Category: Comments

  • Expanding financial access for Nigerians abroad

    Expanding financial access for Nigerians abroad

    • By Isah Aliyu Chiroma

    In the race to build a secure, efficient and inclusive financial ecosystem for Nigerians globally, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), in collaboration with the Nigeria Interbank Settlement System (NIBSS), has taken a monumental step with the launch of the Non- Resident Bank Verification Number (NRBVN) platform. This innovative digital gateway is designed specifically for Nigerians in the diaspora, enabling them to obtain a Bank Verification Number (BVN) remotely and without needing a physical presence in Nigeria.

    The NRBVN platform not only streamlines access to financial services but also serves as an essential bridge, connecting Nigerians in the diaspora with their home country. By facilitating easier and more affordable access to banking options, the NRBVN platform has the potential to reshape the financial landscape for millions.

    At its core, the NRBVN platform is a strategic move towards comprehensive financial inclusion. Many Nigerians living outside the country often face barriers when trying to access banking and financial services back home. The CBN’s initiative addresses these challenges by implementing a secure digital verification process.

    With robust Know Your Customer (KYC) protocols integrated into the platform, individuals can now access a variety of financial services, ranging from savings accounts to debt, mortgages, insurance, pensions, and investment opportunities in Nigeria’s capital markets, all from the comfort of their current locations. This digital transformation marks the beginning of a broader journey towards inclusivity, as it opens the door for a wider demographic of the Nigerian population to engage with their financial system.

    A key aspect of the NRBVN initiative is its commitment to security and compliance. With the integration of stringent Anti-Money Laundering (AML) measures and KYC compliance, the platform will ensure that transactions are conducted with utmost integrity and transparency. By safeguarding these processes, the CBN is not only protecting the interests of the financial system but also instilling confidence among users. Trust is a critical component of financial services, and by emphasising security, the NRBVN platform fosters a sense of assurance for those looking to engage with Nigerian banks from abroad.

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    One of the most significant and immediate impacts of the NRBVN platform is its potential to alter remittance flows into Nigeria dramatically. Remittances have always played a crucial role in the Nigerian economy, contributing significantly to the nation’s GDP. Recent reforms, including the introduction of a willing buyer, willing seller foreign exchange (FX) regime, indicate that remittance flows through formal channels are already on an upward trajectory—rising from $3.3 billion in 2023 to $4.73 billion in 2024. The Central Bank is optimistic that the NRBVN platform will facilitate and further accelerate this trend, aiming for a target of $1 billion monthly. Achieving this will provide a much-needed financial boost for numerous families and local enterprises across Nigeria.

    The NRBVN platform forms part of a more extensive framework designed to cater to the financial needs of Nigerians living abroad. This framework includes the Non-Resident Ordinary Account (NROA) and the Non-Resident Nigerian Investment Account (NRNIA). Together, these initiatives create a comprehensive suite of financial services that hollow out complexities often associated with cross-border banking. By establishing these channels, the framework allows for the seamless repatriation of investment proceeds, delivering flexibility and security to Nigerian citizens overseas. Such financial structures not only serve individual users but also contribute positively to Nigeria’s overall economic resilience and stability.

     The benefits of the NRBVN platform extend beyond mere access to financial services; they encompass broader economic implications. The ability of Nigerians in the diaspora to invest in their home country can have transformative effects. It encourages the flow of capital back into Nigeria, which can be directed towards infrastructure development, small and medium- sized enterprises, and other vital economic sectors. This influx of investment can play a significant role in bolstering economic growth, creating jobs, and reducing poverty within local communities. By facilitating investment opportunities, the CBN is harnessing the potential of Nigerians abroad to contribute meaningfully to the nation’s development trajectory.

     The impact of the NRBVN platform is particularly crucial in the context of economic challenges, including high remittance costs and foreign exchange rates. The CBN has expressed a firm commitment to reducing the high costs associated with remittances, recognising that such expenses impose a significant burden on families relying on these funds for daily living. As the NRBVN platform continues to evolve, it is expected to play a pivotal role in optimising the remittance process, making it more cost-effective and accessible for Nigerians abroad.

    Stakeholders’ engagement is paramount to the success of this initiative. The CBN is prioritising continuous dialogue with various stakeholders, including banks, financial institutions, and international partners, to ensure that the NRBVN platform meets the evolving needs of Nigerians in the diaspora. By actively collecting feedback and making necessary adjustments, the CBN will demonstrate its commitment to creating a more transparent platform and grow according to the diverse expectations of its users.

    The launch of the NRBVN platform by the Central Bank of Nigeria marks a significant milestone in the nation’s pursuit of financial inclusion and economic development. By facilitating access to a broad spectrum of prioritising, optimising, recognising, and emphasising the needs of Nigerians living abroad, this platform stands to make a monumental difference in the lives of countless individuals and families.

    The CBN’s commitment to enhancing financial inclusion, coupled with its focus on security, transparency, and continuous improvement of individual scores have the potential to be a critical tool for promoting economic growth, reducing poverty, and fostering shared prosperity. As the platform continues to evolve alongside the needs of its users, it is poised to play an instrumental role in shaping the future landscape of Nigeria’s financial system.

    •Chiroma, a public affairs analyst, writes from Abuja

  • Economic progress in Nigeria, Delta

    Economic progress in Nigeria, Delta

    • By Godfrey Money

    For the average Nigerian, or what some others may refer to as the commoner, economic development or progress is measured by the prices of foodstuffs in the market vis-à-vis their financial resources. Hence food inflation is the single, most determinant economic factor for the common man. Even though transportation fares or the prices of Premium Motor Spirit (petrol) and Automotive Gas Oil (diesel) go up, the impact is measured by the prices of food items in the market. And when farmers are driven out of the farms by insecurity, there will be a dearth of food supply in the market, hence rise in food prices; the standard of living, viewed from food prism, plummets or nose-dives.

    The foregoing is an acknowledgement of the current hardship, especially the food crisis being faced by many Nigerians. The hardship, in different degrees, had always been there since the 1980s but took a turn for the worse under the immediate past administration due to its economic inertia and self-inflicted policy choices that condoned the menace of herdsmen, who ravaged with impunity the entire country and drove away from the farms the largely agrarian population of Nigeria. Kidnapping, maiming and killings by herdsmen and bandits became the order of the day. The economic effects now stare us in the face.

    Before the current government was inaugurated on May 29, 2023, ginormous sums of naira that could have been deployed to open the rural areas and revolutionise agriculture through massive road networks and agro-allied industries, to improve healthcare and education, were expended on fuel subsidy, which was a scam of monumental proportions, and the fight against insecurity, which was exacerbated by the nonchalant attitude of the then central government. The fuel subsidy regime was a complete scam; it was a cesspool of corruption by a few elites.

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    By the time Tinubu assumed office as president, the country was in dire financial straits. The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited was no longer remitting revenue to the Federation Account, indeed was in debt and could not meet its Joint Venture commitments. The debt service-to-revenue ratio was about 97% with a FOREX backlog in the neighbourhood of $7billion, which is a disincentive to foreign investments in the country. Many state governments were drowning in debt, owing a backlog of salaries and failing to meet financial obligations to contractors. In short, the economy was in a state of comatose and in need of radical reforms.

    On February 12, 2024, a former CBN Governor, Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, underscored the parlous state of the economy inherited by the Tinubu government in the following words:

    “I have been, over the years, talking about the pending crisis ahead of the current economic hardship. Any economist who has studied monetary policy in the last eight years knows that Nigerians will fall into this difficult situation. The difficult situation Nigerians are facing is just the beginning (if the right decision is not put in place) because Nigeria is not exceptional; such situations happened in Germany, Zimbabwe, Uganda, and Venezuela.

    “The previous administration turned adamant about our appeal for corrective measures (on the economic policy). For eight years, we were living a fake lifestyle with huge debt from foreign and domestic debts. The Central Bank of Nigeria owes over N30 trillion, which resulted in debt service surpassing 100 per cent.

    “It’s injustice for anyone to blame the Tinubu administration for the current economic hardship because there is no other alternative than the removal of the fuel subsidy. After all, Nigeria cannot even afford to pay the subsidy. In the last eight years, the Central Bank continued to print more money, and the naira continued to depreciate. There is too much naira in circulation because the CBN is printing the currency without restraint. The economy was poorly managed, and they are not willing to take advice; in the last eight years, apart from sycophancy, nothing has been done.”

    During his inaugural speech on May 29, 2023, Tinubu announced the removal of fuel subsidy, and shortly after floated the naira in order to stop arbitrage, which threw up overnight millionaires under the last administration.

    The Federal Government has since cleared the inherited FOREX backlog of $7 billion and commenced the implementation of a N70,000 National Minimum Wage. The debt service-to-revenue ratio is now around 65 per cent with about $30 billion Foreign Direct Investments in the country. What is more, Nigeria’s foreign reserves have risen to $40.4 billion while trade surplus increased by 209 percent by the end of 2024. The GDP grew by 3.85 percent in less than two years of the current government, with a projection of an annual growth of seven percent.

    All indigent students of federal higher institutions of learning now have access to loans through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) to further their education, the first of its kind on that scale in this country. Insecurity levels have dropped; hence food inflation is gradually easing off.

    However, the sudden resurgence of killings in Benue and Plateau States in recent weeks is concerning, especially in the light of the charge that it is connected to the next general elections. Without security, there can be no significant economic development. Hence the government must act fast and decisively to contain the situation in order to sustain the economic gains.

    As a result of removal of fuel subsidy, the state governments now receive more funds from the Federation Account, not just to pay salaries but embark on massive economic development projects. Among the 36 federating states, Delta is showing a good example. In such a short time of less than two years in office, the Governor Sheriff Oborevwori administration has repaid over 50 percent of the humongous debt he inherited from the previous government. This is unprecedented in the annals of the state. The state also exceeded its revenue target by nearly 200 percent.

    In order to foster economic development, the state government is investing massively in education, vocational training, agriculture and small-scale businesses. Delta State can be described as one huge construction site. For the first time in the history of the state, Julius Berger is building roads and bridges. The ripple effects of such massive projects are trickling down to the grassroots in terms of thousands of jobs created and economic activities stimulated. Expectedly, this will lead to economic expansion, social mobility and rise in the standard of living.

    With insecurity contained, rise in oil production expected to hit two million barrels per day, complemented by the continuous rise in non-oil revenues, and the just-introduced “Nigeria First” policy, designed to prioritise locally manufactured goods in all government procurement processes, there is no doubt that the economy will soon turn a new page for the betterment of Nigerians.

    •Money writes from Ughelli, Delta State

  • A crisis management analysis of 2025 online JAMB exam glitch

    A crisis management analysis of 2025 online JAMB exam glitch

    By Ganiu Okunnu PhD

    Crisis constitutes a critical moment in the life of any individual, organisation or nation. It attempts to or actually threatens activities and existence of every thriving business or organisation. 

    According to crisis management experts, though crisis comes with the intent of disrupting the existence of an organsiation, it also brings unique learning opportunities that strengthens the affected organisation. It is a matter of when, not if, an organization will face a crisis. 

    The Nigeria’s university entrance examination body, Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) is currently having a taste of its worst crisis since its establishment in 1978. The recent technical glitch caused by skipped software patch is a testimony to the fact that no matter how well prepared an organisation is, it is vulnerable to crisis. 

    Please permit me to condole with the family of the lady who took her life in Lagos due to the JAMB incidence. Equally, my sympathy to all Nigerians who experienced distress due to the unforeseen challenge. We can only be patient and have faith in the leadership of the Board, which has demonstrated rare courage, honesty and transparency in resolving the issue. 

    Since his assumption of duties as JAMB Registrar in 2016, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede has reassured many Nigerians that the nation’s university entrance examination body under his watch will be characterised by transparency. This, he has demonstrated by his continued remittance of profits to the nation’s coffers, his numerous fool-proof innovations and prompt response to issues all aimed at repositioning JAMB to actualise its founding objectives. 

    A cursory glance across the world reveals that the 2025 exam glitch incident is not peculiar to Nigeria. Similar incidents had been experienced in other parts of the world including the United kingdom’s exam debacle that took place in 2020, the Florida’s online testing system glitch in 2015, electronic system problems in Egypt in 2019 and a host of others. 

    All these incidents provided unique learning opportunities for the affected institutions and nations to become better in managing online exams. I am confident that this incident will strengthen JAMB and our educational system in the use of online technology for exams and other conducts. 

    As stated earlier, crisis is an integral part of every organisation, its occurrence affects the activities and reputation of the organisation and its leaders, but it also strengthens their coping mechanism and innovative capacity. The Chinese word for crisis is Wei Ji 危机 Wei means crisis while Ji means opportunity. In the ancient Chinese philosophy, opportunities often arise from crisis. What opportunities do we expect from this incident? 

    As exemplified by the inspiring character of its registrar, JAMB has admitted responsibility for the technical glitch with Prof. Oloyede accepting blames for the negligence, failure and unexpected errors from the incident. That is the first step towards any effective crisis resolution. Responsible leadership is a key requirement in any crisis management. It is based on genuine assessment of situation and taking decisive action. In line with Attribution theory, accepting responsibility for errors leading to a crisis is a not a weakness rather a key strength that only a few possess, kudos to Prof. Oloyede. 

    Rather than pointing at imaginary enemies to evade responsibilities, Prof. Oloyede admitted the errors and announced measures to ensure that affected students retake the exam. What an exemplary leadership in a nation where most leaders will arrogantly fail to admit errors and refuse to provide remedies. Calls for his resignation have continued to fill the airwaves. The incident provided a perfect cover for his critics to take pound of flesh from Prof. Oloyede who they felt should be sacrificed. This is the harm that crisis does to organisation, reputation damage. For leaders who have built their profile, yes, crisis is a terrible period and it leaves terrible marks on them, but this time shall pass and they will become better. In testimony of his reputational currency, the calls for his removal are being neutralized by vocal supports for his performance by well-meaning Nigerians and well-established institutions who have firm belief in his leadership and positive transformation witnessed in JAMB under his watch. Prof. Oloyede, this time shall pass. 

    As stated earlier, the 2025 JAMB crisis will fade away, but it passes a strong message to the wise. If an organisation that is well managed like JAMB experienced this crisis, what do we say of other public service organisations? 

    Leaders of other public service organisations in Nigeria would be wiser to take a cue from the JAMB incident and plan very well for their own storm which will eventually happen. How efficient have they been on their turf? What’s the level of transparency that they have exhibited? How public friendly? This checklist has been fairly fulfilled by JAMB, yet a section of the public remains stubbornly unappreciative. The communication experts for JAMB have done well, not only during this raging crisis, but before now in articulating the Board’s well meaning disposition and real actions. The real challenge however is the mega plurality of communication platforms seemingly availing some otherwise uninformed and bigoted minds all the visibility that accrued to them. The lesson therefore lies in the need for organisations to reckon properly with dynamics of public communication playing out by the day.

    Organisations must therefore be proactive by allocating enormous resources to the trendy training of their staff to handle crisis when it occurs. Today, it is JAMB. Whose turn tomorrow is difficult to tell. Just thinking aloud for the peace that we all desire to have.

    Dr Ganiu Okunnu, Strategic Communication Scholar, based at the Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, FCMS, is a first generation alumnus of the LASU School of Communication, now FCMS

  • Between FCCPC, MultiChoice and revisionists

    Between FCCPC, MultiChoice and revisionists

    By Emiola Daniel

    A new industry has mushroomed in the last few weeks in Nigeria. Let us, for want of a better phrase, call it “Pay As You Go” media market in which a litigant loses in court and the next thing, they pay hack writers, “TV pocket lawyers” and online hustlers to make a false interpretation of the court ruling. The shame of it all is the absurd length some of these hirelings would, for few shekels of silver, go in insulting public intelligence with illogic while inadvertently mortgaging the interests of their own fatherland.

    As a keen follower of Nigeria’s cable sector in the last decade, this is the impression one gets since an Abuja Federal High Court dismissed as “an abuse of court process” a suit filed in March by MultiChoice (operator of DSTV and GoTV) against the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC).

    A chorus of voices — disguised as independent commentary but reading like a coordinated media offensive — has emerged to distort the facts, misrepresent the judgment, and attack the Commission’s integrity.

    Note, MultiChoice was the litigant, not FCCPC as being projected by the brigade of hack writers online.

    MultiChoice had rushed to the court seeking to restrain the Commission from conducting an investigation.

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    The facts are clear: MultiChoice’s suit was dismissed. Its attempts to bar the FCCPC from investigating its pricing practices failed. The Commission’s powers under the FCCPA 2018, especially to investigate exploitative pricing, remain fully intact.

    But this simple statement, rendered in English language and not pidgin, is now being twisted by MultiChoice and its media hirelings. Fevered efforts are being made to mischaracterise the outcome, suggesting that the Commission was “reined in” or had “overreached.” These claims are not only inaccurate, they are legally and factually indefensible.

    Obviously, following the ruling, MultiChoice is afraid that the affirmation of FCCPC’s powers means an obligation to honour Commission’s invitation and explain certain nagging questions. Hence, this shameless desperation to either misinterpret or obfuscate the real issues.

    The genesis of the latest episode was early February when one aggrieved consumer, Festus Onifade, filed a case (Suit No: FHC/ABJ/CS/363/2025) against MultiChoice and joined the FCCPC as a party, seeking regulatory intervention. In line with its statutory mandate under Sections 32 and 33 of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA) 2018, the FCCPC invited MultiChoice to an investigative hearing on February 27.

    In the May 8 ruling, Justice James Omotosho dismissed the MultiChoice’s suit in its entirety, describing it as an abuse of court process given the pendency of Mr. Onifade’s earlier and related case. The Court made no order in MultiChoice’s favour, and every single one of the reliefs sought by the company was denied. This is, unequivocally, a procedural and substantive win for the FCCPC.

    Another common theme in the ongoing media spin is the idea that MultiChoice is unfairly targeted while others are ignored. But the difference is scale, dominance, and conduct. Unlike many other players, MultiChoice holds substantial market power and has engaged in a pattern of frequent and sharp price increases, over 174% in less than two years, without meaningful consumer accommodation. It is also the only provider to defy an advisory while facing an open regulatory inquiry.

    In sum, this speaks to what the FCCPC had flagged for years: unchecked dominance and absence of effective competition, which allows MultiChoice to act with little fear of consumer loss.

    Again, efforts to portray FCCPC’s action after the May 8 judgement as an attempt at price control is most mischievous and disingenuous. To be clear, the FCCPC does not control price or fix prices. Its intervention was based on its legal duty to investigate where a dominant player’s conduct may harm consumers.

    Overall, its mandate relates to ensuring fair competition and eschewing exploitative practices. In fact, I recall that during a series of townhall meetings across the country last year, the FCCPC boss, Mr. Tunji Bello, made it clear that since we run a free market economy, there is nothing like price control in its mandate, nor is the commission a substitute for a price control board.

    It is, therefore, most laughable when MultiChoice and its media hirelings now postulate that invitation extended to the service provider in February was all about price control. I believe that clause was inserted in the writ brought by the petitioner in March as a blackmail. What mischief!

    The distinction between price control under Section 88 and investigative powers under Section 72 is clear in the FCCPA and has been made repeatedly by the Commission in public statements. Conflating the two is either intellectually dishonest or deliberately misleading.

    Some of the hired megaphones have gone so far arguing that pay-TV is “not an essential service,” and therefore outside the scope of concern. That is both legally and ethically flawed. The FCCPA does not limit protection to “essential” services. It applies to all goods and services offered for value in Nigeria, particularly where consumer harm or market abuse is alleged. The fact that a service is discretionary does not excuse abuse or exclude regulatory oversight.

    Again, the frequently cited “lowest price in Africa” argument collapses under scrutiny. Pricing must be understood in context, not raw foreign exchange terms. Nigerians are not paid in dollars. The appropriate metric is local affordability, not external comparisons. More importantly, price hikes must be assessed in relation to service value, consumer feedback, and market behaviour, not company’s whims.

    The FCCPC’s concerns are not isolated in any case. On 23 March 2025, Save the Consumers, a respected Nigerian consumer rights organisation, issued a strong-worded statement condemning MultiChoice’s “monopolistic antics”.

    Indeed, following an announcement by MultiChoice in February it would hike service rates, the consumer protection body had invited it to clarify certain issues, especially coming barely seven after the cable service provider similarly hiked their rates. Then, Multichoice asked for a grace of one week to make an appearance. FCCPC obliged but with the proviso that the pending price hike be put on hold until the arising issues were resolved. 

    But in a clear case of bad faith, Multichoice went ahead and raised their rates in Nigeria at a time it was cutting rates in its home country, South Africa “in solidarity with the people over rising cost of living”. The big puzzle: how come they are raising prices in Nigeria with relatively bigger client base and lowering same in South Africa? Isn’t that price apartheid?

    While Nigerian consumers were enduring rising costs, in South Africa, MultiChoice simultaneously rolled out price reductions of up to 38%, with new channels and service upgrades “to cushion economic hardship”.

    Two, elsewhere in Uganda, MultiChoice is now running Pay Per View through affordable weekly subscription packages under the Ka Weekie campaign, offering DStv and GOtv viewers plans starting from just UGX 5,000. These flexible, short-term payment options were promoted as responses to “consistent subscriber feedback” and a commitment to affordability.

    But no such opportunity is available for Nigerian consumers. Why?

    Records show that MultiChoice’s pricing strategy over the past two years has been anything but modest. In May 2023, the price of its Premium Package jumped from ₦16,200 to ₦24,500, an increase of 51.23%. In November 2023, another hike pushed the price to ₦29,500, an additional 20.41%. In May 2024, subscription rose again to ₦37,000, a 25.42% increase. On 1 March 2025, the price further increased to ₦44,500, a 20.27% jump.

    Each increase came with corresponding adjustments across all subscription packages. This cumulative escalation, over 174% in less than two years, underscores the seriousness of consumer concerns and justifies regulatory scrutiny under Section 72 of the FCCPA, which prohibits excessive or unfair pricing by dominant market players.

    These are some of the issues that FCCCPC would love to have answered. A concern that should also be shared by genuine patriots, unlike these “Pay As You Go” media hirelings who are going haywire in the online space. Well, maybe hunger is responsible. By the way, the grapevine even has it that some of the “mercenaries” get rewarded with all-expense paid trip to watch soccer matches at Emirates Stadium in London! What a shame!

    Finally, the suggestion that the FCCPC’s actions will scare investors is unfounded. What deters investors is unchecked market abuse, not regulation. Investors seek predictable, rules-based environments, where regulators uphold transparency, and dominant players are held accountable. That is what the FCCPC is doing.

    • Mr. Emiola Daniel, a media law expert, wrote from Lagos.

  • From debts to freedom; the Tinubu magic wand

    From debts to freedom; the Tinubu magic wand

    By Bamidele Atoyebi

    It is axiomatic that when the fountain is muddied, you can’t get clean water downstream just like the fish starts rotting from the head. However, what is happening in the political firmament of Nigeria is a reverse logic to those aphorisms.

    Like it is argued that individual capacity determines the success and development of a nation in transition like Nigeria, it has held true economically and will soon go round to other sectors of the country.

    When Nigerians heard the announcement on Inauguration day of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, that subsidy is no more, it evoked mixed feelings from friends and foes. To some, it aligned with the unsteady movement of the announcer while armchair economists dusted up their brains and started tumbling straight from economic abstracts with convoluted propositions of what should or ought to have been done.

    In his characteristic style, Tinubu asked for time and understanding, insisting that he knew what he was doing and where he was leading the polity to. As is won’t with new policies, it brought with it the balancer of good which is hardship but Nigerians would have none of that and they started lamentations and cursing the President for the hardship. They forgot that you can’t make an omelette without breaking eggs and that pain and gain are two sides of one coin which you cannot take one and leave the other.

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    Fastrack to now where other Governors like line dancers are looking at the footsteps of the lead dancer and taking cues. How has that translated to reality? A look at documents from the Debt Management Office shows that Nigeria is paying off her debts accumulated by several regimes like the International Monetary Fund, IMF which has come out to acknowledge it as true, making people to wonder how come in this era of belt tightening and global tanking of economies.

    Some are saying it is a product if the removal of subsidy which had attracted the highest outcry and negative analysis. Its early gains have manifested in debt freedom by Nigeria. Other debts are being serviced and repaid which signposts better days ahead.

    Since President Tinubu has led the way to adroit utilisation of resources as well as responsible spending, there is no other way to go for subnationals than to follow suit. The first salvo was fired by Alex Otti of Abia State who said he had reduced the debts of the state without borrowing while also executing multi- billion Naira projects before more statistics started dropping that it was the case of all the states in Nigeria in a collective march towards debt freedom.

    With a bragging right, the government can boast all it wants because there are tangibles to point at as performance indices. As one Tinubu supporter boasted on the internet, “The removal of subsidy has helped us to achieved this;

    We were borrowing to pay subsidies, but now, we are paying back all the debts incurred under subsidy.

    “No State borrows to finance projects anymore , so the financial liberation is what we have not seen in this country before. We are definitely moving on the right track and hopefully, we will gather enough speed to meet the advanced economies soon.”

    A look at the statistics of domestic debt comparison released by relevant Authorities show more than 98 per cent decrease in debts across states in that only three states have increased debts out of the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory. They are Niger State with 15.40 per cent increase, Enugu with 27.99 percent increase and Lagos with 61.59 percent. The rest of the states all have negative debt increases meaning they are paying back their debts without further borrowings, an unprecedented record in the annals of Nigerian history.

    Jigawa state as at 2023 owed N43,132,050,837.37 which it has reduced to N1,329,234,426.88 which means it has paid 96.92% of its debt under Tinubu administration. It is closely followed by Ondo state which had N74,034,439,748.98 but reduced it to N12,876,176,042.46 and  has defrayed 82.61% of theirs. Ebonyi State which had N76,140,911,685.58 reduced theirs to N18,112,026,850.56. By that figure, it has paid 76.21%of it’s debt.

    Kaduna State  has N87,282,487,580.65 and reduced it to N25,764,761,060.10 representing 70.48% pay back while Borno had N93,386,414,943.18 now reduced to N27,914,959,613.76 representing 70.11% Defrayment. Nasarawa had N71,106,455,397.36 and reduced their to N26,597,217,075.38 which is 62.60 repayment and Anambra had N76,395,998,986.24 but reduced it to N28,684,540,143.05 or paid back 62.45 percent within the period.

    Katsina State had N62,374,809,154.32 and reduced to N25,679586,232.65 representing 58.83%, followed by Delta State which had N465,404,504,431.59 reduced to N199,575,659,736.39 or 57.12% and Kogi with N93,686,958,202.32 reduced to N41,587,578,673.55 or 55.61%. Yobe State had N91,447,856,211.24 reduced to N42,055,410,877.07 or 54.01% and Abia State had N142,470,717,702.46 reduced to N66, 078,662,682.98 or 53.62%.

    Ekiti State had N114,290,102,870.57 reduced to N53,528,717,341.06 and therefore has paid 53.17% of the debt it owed before Tinubu came to office. Kano State had N122,361,942,618.93 and  reduced it to N60,649,754,463.22 or by  59.43% and Kwara had N107,576,926,423.98 which it has reduced to N57,078,849,493.01 or 45.08%.

    Oyo had N162,402,219,128.92 and reduced it to N88,998,362,124.03 or 44.64%; Imo had N220,638,395,301.38 reduced to N126,144,102,593.35 or 42.88% and Osun had N145,709,274,676.21 and reduced to N84,266,880,137.42 or 42.17% and Cross River had N204,045,567,373.66 reduced toN118,134,026,523.31 or42.10%.

    Plateau State had 152,615,986,155.32 reduced to N96,088,741,500.68 or 49.30%; Sokoto had N91,678,946,481.14 reduced to N55,409,834,144.35 or 39.56%; Akwa Ubom had N199,580,487,551.93 and reduced it to N122,193,037,697.65 or 38.77%; Zamfara had N96,306,104,781.76 reduced to N59,044,383,851.89 or 38.69% and Bayelsa State had N134,500,839,618.20 reduced to N82,722,072,815.09 or 38.50%.

    Adamawa had N122,751,037,34455 reduced to N81,232,719282.98 or 36.41%; Benue State had N186,940,087,801.06 and now down to N122,575,619,594.08 or 34.43%. Gombe had N134,639,260,664.69 reduced to N89,241,389,619.79 or 33.72%; Ogun had N293,224,959,775.19 and reduced theirs to N211,860,,175,068.71 or 27.75% while FCT had N84,773,761,217.36 and reduced it to N63,557,338,984.16 or 25.02%.

    Edo State had N 126,001,366,555,.30 and reduced it to N112,998,966,385.30 or 10.32%; Lagos State had N996,440,044,233.35 and reduced it to N900,191,216,363.58 or 9.66% while Bauchi had N147,360,920,066.11 and reduced it to N143,948,069,260.24 or 2.22%. Taraba had N83,129,388,663.90 reduced to N81,387,745,236.16 or 2.10%

    The three that added to their debts are Niger State which had N121,954,169,872.21 in 2023 but increases it to N140,739,523,757.12 or 15.40%; Enugu State that had N93,197,207,627.52 and increased it to N119,284,430,106.52 and increased by 27.99% and  Rivers that had N225,585,011,356.83 and increased it to N364,393,017,734.54 or 61.59 %.

    The simple explanation to the magic is that Tinubu is clear headed on the problems of the country and has been applying his economic surgical blade with delicate accuracy to removing the cancerous cells that have been stultifying Nigeria’s growth. Since we are still in the second year of the administration, and we are recording these results, there is no doubt that we are going to be in our eldorado soon to shout eureka.

    • Associated with the BAT Ideological Group, Bamidele is a Social Worker,  Criminologist, Maritime Administrator, and Philanthropist Who Serves as The National Coordinator of The Accountability and Policy Tracker, Penning his Thoughts from Abuja.

  • The needless bile against Matawalle and other issues

    The needless bile against Matawalle and other issues

    • By Lawal Umar Maradun

    RECENTLY, a group emerged with unfounded accusations against the Honourable Minister of State for Defence and former Governor of Zamfara State, Hon. Bello Mohammed Matawalle, MON. They called on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to “call the Minister to order” over alleged harassment of their supporters. While some organized orchestrated protests, hiring non-Zamfara indigenes to call on EFCC against Matawalle. These claims are not only baseless but also a deliberate attempt to divert attention from the internal failures and disarray within their paymasters.

    What these detractors truly resent is the strong and visible support that Hon. Matawalle gives to President Tinubu and the APC-led administration. He has consistently stood out in defending government policies aimed at national development and stability.

    It is crucial to challenge the misuse of the term “harassment.” In a democratic society, accountability and political engagement do not equate to intimidation. The reckless use of such terms without credible evidence smacks of desperation and undermines constructive political discourse. It’s a strategy rooted in propaganda, not principle.

    These groups have lost ground both politically and socially. Their relevance has diminished, and rather than reflect on their shortcomings or propose solutions, they resort to mudslinging and finger-pointing. This is not advocacy, rather it is a smear campaign motivated by envy, hatred and political fatigue.

    Ironically, these critics have failed to address the serious economic and security challenges in their constituencies. For example, Zamfara State remains one of the hardest-hit regions, grappling with insecurity and poverty. Yet, instead of contributing to solutions, they attack those actively working to alleviate the suffering of the masses in the State like Matawalle.

    Hon. Matawalle has never shied away from his responsibilities, both as a former governor and now as a federal minister. Alongside Senator Abdulaziz Yari and other key stakeholders of the APC. Matawalle has continued to support the people of Zamfara state through generous relief efforts such as donations during Ramadan and interventions during disasters like the 2024 Gummi flood and most recenty, the visit of Matawalle to condole the families of the slained Chief Imam in Maru Local Government Area of the State. Matawalle’s positive impact is felt always first before even those whose responsibility is to govern the State.

    When he was Governor,  Matawalle was highly  committed to people-oriented administration to ensure a Government under meaningful change and to ensure effective governance aimed at delivering better services to the people of the State; Matawalle made series of strategic appointments that cut across all the Wards in the 14 local government areas of the State.

    Read Also: Why we rejected N200m bribe to stage protest against Tinubu, Matawalle – Group

    The people he appointed were individuals who  were carefully selected and trusted to bring visionary leadership, and accountability across all levels of administration in the State. For a purposeful leadership and for meaningful Impact, there were a number of philanthropic gestures and social intervention programmes to ameliorate the sufferings of the people in the state. For example under the Zamfara State Social Intervention Programme (ZASIP) so many families were removed from hardships.

    Many young people were appointed into various positions who were experts in various fields of endeavour, guiding strategic decisions of the Government with experience and insight. The aim was to bring efficiency and innovation to blend.

    Many of the past appointees who were contacted before compiling this piece have stated that they are still grateful to the past Matawalle administration which groomed them to serve as voices of the people, championing in various sectors and communities across the state. They further explained that they equally served as hands-on supporters,  ensuring grassroots impact and responsive governance in Zamfara.

    Some of the permanent members and commissioners appointed by Matawalle submitted that their inclusion by Matawalle in his government has helped to further strengthen his administration, as they were assigned to various roles to serve as guardians of continuity and institutional capacity. They contributed in offering steadfast oversight functions and direction.

    Even part-time members appointed said they have provided professional service and expertise to elevate various boards performances and brought balance and perspective to governance.

    All the 14 Local Government Areas had Project Monitoring Committee members serving as watchdogs ensuring that local development projects  delivered the desired results.

    Indeed, there has never been a Governor in Zamfara State that truly ensured inclusiveness in governance and  represented a unified force committed to improving lives, enhancing service delivery, and building a better future for all the people of the State,

    Such actions reflect leadership, not intimidation. As a former legislator and governor, Matawalle embodies a commitment and respect to the rule of law, compassion, and responsible governance. His support for the people has remained unwavering, even while serving at the national level.

    Rather than acknowledge his contributions or collaborate with him on shared goals such as tackling insecurity in the State, his detractors choose to manufacture conflict and discord. At a time when Nigeria faces serious challenges from insecurity to food shortages, what the State and the nation need is unity and focus, not political theatrics and vendetta.

    The constant attacks on Matawalle do not damage his credibility, however, they only expose the attackers’ own lack of substance and their inability to provide real leadership. As Honourable Minister of State for Defence, Matawalle serves the entire nation, playing a key role in national security, not just local politics, he is far ahead.

    President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda is built on unity, development, and inclusive governance. Therefore, baseless distractions only serve to destabilize the political climate and hinder progress. It is time the opposition stopped chasing shadows and started engaging in nation-building.

    If Nigeria is to move forward, political actors must set aside bitterness and embrace a forward-thinking agenda. Targeting those who are actively contributing to national progress only reinforces their own irrelevance and disconnect from the needs of the people.

    • Maradun, a public affairs practitioner wrote from Abuja.
  • Ethnicisation of JAMB’s 2025 UTME exams unfortunate

    Ethnicisation of JAMB’s 2025 UTME exams unfortunate

    • By Tony Onyima

    It is rather unfortunate that the JAMB travail over the 2025 UMTE examinations has been ethnicised, just like almost every issue in Nigeria. I am saddened by the fact that primordial sentiments have overwhelmed the people who should rise above the noise.

    Globally, high-stakes standardised tests have been marred by significant technical failures, raising concerns about the integrity and reliability of these assessments. Nigeria is not an exception.

    Last year, India’s National Testing Agency (NTA) faced substantial criticism following the 2024 NEET-UG examination. The exam was plagued by allegations of question paper leaks, with authorities arresting individuals in connection with the leaks. Additionally, discrepancies in results, such as an unusually high number of perfect scores and mathematically improbable marks, led to public outcry and legal challenges. The matter got to the Supreme Court. In its ruling, the apex court acknowledged that at least 155 students benefited from the paper leak but ruled against a nationwide re-examination, citing the lack of systemic failure. 

    Similarly, India’s Joint Entrance Examination (JEE) in 2024 encountered issues, including technical glitches and inconsistencies in question paper difficulty levels, leading to normalisation concerns and dissatisfaction among candidates. 

    In the United States of America, the College Board transitioned the SAT to a digital format in 2024 to modernise the testing process. However, the rollout was not without issues. Some test-takers reported technical difficulties, such as connectivity problems and software glitches, that disrupted the testing experience. While the College Board addressed these concerns by providing alternative testing dates and support, the incidents highlighted the challenges of transitioning to digital assessments on a large scale.

    Read Also: JAMB opens counselling centre for UTME candidates

    In Nigeria, the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) has faced recurring technical challenges in its Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME). In 2024, approximately 77% of candidates scored below 200 out of 400, a statistic that sparked debates about the examination’s fairness. Parents and educators attributed the mass failure to computer malfunctions, poor internet connectivity, and power outages during the exams. In an apparent attempt to correct the 2024 challenges, JAMB recorded major glitches leading to mass failures.

    The fallout from India’s NEET-UG controversy led to the government establishing a high-level panel to oversee examination reforms.  The U.S. College Board addressed technical issues by offering alternative testing options. In India and the U.S., there was no profiling or stigmatisation of the agencies’ heads. The authorities recognised the problems as systemic and dealt with them.

    The recurring technical issues in standardised testing across these countries underscore the need for robust infrastructure, transparent processes, and accountability. As examinations continue to evolve, particularly with the integration of digital platforms, stakeholders must prioritise reliability and fairness to maintain public trust in these critical assessment systems. We can not ethnicise solutions.

  • Nigeria’s governors: Halfway to where? (1)

    Nigeria’s governors: Halfway to where? (1)

    To begin with, any assessment of the subnational level must acknowledge that Nigeria’s federal system is defective and quasi-federalist in nature. Put bluntly, it operates with the ethos of a tightly centralized “Bonapartist state”.

    This is the truth of the matter: no matter how well a subnational governor performs, the operating framework handicaps him. It’s like a boxer fighting with one hand behind his back. In other words, there’s a debilitating limit to what a governor can achieve. For instance, governors of states like Benue, Plateau and Zamfara have discovered that the title of Chief Security Officer is more in humour than in reality. To drive meaningful development, subnational governors need full operational command of internal security forces in their states, similar to their counterparts in countries like the USA, Australia, Brazil and Canada.

    “Natio quae suos alit, prosperitatem colit” (A nation that nurtures its people, cultivates prosperity).  What scorecard can you give the governor of Benue State in agricultural development when the ecosystem is perennially disrupted, hindering short-, medium-, and long-term planning for farmers, government and logistics alike? How can a governor in that situation create an enabling environment to attract the much-needed investments into the agricultural value chain, with a view to generating hundreds of direct jobs and thousands of indirect ones?

    Today, it is challenging for governors to perform optimally, unlike past leaders like Lateef Kayode Jakande in Lagos, Michael Adekunle Ajasin in Ondo, the outstanding Sam Onunaka Mbakwe in Imo, and Muhammadu Abubakar Rimi in Kano. While some contemporary governors, such as Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO) in Ekiti, Babajide Olusola Sanwo-Olu (BOS) in Lagos, and Oluseyi Abiodun Makinde (GSM) in Oyo, exhibit flashes of good performance, they are swimming against a stultifying tide.

    Makinde, for example, even before Donald Trump’s disruption, had a commendable foresight to aspire for an Oyo State that’d evolve into an export-oriented economy. He deserves kudos for this; for, with Nigeria’s balance of payments crisis, it is a very good route to responsible growth. A school of thought even opines that GSM is a progressive who, unfortunately, has found himself in the wrong political party.

    We recall that, in the 1950s and the 1960s, the economies of Nigeria’s Western Region were, to a considerable extent, export-oriented, leading to the export of commodities to build social and physical infrastructure. Makinde here is trying to recreate a more productive time, and he is on his way to proving so with initiatives such as the Fashola project – an agro-industrial landmark. He, of course, in his endeavour, must confront the painful reality of underperforming Federal agencies such as the Standards Organization of Nigeria (SON), numerous tolls on the highways, as well as the grotesquely underperforming ports. This is why only institutional reforms can make Nigeria a competitive economy.

    Read Also: Nigeria’s digital mining platform touted as model for West Africa

    Oyebanji too has shown imaginative thinking in his two years in the saddle. A man of wisdom, foresight and simplicity, he has broken the mindset and breathed fresh perspectives into the development process, critically trying to break away from the ‘growth-without-development’ mindset. This break from the past has led to remarkable achievements in good governance, economic development, infrastructure, agriculture and social welfare.

    BAO’s leadership has also shown accountability, transparency and responsiveness. It has promoted social justice, equality and human well-being. Most importantly, the governor’s policies and actions have demonstrated a commitment to democratic principles, improvement in the quality of life and a sense of unity among Ekiti people. I will come back to that later!

    In Lagos State, Sanwo-Olu has made significant strides in establishing a solid internal security framework, which has made the state arguably the safest in the country. Leveraging this stability, BOS has created an environment conducive to attracting local and foreign direct investments.

    Once upon a time, Lagosians were of the view that BOS was wanting in performance because the Big Boss was around and watching from Bourdillion. But now that the Big Boss has landed a bigger job in Abuja, BOS is condemned to delivering the real dividends of democracy to the good people of the ‘Centre of Excellence’. 

    There are also flashes of performance here and there. Nevertheless, we must muster the political will to define development, particularly sustainable development, within today’s context. India’s founding post-independence Prime Minister, Pandit Nehru, aptly noted that sustainable development begins with constructing water systems, followed by dispensaries (now known as Primary Health Care centers), then nursery and primary schools, and finally, establishing bank branches to mobilize credit. These fundamental tools drive development, unlike highfalutin vanity projects.

    As I’ve argued elsewhere, development isn’t just about “projects”, but about the fundamental effects of proper linkages for sustainability. This raises a crucial question: what comes first – issuing Certificates of Occupancy (C of O) or building flyovers? Frankly, the development process should start with issuing title deeds, as it will empower citizens economically through credit worthiness, which would then attract meaningful projects.

    It might seem silly to fuss over a governor’s image or appearance. A governor’s first and major responsibility is serving the people and managing state affairs; it’s about prioritizing citizens’ welfare and well-being. This includes developing policies, managing resources, and delivering public services, not searching for the fleeting spark of power. It is about being accountable to citizens, not strutting the catwalk.

    A governor’s duty is not about letting his robe and ring become idols that overshadow the priorities of the office. Instead, it’s about getting plugged into the pulse of the people, attuned to the rhythms of their struggles and aspirations, and harnessing the power of collective wisdom to drive meaningful change.

    For Oyebanji, it’s past midterm already. His government clocked midterm last October, which means he has already put in 30 months as the governor of Ekiti State. Now, he should be counting down to the governorship election while others are still battling with midterm and its concomitant issues. Given this timeline, the next election in the state is most likely to take place between June and August next year.

    I’ve visited Ekiti State and seen things firsthand. “From the bustling streets of Ado-Ekiti to the quaint towns of Ikere-Ekiti, Ikole-Ekiti and Oke Ako-Ekiti, Oyebanji’s transformative initiatives have inspired optimism among residents, who appreciate his people-first leadership.”

    Chief Wole Olanipekun is respected both locally, nationally and internationally, and his views have always counted in Nigeria’s elections, post-1999. Though not a politician, Olanipekun’s life and work are deeply intertwined with the complex social, political and economic landscape of Nigeria. Here’s what the Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and the Asiwaju of Ikereland said about Oyebanji, recently: “The Ekiti scenario is unique, largely due to the governor’s distinctive approach. While any hypothesis about the lack of cohesive opposition is compelling, assuming such an opposition exists in Ekiti, I doubt whether the governor can be upstaged, given his strong connection with the people.”

    According to the foremost nationalist, BAO’s “warmth, humility and effective management of the state’s meager resources have endeared him to the populace.” While fearing for “the sustainability of our democracy without a viable opposition” the legal luminary maintained that, “even with a strong opposition, which is highly desirable”, Oyebanji “may still maintain his popularity due to several factors, including his rapport with the people.”

    Former Governor Ayo Fayose of Ekiti State believes Oyebanji is unbeatable, citing his personal qualities and widespread support. Fayose predicts he will win in all 177 wards, claiming that his own records show wins in 158 wards. He asserts four former governors, including himself, support Oyebanji’s administration, challenging anyone to dispute this claim.

    Perhaps these perspectives come from the elites, but they align with the views of the masses regarding BAO.

    • To be concluded.
  • Nigeria’s youth and digital gold rush

    Nigeria’s youth and digital gold rush

    • By Olakunle Oladipupo

    There’s a quiet revolution unfolding across Nigeria — not in the ballot box or on the streets, but in how young people earn, save, and move money. From the markets of Lagos to Kaduna, Kano, Port Harcourt and Enugu, a new financial system is taking shape — one built not by banks or bureaucrats, but by a generation raised on mobile apps, stable-coins, and global gig work.

    Whether it’s sending remittances in USDT, saving in Bitcoin, or getting paid in crypto for freelance work, young Nigerians aren’t waiting for financial inclusion — they’re engineering their own. Bankless. Borderless. Naija ingenuity in motion — driven by hustle, delivered with flair.

    But while the people are moving, the state risks being left behind. And in that growing gap between innovation and regulation, Nigeria could lose more than just time — it could lose talent as the history of Nigeria’s lost decade in the 1990s demonstrates.

    The Lesson of the 1990s — and the Promise of Today: While June 12 and the political crisis are hallmarks of Nigeria’s lost decade in the 1990s, many still remember the chaos caused by the collapse of Finance Houses and the ensuing crisis in the early 1990s — the erosion of public trust, and the painful lesson that unregulated markets carry real costs.

    Those scars gave rise to the prudential guidelines, the strengthened roles of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), and eventually the landmark banking reforms of the 2000s that stabilised our economy and birthed the vibrant financial institutions we have today. These institutions, like Nigeria Interbank Settlements System (NIBSS), would later ride the wave of Nigeria’s digital revolution.

    That history teaches us something vital: that doing nothing today is still doing something. When oversight falls behind innovation, risk takes root. But equally, when leadership rises to the occasion — as it did in the aftermath of the Finance House Crisis and subsequently with Nigeria’s banking consolidation — growth, trust, and prosperity can flourish. That success didn’t happen by chance — it was the result of bold, coordinated policy.

    We stand at a similar crossroads today.

    Youth Are Not Waiting — And That’s a Good Thing: Nigeria is home to the youngest population in Africa. Our youth are ambitious, connected, and globally minded. They aren’t asking for permission to join the future — they’re already building it. Through cryptocurrencies, blockchain innovation, freelance digital work, and cross-border financial tools, young Nigerians are participating in a $2 trillion global digital asset economy.

    They are sending and receiving remittances with greater efficiency. They are hedging against inflation. They’re earning in dollars, euros, and bitcoin — not as a form of protest, but of survival — and increasingly, success.

    This is a story of resilience — and of opportunity rather than rebellion. Essentially, it’s a story of Nigerians solving economic problems with tools faster than policy can respond.

    Read Also: FG, firm train youths in automotive training

    Government Is Already Clearing the Path to Future:  Recent moves by the Federal Government — such as the passage of the Investment and Securities Act (ISA) 2025 recognising digital assets like Bitcoin as securities — are important signals of progress. So too is the SEC’s launch of the Accelerated Regulatory Incubation Programme (ARIP), which aims to bring virtual asset providers into a formal regulatory net.

    These steps are welcome. But regulation isn’t only about rules — it’s about vision. Nigeria doesn’t need to reinvent the wheel. It only needs to do what it has done before: provide clarity, foster confidence, and enable innovation.

    In the 2000s, we consolidated our banking sector not to control it, but to liberate its potential. That boldness made Nigeria a financial leader in Africa. We can do the same today in the digital economy. At present, crypto innovators face uncertainty: mixed signals from different agencies, unclear tax positions, and a lack of unified policy direction. This isn’t just a regulatory gap — it’s a growing risk.

    And yet, it doesn’t have to be this way.

    Why Nigeria Should Lead — Not Lag:  Other countries are already seizing this moment. Rwanda is nurturing blockchain startups. South Africa has integrated crypto into its payment system. The UAE and Singapore are attracting global crypto firms with regulatory clarity.

    Nigeria, with its scale, talent, and entrepreneurial culture, can do more than catch up — we can lead. We already have the human capital. What we need now is regulatory confidence, inter-agency coordination, and an embrace of the energy already flowing through our youth.

    What’s needed now is regulatory confidence, coordinated leadership, and the political will to act decisively.

    Let us not allow uncertainty to be our policy. When governments hesitate, informal markets grow. When they engage, national prosperity follows.

    The choice is simple: create an environment that attracts innovation — or risk watching it leave.

    The Real Legacy: A Future Built at Home: President Tinubu’s administration has already made clear its commitment to economic renewal, digital transformation, and youth empowerment. Crypto and blockchain innovation may seem technical on the surface, but at their heart they are about values Nigerians hold dear: freedom, hustle, transparency, and self-determination.

    This goes beyond policy discussions. It is a test of both vision and trust in our youth, who though they constitute over 60% of our population, represent 100% of our future. This is not just a moment for policy. It is a moment for legacy- pending decision imperative. The question before us is simple: will Nigeria’s digital economy be shaped by others, or will we shape it ourselves?

    Betting on our future-ready youth is the surest way to prepare Nigeria for the turbulence of tomorrow’s world. Let’s do it again.

    • Oladipupo writes from Lagos
  • Open letter to President Tinubu on N5,000, N2,000 notes

    Open letter to President Tinubu on N5,000, N2,000 notes

    • By Kola Amzat

    Mr President, this is my second letter in six months to Your Excellency on this key issue and hope it meets you well, Sir.

    Without doubt, since your inauguration as President, Commander-in- Chief, Armed Forces, Federal Republic of Nigeria, Nigeria has graciously and boldly moved to assume her rightful place as the largest economy in Sub-Saharan African. And, coupled with the nation’s audacious population, we’ve equally taken our place as the authentic giant of the African continent.

    This Year 2025 historic Appropriation Bill of N59.44 trillion, coming on the heels of the immediate past Year (2024) of N28.78 trillion have unequivocally proved that Nigeria’s economy has moved rapidly over the two years. It’s a fact we must accept.

    With the quantum of liquidity that would flow this fiscal year into the economy from all directions on account of the AUDACIOUS budget, it’s a no-brainer that the existing naira notes denomination with the highest at N1000 would no longer provide necessary support for the economy.

    If we continue with this arrangement, the country would be disregarding the basic law of economics that emphasises that a country’s currency basically reflects her strength. And the continual inaction in this respect would continually be at the nation’s peril!

    Instructively, in recent times, market capitalisation has oscillated between N67 trillion and N68 trillion mark, a marked indication that the investment market has grown in leaps and bounds, particularly, from the position of years 2020-2022 when it was swinging between N15 – n16 trillion mark, a stunning percentage growth of about 320%.

    Your Excellency, is it justifiable that the nation still maintains the existing arrangement of N1000 highest note denomination without creating disequilibrium and imbalance between the quantum of money supply in the economy and currency denomination in the face of the above reality?

    Sir, the government’s bold reforms in the Oil and Gas sector, as well as liberalising the Forex market, have attracted applause, even from unusual quarters – World Bank, as well the international community, including the globally recognised Fitch rating.

    Read Also: Tinubu celebrates Benue Governor Alia on 59th birthday

    The reforms initiated by the CBN have helped narrow the gap between the official and alternative markets, as well as assisted in restoring market confidence and encouraged increased autonomous forex inflows through official channels, which ultimately has assisted broadening Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings and sources beyond oil, with foreign reserves account presently standing at $38 billion.

    But, at present, the domestic currency to dollars still swings between N1600 and N1615.

    On the other hand, reforms in Oil and Gas have helped in totally restructuring and repositioning the NNPCL for results, as well as totally fortifying the security architecture in the Niger Delta region, with particular reference to engagement of Tantita Security outfit to halt the theft of crude oil on the deep sea, with the ultimate effect in the significant increase in oil revenue to the FAAC, following increase in crude production.

    But the effect of oil subsidy removal has really not abated, as PMS still hovers between N900 in Lagos and N936 in Abuja as at May 13, 2025.

    The implications of the above analysis remain: the nation can no longer operate with N1000 as the highest denomination as it doesn’t sufficiently reflect the country’s position.

    Your Excellency, against the backdrop of the above reality and statistics, maintaining the existing arrangement of N1000 denomination note as the highest would obviously be injurious and inimical to the economy.

    Cement price goes for between N8,500 and N10,500 in May 2025, a quantum leap from about N3,200 to -N3,500 in the year 2022, an increase of more than 200%.

    Astronomical increase has also been recorded on all other building materials – sands, gravels, blocks, steel reinforcement, timber, paints and finishing, with some hitting 250% and others going as much as 300%, yet, the currency highest denomination remains at N1,000.

    Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) recently rolled out new charges on ATM withdrawals with N100 per N20,000 withdrawal at on-site ATMs and an additional surcharge of up to N500 per N20,000 at off-site ATMs. This directive took effect in March. 

    The Apex Bank has been generating incredible funds all over the country from this directive alone, a development that would ultimately REFLATE the economy and make mincemeat of the N1,000 note as the highest denomination.

    It’s also instructive that tariffs and general increase of 40-50% on Telecoms services is already on. The multiplier effect of incredible sums that are already reflating the economy is better imagined, particularly with a massive population of about 230-250 million Nigerians, with about 65-70% eternally glued and attached to telecoms services on hourly basis.

    Your Excellency, with the above, it’s a no-brainer that we can’t afford to continue with N1,000 note as the highest denomination.

    Sir, even though there is continual decrease in prices of staple foods -rice, yams, yeast etc., some items like bread, semovita, semolina stubbornly remain where they are for about two years running, thus ridiculing the purchasing power and, ultimately, rendering the retention of N1,000 notes as the highest unjustifiable.

    Finally, N50 and N100 notes have almost disappeared in circulation, an indication that even the economy itself is technically responding by sending them into extinction.

    Your Excellency, less discerning minds may disagree with my submissions on the need to roll out N2,000 and N5,000 notes denominations with a view to creating economic stability, balancing and equilibrium.

    They may be anchoring their criticisms on the potential inflationary rate that the proposed submission may bring to the economy.

    They may even liken it to devaluation of the nation’s currency. This is never the intention of this piece.

    Their argument may be valid within the context of the basic economics theory that higher currency denomination is akin to inflation, but it’s instructive that the nation will not continue to sacrifice the stability, equilibrium and balance of quantum of funds in the economy and appropriateness of currency denomination, for an inflationary rate challenge that does not hold water whatsoever in this present circumstance.

    • Amzat is a Lagos-based financial and management consultant