa industry

    By Abachi Ungbo

    Nigeria’s future can conveniently be built on Cocoa. In the past, it enjoyed a pride of place on the strength of its capacity in attracting huge resources for development. Like yesterday, it still retains the power to change the country’s economic development narrative.

    A slew of factors has overtime undermined the development of Cocoa like other cash crops. Apparently, depriving the country of the full benefits accruing from the huge Cocoa global industry despite its potential. Therefore, leaving Ivory Coast and Ghana to reap huge harvest.

    According to Mordor intelligence, the global Cocoa industry in 2025 is valued at USD 23.39 billion and it is expected to reach USD 27.92 billion in 2030 at a CAGR of 3.60%. Also, the European market which is the largest chocolate market was valued at EUR 47.3 billion in 2024, according to the Netherlands Centre for the promotion of imports from developing countries (CBI)

    Not a few pundits have continued to shout from the rooftop about the place of poor coordination, lack of operational framework and policy flip-flop in acting as a gaping chasm that separates Nigeria and its West Africa Cocoa producing neighbours. Ivory Coast occupies the leading position in Cocoa production with 2 million tonnes and Ghana about 800,000 tonnes annually.  Together they constitute 65% of global Cocoa production.

    The dissolution of the Cocoa board during the Babangida administration through the agency of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) of the World bank/IMF saw to the total liberalisation of the Cocoa industry. However, it is sad to say that the industry collapsed in the aftermath of the implementation of the reform as production plummeted to 170,000 tonnes from about 400, 000 tonnes in the pre- SAP era. There was a drop-off in the use of agricultural inputs and quality of beans. The export and quality control processes became disorganised.

    Read Also: Petrobras seeks return to Nigeria’s oil sector, eyes deepwater fields

    Initially, Ivory Coast accepted the liberalisation prescription before it reversed itself. The reinstatement of government strong presence led to the establishing of the Coffee and Cocoa Council. Paradoxically, the World Bank got involved in the reforms that led to the birth of the council.

    An article in the ‘Financial Times’ of 18th June, 2014 quoted the CEO of the Coffee and Cocoa Council as describing the decade of liberalisation as a “mess” since smallholder farmers were ill-equipped to negotiate with middlemen leading to lower incomes.  In the case of Ghana, the country bravely withstood enormous pressure to keep its cherished Cocoa industry partially liberalised. The liberalisation experience wasn’t entirely pleasant. 

    Governments of both Ghana and Ivory Coast are not only investing but actively participating in their respective Cocoa industry which reveals the profound premium that they place on the commodity. Through Ghana Cocoa Board (COCOBOD) and the Ivory Coast Coffee and Cocoa Council (CCC), a lot has been achieved to keep both countries as leaders in global Cocoa production. Furthermore, both countries inaugurated the Cote d’ivoire and Ghana cocoa initiative in 2018 as a means to influence global Cocoa prices.

    Recall that Nigeria and Ghana were almost at par in the 60’s and 70’s. Regrettably, that’s not the case today. Nigeria’s annual production is put at about 300,000 tonnes. In fact, Cameroon is also doing remarkably well with production within the neighbourhood of Nigeria’s production figure. It also has a controlling agency/board. Nigeria needs to start generating money by getting involved instead of allowing a total takeover by the private players and also protect the interest of the farmers.

    It is against this background that the news of an executive bill aimed at establishing the National Cocoa Management Board (NCMB) is receiving rave reviews. It is bound to be a game changer.

    The avowed aims of the board is a clear revelation of government intent to change the trajectory of the Cocoa industry – in effect, to place the country on a competitive and productive path, bolster non-oil revenue, create jobs, actualise the much sought-after value addition promotion, create a new deal with all stakeholders and participants in the cocoa value chain, improve production and attract young crop of farmers. In essence, to establish the country on the global Cocoa map.

    The present administration must prioritise research as it seeks to take Cocoa production to new heights. It remains key to sustainable Cocoa production. Attitude towards research leaves so much to be desired as evidenced by the quantum of funding. Funding is abysmally low. So also, is the incentive available for the researchers. The conditions must be attractive enough to bait talents. It’s egregious to leave researchers in the lurch – without the requisite tools. The Cocoa Research Institute of Nigeria (CRIN) needs to be retooled and well-funded for the new bold agenda in Cocoa development.

    So much research has been achieved to improve productivity. So, investment and prioritisation of policies and ensuring their continuity is needed in enhancing productivity, improving farming techniques and promoting sustainable techniques.

    •Ungbo – abachi007@yahoo.com

  • Tribute to Omololu Olunloyo

    Tribute to Omololu Olunloyo

    By Ajibola Ogunshola

    Although I did not meet Dr Omololu Olunloyo until early 1962, it was only a matter of time for that to happen because he, Dr Lekan Are (whose mother was from the Aboderin family), and my own maternal brother, Chief Olubunmi Aboderin, had known each other before they entered secondary school. Both Olunloyo and Aboderin families had Kudeti origins.

    Omololu Olunloyo and Lekan Are entered Government College, Ibadan in 1948 while Olu Aboderin entered Ibadan Grammar School in 1949. The three friends sometimes spent parts of their school holidays together, or severally, at the Oke-Bola residence of Mr (later Chief) Moyosore Aboderin, a wealthy man who they recognised as a “big Brother.” He was about 15 years older than them.

    Omololu Olunloyo had lost his father in December 1948, the year he entered GCI.

    All of them grew up to attain heights of achievements and became recognised names in the Nigerian firmament.

    Dr Omololu Olunloyo’s younger paternal brother by 8 years, Olusegun Olunloyo (“Segun”) attended Igbobi College, Lagos. We became friends from early 1962 during our first year in the Higher School Certificate, he at Igbobi, and I at Government College. His subjects, and mine, were Pure Mathematics, Applied Mathematics and Physics. Our first meeting was in the middle of 1961.

    As friends, we together visited his elder brother, Dr Omololu (“Brother Mololu”) from time to time during the school holidays, which he invariably (to my knowledge) spent at the residence of their “baba,” Canon Olunloyo, at Ekotedo in Ibadan. Baba Canon must have been much older than their own father as he appeared to be in his 70’s or early 80’s while their own father, Horatio Sowemimo Olunloyo, was born in 1906 and would have been less than 60 years old in 1962 had he been alive.

    Somehow, word got round about Segun’s elder brother, the young, new, brilliant mathematics lecturer who also rode an unusual type of car: the Citroen, with a unique shape and hydraulic system.

    For me, the attraction was his being an Ibadan man and old boy of Government College who had won laurels in mechanical engineering at graduation and completed his PhD in applied mathematics at the University of St. Andrews in Scotland in a minimum time of two years.

    I attended with Segun in 1962 the wedding ceremony of a relation of the Olunloyos, Mr Lere Adeyemo, who was also an old boy of Government College. My recollection is that, that was probably where “Brother Mololu” met his future wife, Miss Funlayo Akinyemi, who was the chief bridesmaid at that wedding, which he also attended. Perhaps he was even the best man at the occasion. He was at the time the commissioner for Education in the old Western Region when the region was under an “emergency government” headed by Dr Majekodunmi during 1962.

    Not long after, Brother Mololu and Miss Akinyemi got married, and Segun and I donned our best agbada dresses to the event.

    While he held the office, his official residence was directly opposite the “Premier’s Lodge,” the official residence of the premier of the region, at Iyaganku GRA, which late Chief S.L. Akintola occupied before and after the emergency administration until his assassination in January 1966 by the military.

    Segun spent part of his 1962 “summer” holiday there and I stayed overnight with him on one occasion.

    The following morning, during one of our frequent tripartite discussions on mathematics, he showed us his PhD thesis, opened it, and tried to, in the simplest terms, explain the broad nature of the work. Not unexpectedly, we could not understand it but I committed to memory till today the words of the closing paragraph of the thesis where he wrote: “the message this example transmits is both salient and powerful, and brings to a dramatic close this thesis, dramatic in a way all its own.”

    He read it aloud with some excitement in his voice and on his face, and Segun and I chorused in excited approbation.

    I became quite close to him, especially after Segun travelled to the US in the middle of 1964 to read mechanical engineering at Cornell University, while I went to Ibadan in September to read mathematics. On his return to Nigeria in 1973, Segun joined academia, rose to preeminence in his field but, sadly, died on 13th October 2017, at the age of 74 years.

    Brother Mololu treated me like his own blood brother in those days and I am grateful to him. He took me along with him to several places. On one particular occasion, we went from Ibadan together to Lagos to visit at his residence his uncle (his father’s younger brother), Mr. Akinniran Olunloyo, who was the proprietor of Paramount Photos. He was unwell, he said, spoke of his struggle with hypertension, and then added in a loud note of defiance “but it can’t kill all of us!!” That was in obvious reference to the 1948 fate of his own elder brother, Mr Horatio Olunloyo, who was Brother Mololu’s own father, and who had died of hypertension at the age of 42.

    Uncle Akinniran died not very long after our visit. The possibility of his own early death from hypertension haunted Brother Mololu in those years, which was why he sometimes discussed with me the disease of hypertension and the subject of death, young though I was at the time. And he himself certainly did not then have the disease. We also discussed prostate issues in later years. Which is why, although he succeeded mightily in the longevity marathon of the human race, I nevertheless felt a tinge of unhappiness that he missed by just 8 days the attainment of the age of 90!

    Horatio Olunloyo was among the Ibadan notables of his time and age; his facility with various musical instruments (he had grown up under the guidance of his uncle who was a vicar), his achievement as the first Ibadan man to pass Intermediate B.A., and Intermediate LLB examinations by private study at home, his appointment as Treasurer at Ibadan Native Authority, made him famous in elite circles. He also socialised and entertained with choice drinks. Segun had reported that he was about to travel to the United Kingdom to complete the bachelor’s degree in law when he suddenly died.

    Read Also: Petrobras seeks return to Nigeria’s oil sector, eyes deepwater fields

    I have recently read one or two reports after Dr Olunloyo’s death, stating that Horatio Olunloyo spent only one night at his new Molete residence before he died – on December 29, 1948. However, my own father (Chief J.L. Ogunsola) recorded in his diary on Saturday, 26th April, 1947 that he “attended the opening of the house of Mr Sowemimo Olunloyo” which suggests that he may have celebrated the opening of his house almost 20 months before he actually started to live there. Chief Ogunsola was chief-in-charge-of-tax at Ibadan Native Authority at the time.

    My home visits to Dr. Olunloyo became far less frequent when I entered the University of Ibadan as I was now a student in the mathematics department where he was a senior lecturer. I became more and more interested in European classical music which he had from 1962 introduced to Segun and I.

    In my final year at the University (1966-67), I took one of his courses and I therefore became his student and he my teacher in Abstract Algebra.

    In quality of teaching, he was clearly the best in the department among those to whom I was exposed as he went to great lengths to ensure that his students understood the subjects he taught. The students admired him for this.

    His Nigerian colleagues in the mathematics department in my time were Professor Adegoke Olubunmo, Professor J.O.C. Ezeilo, Professor Sowunmi, and, later, Professor H. Tejumola.

    My personal contacts with him after university became infrequent as I went abroad almost immediately for five years and, on return in 1972, have lived and worked continuously in Lagos axis. There were no mobile phones then and land lines were as scarce as gold, even in Lagos. He himself had become more and more involved in governance and politics; his family setup had also enlarged.

    At all times, we held opposing political views and we both knew it but because he was deeply into politics, held high political office and contested elections, while I was not a politician, we both avoided having political arguments in order to safeguard the brotherly relationship. The long-standing political predilections of my elder maternal brothers, late Chief Moyo Aboderin, late Chief Olu Aboderin and myself were, broadly speaking, pro-Awolowo, in contradistinction to his own.

    Iyabo and I commiserate with ‘Sister’ Mrs Funlayo Olunloyo and Mrs Ronke Olunloyo, and with all his children; also with his sisters, ‘Sister’ Molara (Mrs Balogun) and ‘Sister’ Bisi.

    May they all be consoled by the fact that he was widely recognised as a man with exceptional brilliance and thirst for knowledge, who held several high political offices without stain, and whose stay on this earth was more than twice as long as his father’s.

    •Chief Ogunshola writes from Lagos

  • Etete, unsung hero of local content in oil and gas

    Etete, unsung hero of local content in oil and gas

    By Aliyu Gaya

    By the twilight of 2024, Nigeria had achieved 56 percent local content participation in the oil and gas sector. Data from the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB) tells the story. This represents a massive leap forward; but octogenarian Dan Etete, the hero of this turnaround in the nation’s oil and gas annals, has remained largely unsung. Instead, he has been vilified and made to appear as the villain in a critical sector where he dared to brave the odds stacked against indigenous participation.

    In January this year, Etete turned 80. The outpouring of encomiums for the ‘Ndagbudu Keme Keni of Izon-Ibe,’ a statesman and proud son of the Ijaw nation, clearly indexed his place not just among his people, but in the larger Nigerian society. It is to his credit and that of others of his era that Nigerians and Nigerian companies have planted their feet firmly and surefootedly in the oil and gas sector which in both pre- and post-Independence Nigeria had been the grazing ground of multinationals who literally siphoned the wealth of the nation to their respective countries.

    The Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) once reeled out scary statistics that showed how the nation had been cheated by oil majors whose interest was chiefly to milk the nation, and with the same speed they ferret crude oil from Nigeria’s subsoil, cart the petro-dollars to their parent countries.

    Here are a few statistics: In the past, approximately 80 percent of Nigeria’s oil revenue was concentrated in the hands of one percent of the population; and 70 percent of Nigeria’s private wealth was held abroad. It was also recorded that out of every $100 made from oil and gas, only $5 was retained in Nigeria while $95 was stashed overseas. This is beyond capital flight. This is sheer robbery by the oil ‘super majors’ with, of course, connivance with a few unpatriotic Nigerians.

    This had been the trend and this was exactly what Etete set out to reverse when as Minister of Petroleum under the late Gen. Sani Abacha (1995-1998), he set the tone for the issuance of oil prospecting licences to indigenous companies.

    To actualise the vision of local content development and advancement in the sector, the Abacha government, with Etete as minister, on 29 April 1998, awarded a few oil blocks to indigenous companies. The reason was clear: to pave the path for local companies to participate in the exploration and production of crude oil. This will not only help to build local capacities, but also halt capital flight which has seen the nation earn so little while losing so much to foreigners.

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    That was how OPL 245 was awarded to a Nigerian company, Malabu Oil & Gas Limited, with a signature bonus of $20 million. The Federal Government also awarded other prospecting licences to other Nigerian companies with the same concessionary signature bonus of around $20 million: OPL 246 went to South Atlantic Petroleum, OPL 247 to Heritage Oil, and OPL 248 to Zebra Energy. Nigeria’s then Defence Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, had interests in South Atlantic Petroleum. But he would later sell it to Total and other investors.

    Earlier in 1991, as part of the drive to encourage indigenous participation in the sector, the OPL 216 licence, which had been awarded to BP and Statoil (now Equinor), was claimed back by the Federal Government and awarded to Famfa Oil Ltd. These licences, including OPL 245, were awarded in accordance with the Indigenous Concession Programme (ICP), launched by the Nigerian government in 1991.

    This audacious milestone in 1998, patriotic as it was, also triggered the beginning of a series of flip-flops by successive Nigerian governments. Thus, what Etete intended – to make Nigerians own the precious petroleum resources that Providence generously gave them – became a tool for international conspiracy against Abacha, Etete and even some other Nigerians directly or remotely connected with the indigenous companies.

    The first trigger was pulled in January 2001 by President Olusegun Obasanjo who revoked the licence for OPL 245. By that presidential stroke of power, what could have been resolved amicably in the interest of the nation turned into a protracted legal battle spreading from Nigeria to France and Italy.

    All told, OPL 245 is a battle spawned by the ego of Nigerian leadership. From Abacha through Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, Jonathan to Buhari and now Tinubu, the story of OPL 245 depicts the lack of continuity in Nigerian leadership; it mirrors self-interests, suspicion, treachery, and a clear lack of transparency in the nation’s presidency. While some presidents showed patriotism in their decisions concerning the oil block, others were simply driven by selfish interest. Etete is only a victim of the expansive presidential mind-game fuelled also by international interests.

    It bears restating that the crucifixion of Etete has obvious national security implications. Among the persons directly and indirectly involved in the various oil blocks issued by the Federal Government at that time, he is the only one from the oil-bearing Niger Delta region. We are aware that crude oil from the Niger Delta has been the economic life-wire of Nigeria. These past years, Nigeria has managed to sustain peace in this all-important region through amnesty and other human development gestures. President Tinubu, a man versed in oil and gas business, should use his position to preserve this peace by ensuring that what belongs to the Niger Delta is not taken away from them.

    After a careful study of the trove of documents including court papers alongside the documented history of graft in the nation’s oil and gas sector, it has become clear that OPL 245 was not about corruption. It’s beyond that. Corruption has been a key part of Nigeria’s existence since Independence across sectors. The cases of Siemens, Halliburton, Willbros, among other multinationals whose transactions in Nigeria were tainted with graft but had been swept under the carpet by successive Nigerian governments just to protect certain interests, remind Nigerians that there was more to OPL 245 beyond Dan Etete whom as it now stands, was only a victim of powers and authorities higher than himself.

    Many questions beg for answers: What if Abacha had not died? Would OPL 245 have suffered this fate? Why did Obasanjo revoke the licence in 2001, thus setting the stage for international embarrassment and convoluted global litigations? Why was Malabu Oil and Gas suddenly denied ownership of the block despite clean bills from Nigerian institutions, including the House of Representatives which after investigations concluded that Malabu was the rightful owner of the block.  Why was the out-of-court settlement approved in 2006 by Obasanjo in response to the memo suggesting the same by Edmund Daukoru, minister of state for Petroleum, not carried through? Even when President Jonathan returned the block to Malabu in 2010 after documented findings which showed that Malabu was not fairly treated, why was the matter not brought to a closure?

    One thing stands sure: The manner successive Nigerian governments have handled the OPL 245 chronicle has put Nigeria in bad light. It has dimmed investors’ confidence and has underscored what the world thinks about Nigeria: A country of policy somersaults.

    President Tinubu has given hints that he wants to resolve the matter. In doing so, he must avoid the pitfall of self-interest which influenced some of the decisions of his predecessors. Nigeria cannot seek to build local content by taking away blocks already allotted to indigenous companies and handing such over to foreign concerns. This negates the idea of local content development.

    This matter can only be seen to have been resolved if the sacred principles of justice and fairness are upheld and the most pragmatic way to achieve this is to place the premium of ownership on Malabu Oil and Gas. Earlier court cases in Nigeria and institutional interventions, including intervention from the House of Representatives, favour this path. This is the path of honour not just for Nigeria’s image but for the sake of justice.

    •Gaya, a public policy analyst, writes from Kano

  • APC talisman and defection plague

    APC talisman and defection plague

    By Mike Kebonkwu

     The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has become a sanctum with charming talisman; the pool, brook and oasis in the desert, and a place of rest. The party is becoming a platform and gathering place to appease the gods, and undergo ritual baths to exorcise political impurities.

    Nothing captures Nigeria’s political scenario better than the song of the three witches in ‘Macbeth’ by William Shakespeare, “Double, double toil and trouble; Fire burn and cauldron bubble.” That was the esoteric enchantment of the three witches in the coven while preparing their spell, and a warning also to Macbeth of the ominous signs ahead. Like Shakespeare’s Macbeth, Nigeria should also not ignore the ominous signs ahead. The year 2027, the next election cycle, is fast approaching and politicians are busy scheming on how to secure viable platforms and positions. There are alliances, re-alignments and merger talks with even politically strange fellows.

    The major opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has been on its knees and in disarray, unable to organise itself after the last general election in 2023. It is sinking deeper in the mire, and engaged in self-destructive squabbles. There is a gale of defection to the APC, the only party with relative stability and tolerable leadership ready for the next election. Many people are worried that the nation may slip into a one-party state. So what?  Why would anyone be losing sleep over that, if you ask me? There is no need to be whining and belly-aching that the nation might become a one-party state.

    We should rather be concerned about higher ideals regarding the integrity of our electoral system. Let all politicians defect to the ruling party, or any other party of their choice, if they like, but let the votes of the people count. Let the elections be credible, free, fair and transparent and let the politicians go to the polls and test their popularity.

    Nigeria remains a constitutional multi-party democracy. The politician lacks principle and vacillates like the ocean and angry weather, coasting only to wherever his bread is buttered. This is also because our party system is not driven by any known or defined political ideology or philosophy. The parties just exist as purpose-driven machines to win elections and capture power.

    Thus, when that purpose can no longer be achieved in one party, the politician would simply code-switch and move to the next viable party, abandoning the party that brought them to power. This has been the trend and tradition. There is no honour, no virtue and no integrity in politics; it is power qua power. Whenever the vehicle or airplane breaks down and can no longer take you to your destination, just change the machine; ala the Akwa Ibom State governor’s theory, while endorsing Mr President for 2027. The politician would rather go and buy a slot in another party than fix his party’s problems. Don’t maintain your vehicle, and don’t fix your machine!

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    The credibility of the electoral system and the electoral umpire should be our concern and headache. If it is your business to worry that the country would become a one-party state, then go and organise and run your party properly; you are all part of the problem. Honest, modest and credible leaders should be elected to run institutions of government, not winebibbers and tempestuous individuals who behave like emperors that will rock the boat in troubled waters.

    Then comes the melodrama in Delta State The governor, his entire cabinet and party structures in the state defected to the ruling APC in a colourful ceremony. The PDP has been beaten black and blue with the ground yielding under its feet as the party loses serially their support base in the South-south region, the nerve centre of the party. The party is dazed and disoriented and counting its wares in single digit; River State is gone; Delta is gone; and the engine room of Akwa Ibom State is roaring into life and steaming; and it is only a matter of time.

    The reasons for the defections are legion; the party lacks ideological clarity. There is no internal democracy; and indiscipline, greed, selfishness and corruption, among others, are tearing the party apart at the seams.

    What about the constitutional provision or position on defection? The application of the law is fluid and susceptible to abuse by manipulative politicians and a corrupt judiciary. The court, therefore, found itself also vacillating in stamping its authority on what the constitution says on defection. These are the reasons for the harlotry and prostitution by politicians which they get away with lightly leaving the people short- changed.

    In any case, there is really no difference between those people in APC today and PDP; they are all sired by the same progenitor. People are also defecting for fear that they might soon become guests of the anti-graft agencies due to having helped themselves to the public till. We have an undisciplined political class that operates like locusts, ravaging every green plant on its way and leaving the country anaemic. They, therefore, need security of their loot and malfeasance.

    The APC is waving the magic wand and there is a plague of defection; the politicians understand the game; join the winning party and every other thing will be added unto you. The alternative is that the sword of Damocles might just be hanging over your head!

    The PDP does not deserve our sympathies. For 16 solid years, it bestrode our world and political landscape like a colossus, vaunting itself as Africa’s largest party poised to be in power in the next 60 years. Lo and behold, the party came crashing like a pack of cards and none of those former governors and ministers who lived large like emperors could help or rescue the party.

     One would have been surprised if Dr Ifeanyi Arthur Okowa, former governor of Delta State, did not defect and join the APC, not with his ordeal at the hands of the anti-graft agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), over alleged massive corruption and theft of public funds belonging to his state. He has an example in his boss, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, who has been in virtually all the political parties that would offer him a platform to pursue his dream to become the president of Nigeria.

    The former APC Chairman, Adams Aliyu Oshomole, was probably right when he admonished the politicians that if they joined the APC, their “sins” would be forgiven. Becoming an APC member is a transition from purgatory and rosary of penitence to political sainthood and liberty.

    Governor Sheriff Francis Oborevwori, the current chief executive of Delta State, has not done anything unusual. As the Ika people of Delta State would say, ‘when the mother goat is plucking leaves, the young one will be watching.’ He is a very good student and has been watching his godfathers so that he does not become a guest to the EFCC sooner or later, before the ship enters turbulent waters.

    The politician is always driven by appetite and self-preservation, which the former governor of Ekiti State, Ayo Fayose, called “stomach infrastructure.” Delta State, since the beginning of the Third Republic, had been a PDP state; it is a state with tradition. Let us wait and see if the people will jump on the bandwagon with their defecting governor and party structure.

    Elected governors and political party structures are not one and the same thing as the people, the electorate who choose who to represent them under any political party. Politicians can defect for all they care but that does not translate to herd movement of the people with them to their new platforms. The people are not zombies. The people chose and elected governors, the governors did not choose the people and cannot move them like chattels to achieve political objectives in a free contest.

    If a free, fair and credible election is delivered come 2027, we will soon see the rump of the fowl as the breeze blows. Rather than lamentation over defection, those who care should organise themselves and mobilise to form a formidable opposition and challenge the status quo, and do things differently instead of the hysteria about the country becoming a one-party state.

    •Kebonkwu, a lawyer, writes from Abuja

  • Soludo and Peter Obi: Why there is a wall between them

    Soludo and Peter Obi: Why there is a wall between them

    By Sunday Odeleke Houston

    SIR: Southeast Nigeria—particularly Anambra State—boasts a distinguished array of eminently qualified individuals capable of leading the nation as president or serving with distinction in other high offices. During the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007), many technocrats of Anambra origin were appointed into key positions. Among them were the incumbent Governor of Anambra State, Prof. Charles Chukwuma Soludo, who served as Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria; the late Dr Dora Akunyili, the formidable Amazon who championed the war against counterfeit drugs—an issue of particular importance, given the dominance of the Igbo in Nigeria’s pharmaceutical industry; Dr (Mrs) Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala (by marriage), now the Director-General of the World Trade Organisation; and Obiageli Ezekwesili, among others.

    During this era, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was the dominant political platform embraced by the Southeast’s political elite. However, in 2002, under the ideological guidance of the late Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, a revered statesman and foremost Igbo leader, Chekwas Okorie founded the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). Ojukwu contested the 2003 presidential election under the APGA banner, garnering less than 2% of the vote. His candidacy was not a bid to win but a strategic manoeuvre aimed at positioning the Southeast for greater influence in Nigeria’s political future.

    Ojukwu understood the limitations of regional isolation. He believed that a politically united Southeast could forge strategic alliances with other regions to one day secure the presidency. He had observed that no region in Nigeria could, in isolation, produce a president without broader national coalitions. This strategy of alliance-building has proven effective in the Southwest, which leveraged it to significant effect during the annulled 1993 election, and again in the 1999 and 2023 presidential elections.

    For Ojukwu and other strategic thinkers in Igbo political circles, a bloc vote from the Southeast represented a potent bargaining chip in negotiations over federal power rotation. Since its inception, APGA has remained the ruling party in Anambra State. At one point, it also produced a governor in Imo State in the person of Rochas Okorocha. The 2023 presidential election presented the Southeast with perhaps its greatest opportunity yet to coalesce behind a unifying figure capable of advancing the region’s long-term strategic interests.

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    However, Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s presidential candidate and a two-term former governor of Anambra State, originally elected under APGA, disrupted this grand design. Although he once publicly pledged never to leave APGA, Obi defected, first to the PDP, where he became the vice-presidential candidate in the 2019 elections. When it became apparent that Atiku Abubakar would again contest in 2023, Obi defected to the Labour Party and secured its presidential ticket.

    This move has remained a point of contention among the Southeast’s political elite. Many wonder why Governor Soludo, currently APGA’s only governor and Obi’s successor (with Obiano in between), does not miss any opportunity to lampoon Obi. The answer lies in what is perceived as Obi’s betrayal of Ojukwu’s vision. Soludo and many others believe that had Obi contested the presidency on the APGA platform, the unified Igbo votes cast for the Labour Party in 2023 could have solidified a credible alliance with other regions, potentially producing a viable path to the presidency by 2027 or 2031. In their view, Obi’s decision to defect and pursue personal ambition has pushed this goal further out of reach.

    Soludo, whose own ambition to lead Nigeria after his tenure as Anambra governor is no secret, appears convinced that Obi’s actions constitute a betrayal—not only of Ojukwu’s legacy but of the collective aspirations of the Southeast. Like President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Soludo holds that political power is never handed over on a platter. It requires strategic planning, broad-based consultations, concessions, compromise, patience, and unwavering commitment.

    Obi, buoyed by a wave of youthful enthusiasm—particularly among the diaspora—mounted a campaign heavy on soundbites and flawed statistics. He miscalculated, believing that electoral upsets alone would catapult him to power. The result has been political limbo: his Labour Party is currently in disarray, and his own political trajectory appears uncertain.

    • Sunday Odeleke Houston, Texas, USA  
  • State police: What are we waiting for?

    State police: What are we waiting for?

    In Nigeria today, bandits, terrorists and other criminals who are known by different names have made each day imperfect for Nigerians. We have lost count of the number of people killed or kidnapped in various parts of Nigeria daily. Now the major scene of killings and kidnappings is Plateau and Benue states, while a few other states also record minor and not so minor incidents of killing and kidnapping.

    That is why many people are surprised, in fact shocked, that the decision makers are postponing taking a firm decision on state police. Governors of the southern and northern states have agreed that the creation of state police is the answer to the present insecurity problem. Traditional rulers, civil society organisations, the media and serious-minded Nigerians have also come to the inescapable conclusion that state police, if implemented, is the formula for tackling this present level of high insecurity in the country.

    There are several reasons why the efforts of our security personnel have not yielded the desired results of effectively combating insecurity in the country. One, there are not enough police and military personnel to cope with the problem in such a vast country as Nigeria. It is estimated that out of the 450, 000 policemen in Nigeria today, at least 150, 000 of them are attached to very important personalities and not so important personalities who have the cash to get such personnel assigned to them, whether they merit such favours or not. That is why it is easy to find policemen being used as houseboys who carry handbags, agbadas, wigs, wallets, gele, and bottled water for their ogas as if these ogas have no hands with which to carry their personal items. This is disgraceful, something that you don’t see in other countries. But this is Nigeria where anything, almost anything, goes.

    Two, most of our security agencies – policemen and armed forces personnel – operate largely in urban and semi-urban areas. The terrorists and bandits are smart. That is why they now target rural areas where our security personnel are absent. They just move in there in okada, kill and abduct as many people as possible and vanish into the forests and bushes and leave us gnashing our teeth and throwing the country into the abyss of grief every day.

    Three, the telecommunication companies still sell their sim cards to all kinds of persons without recording their correct identities. In an age of technology such as this, it should have been easy, very easy, to locate who the terrorists are and where they are operating from if their phones were properly registered.

    Four, it seems that our security personnel are using poor and outdated technology. With superior technology, it would be easy to trace and arrest or destroy these criminals. In China, almost every problem is solved with modern technology. Why don’t we go to China and ask them to fashion out appropriate technology for dealing with our insecurity problem. Mr President, what stops you from visiting China, specifically for the purpose of getting help on our security problems? China has appropriate technology for solving problems in developing countries.

    Five, the government has made this fight against insecurity a government-only fight. That ought not to be the case. The people ought to be involved in it. These terrorists live near people. If they live in the forests, people know where these forests are located. Is there a three-digit number that people can call to give information? If there is, is that well known to Nigerians in our towns and villages? I have no idea. The fight against these criminals ought to be a major campaign in which all the media platforms ought to be used in all the states, local government areas and villages. This campaign can only be successful when there is a massive sensitisation of the public. The fight doesn’t belong to the government alone. It belongs to the people as well.

    Six, this is a fight in which it will be useful to utilise the services of whistleblowers. If there is some kind of compensation given for accurate and timely information that can lead to the foiling of a planned kidnap attempt or the location of the den of the criminals, the fight will yield good results. So, I see no harm in rewarding people who supply vital, accurate and timely information that helps the country in this fight.

    Seven, in most of the cases of kidnapping, the victims are taken into forests where the criminals keep their arms, food and their ransom. If our forests have now become a source of unhappiness for Nigeria, why are we keeping them? Environmentalists may lecture us on the merits of keeping our forests, but the forests are not more important than human lives. If there are known forests where these terrorists use as their sanctuary, we should reduce those forests to bare land where no criminals can hide without being seen. That is better than our continuing to yelp like puppies every day as our loved ones are taken away and killed.

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    Eight, I do not see the wisdom in pampering terrorists who have kidnapped or killed people. The idea of treating them with kid gloves is revolting to me. We rehabilitate and send them to live with their victims. What kind of society are we trying to build? We pamper terrorists while we send people who steal goats or yams to prison. Double standards cannot help us. Criminals must be punished, not pampered.

    Let me repeat for the umpteenth time, that state police is the answer to this nagging problem because of its obvious merits. State police will increase the number of policemen available for duty. That increase in number means that they can be assigned to duty in rural areas where the criminals have made their soft targets. State policemen will come from the states, will speak the local language and will know the lay of the land. They will be able to gather information easily and that easy means of gathering information will improve their work tremendously. They will be authorised to carry sophisticated weapons, the type carried by terrorists. Even though the Buhari government approved the establishment of Amotekun in the South West and Ebubeagu in the South East as regional security outfits, none of them is as effective as expected because they are not allowed to carry sophisticated arms. So, their creation has turned out to be an act of futility. Now they only arrest those they can arrest and hand them over to the police for appropriate action while the criminals continue to fire on all cylinders.

    In my view, it is the state police that will fill the gaping gap, it is they who can do the heavy lifting. Why the decision makers are pussy- footing on this matter is unclear to me, while scores of people are being killed or kidnapped daily in various parts of the country.

    We need state police now, not next year.