Lagos State has always carved a niche for itself as the nation’s Centre of Excellence in every perspective. For instance, the state has the key that could add N (Nigeria) to the BRICS to transform to BRINCS. BRICS refers to the emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Today, the state is not just warming up for her golden jubilee anniversary but has presented the 2017 budget proposal of N813 billion to the state’s House of Assembly. The budget tagged: “The Golden Jubilee Budget”, coinciding with the State’s 50th anniversary, is the biggest ever for any state government in Nigeria as it reveals an increase by N150 billion from the previous budget. From the audacious budget, recurrent expenditure is expected to gulp =N=300.535 billion while capital expenditure stands at =N=512.464 billion, representing about 63% of the entire budget.
According to sectoral breakdown of the budget, N205.85 billion is for General Public Services, representing 25.32 percent of the budget, N36.43 billion for Public Order and Safety, representing 4.48 percent, while Economic Affairs receives a lion share of N295.84 billion, representing 36.39 percent. Also, the Environment got 56.31 billion naira, representing 6.93 percent; Health gets N57.29 billion, representing 7.05 percent; while education receives N92.4 billion naira, representing 11.37 percent of the budget.
While presenting the budget, Lagos State Governor, Akinwunmi Ambode, revealed that his administration is committed to infrastructural renewal and the enhancement of the state as one of the foremost tourism and investment destinations in Africa. The statement captures the very essence of what his administration meant to achieve through the budget. From the governor’s statement at the budget presentation, it is clear that the budget is set to open up the hinterland as a result of the massive investment in rural road construction, rehabilitation and maintenance. The budget is also geared towards sports development as new stadia are to be built while also targeting youth empowerment schemes and other promising social development programmes.
One may look at the budget from the mirror of current economic situation of the country and conclude that it would be a Herculean task to fund it, but the truth is that Lagos is not waiting for Nigeria. The state has its own template and development plan. This 2017 budget proposal is one which did not, all together, come as a surprise to many people, least of all analysts of the governor’s economic policies. This is because long before the budget was conceived, the trend of development in the state and the pronouncements of the governor over time have already shown clearly that a sizable budget was in the offing in the second year of his administration.
One thing we need to quickly comprehend about the proposed golden jubilee celebration is to appreciate it from the perspectives of what it truly stands for. A proper golden Jubilee is one that ushers in golden opportunities for the populace to testify and celebrate a state that is committed to progress, justice, security and prevalence of equity in a true democratic dispensation. This, indeed, is what the state government hopes to achieve both with the 2017 budget as well as the golden jubilee celebration.
Today, one could look back and conveniently conclude with a sense of satisfaction that Lagos is working. Lagos, in the last 17 years, has really lived up to expectations as a frontline state in our nation. The structural transformations of Nigeria’s former capital city in terms of infrastructure renewal, capital and human development have been phenomenal.
As the state approaches her golden jubilee, the populace could look into the future with positive hope. With progressives in the mould of Ambode at the helm, things can only get better. In Ambode’s political lexicon, impossibility is nothing. Balancing development with economic
realities is likewise not a headache, considering the governor’s vast experience in financial management. The focus, which is a pointer to the school of thought of administration he belongs to, is scientific planning and implementation of policies and programmes that will benefit the people.
From the 2017 budget estimate, the state government has, once again, unequivocally communicated its commitment to road construction as a vehicle for accelerated socio-economic development by listing some of the road projects to embark upon in the year to include Murtala
Mohammed International Airport Road from Oshodi, Agric-Isawo-Owotu-Arepo Road in Ikorodu, Igbe-Igbogbo Phase II- Bola Tinubu Way in Ikorodu, Ijegun Imore Phase II Amuwo in Ojo axis, Oke-Oso-Araga-Poka in Epe, Epe-Poka-Mojoda in the Epe axis and the completion of the Abule-Egba, Ajah and Pen Cinema flyovers. Others include, Oke Oso-Itoikin dualisation project in the Epe axis, Okokomaiko-Seme road project in Badagry axis and Ikorodu-Agbowa-Itoikin-Ijebu Ode road project in Ikorodu axis, just as he disclosed that the Phase II of the 114 Local Government roads project, as well as the construction of the Fourth Mainland Bridge, would also kick off in 2017.
In addition to other ingenious means of financing projects which the State is noted for, the governor was definite in saying that within the course of the budget implementation, his administration would enter into a Public Private Partnership (PPP) to execute some of the road projects. Still on source of finance, regarding the revenue expected from federal allocation, the governor said a conservative approach was taken owing to the falling oil prices, which according to him, was about $41.98per barrel at the time of financing the budget. But he, however, expressed optimism that the state would get an increase in federal allocation through the 13 percent derivation from oil and gas beginning from 2017.
The state government has also chosen to fully implement the Medical Health Insurance Scheme and deploy e-Health/ e-insurance Health Service solutions, and complete the on-going upgrading and extension work in the state General Hospitals and Ayinke House in Ikeja. The governor also promised to commence on Medical Park in the 2017 fiscal year as a sign of his belief that the health of all citizens deserves to be taken care by the government, regardless of their financial or social status.
From all indications, Lagosians are in for a prosperous 2017, as the Ambode administration is determined to sustain the trail-blazing tempo that the state government has become synonymous with, across the country.
Finally, as this is an all-inclusive government, the successful implementation of this budget depends on the sustained and commitment of the government plus the diligence of the people to fulfil all their civic obligations to the state. It is only when this is done, that the maxim: ‘Itesiwaju Ipinle eko loje gbogbo wa logun’ (Lagos Progress is paramount) can be truly realized.
•Musbau is of Features Unit, Lagos State Ministry of Information and Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja.
Category: Comments
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On Lagos’ golden jubilee budget
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Obaseki: New agenda for a better Edo
For three days –Thursday December 8 to Saturday, December 10, Governor of Edo State, Godwin Obaseki, gathered stakeholders – administrators, permanent secretaries, politicians, policy makers, members of the civil society organizations, traditional rulers, religious leaders and former and serving officials of the state government to a strategy dialogue with the theme “Setting the Agenda for the new administration”.
Stuck in the middle of the hall at the Randekhi Hotel venue of the dialogue, the event chaired by a former Supreme Court Judge, Justice Samson Uwaifo, was designed to highlight the challenges facing Edo State, pinpoint ways to tackle them and fashion out policy direction. A high-profile affair, the attendees included deputy governor Phillip Shaibu, Secretary to the Edo State government Osarodion Ogie, the Chief of Staff, Taiwo Akerele, and the immediate past Secretary to the State Government, Professor Julius Ihonvbere.
Some former commissioners in the immediate past administration including those of environment, Clem Agba; Education, Gideon Obakhan and Housing and Urban Development, Francis Evbuomwan, were present.
In his welcome address, Justice Uwaifo charged the participants to engage in serious deliberation and proffer ideas to move the state forward. On the second day, the participants went into the technical sessions, focusing on six areas – economic revolution, culture and tourism, environmental sustainability, welfare enhancement; infrastructure development and institutional reform. By the time the sessions came to a close that night, participants had deliberated upon and addressed the key governance issues in the state, giving the current administration a bank full of ideas.
On the third and final day, the participants presented their different ideas with virtually every sector of the state’s economy benefiting. From health to agriculture, education and sports, infrastructures and security to other issues critical to the state’s progress, all were highlighted. With the governor in attendance, listening and taking notes as resource persons including Justice Uwaifo, Emeritus Prof Dennis Agbonlahor, Dr Phillip Ugbodaga and others shared their thoughts; he could not but acknowledge the concentration of human capital in the state.
“Edo State easily ranks among one of the few states in Nigeria that can boast of the largest concentration of brain-power and this brain-power span the whole diverse area of governance through to the professionals, academia, and in every aspect of our economy,” said Obaseki.
“Therefore, I am very pleased to bring those of you who are not Edo citizens to join in this worthy task of building a legacy for our people.”
He explained that in spite of the various challenges, the state had “over the last eight years been able to build a strong foundation for the take-off of the Edo project which is what I campaigned on and it is time to build on that foundation and that is exactly what we are trying to do now”.
He said, ”Eight years ago, we had a vision of what we called the Edo Project and I’m happy that some of you here today were part of that project. It was clear from the beginning that we wanted to be at the index of functioning states in Nigeria to reclaim the position and rank we have always occupied since we became a region and a state. We now want to engage the great minds of our state in this country to help us build an inclusive and enduring state. We need institutions that will help us unlock the ingenuity of our people, our land and location in creating an economically prosperous and socially stable Edo State”.
Reflecting on the dialogue, he said, “I am fortunate to have the distinct pleasure of listening to most of the submissions. I must say that I am gratified to have the privilege of your wisdom, your commitment and support of our ideal. I know that many of you continue to wonder what would happen to our deliberations. Some of you might even feel that this may be another talk-shop. I want to assure you that what we are doing now is very deliberate and that under my leadership, I would not indulge in frivolities nor will I play to the gallery. I want to assure you that all the reports would be comprehensively looked into and studied with actionable programmes and implementation plan.
“In fact, our promise from the beginning was that we were going to stop and desist from the situation where contractors and service providers were the ones who were defining government agenda and policies”.
Obaseki spoke on the need for careful planning, enforcement of laws and implementation of policies, saying the expectations of commissioners and other political appointees will be determined before appointment. And knowing he will be evaluated after his first term to inform any chance at re-election, Obaseki stressed that meaningful data must be available.
“We’ll have to invest significantly in gathering data across all spectrums of the themes we have talked about because without data we cannot determine the size and extent of the issues neither can we then proffer solutions for resolving the issues,” he said.
The governor said that he has noticed within the month he has been in office that “our biggest problem is wastefulness” and he promised to eliminate it. Obaseki also promised to intensify revenue collection without imposing burden on the people, asserting that he intends to make the process of revenue collection “a lot more efficient.”
Earlier, the chairman of the dialogue, Justice Uwaifo, described the workshop as revolutionary approach to governance and stated that effective leadership required good decision making. He urged the people not to misunderstand or abuse the dialogue platform as it was a sign that the governor was ready to serve with the best of intentions.
“I think the move to set the agenda for the new administration in Edo State is well conceived,” Justice Uwaifo said.
“No doubt it is the first of its kind and the essence of it is revealed in the vision and mission set out. The vision for the thematic pillars so systematically analysed is quite attractive and demonstrates a revolutionary approach to change in the art of governance. This is a practical exhibition of this administration plan to ensure inclusive government. Let me sound an admonition that this new era of governance should neither be misunderstood nor abused by any one in whatever sense. Let it be taken with gratitude that it is a sign that the governor has offered to serve the people with the best of intention.”•Mayaki is interim Chief Press Secretary to Governor Obaseki.
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Insurgency: Let’s pat brave troops on the back
I am ok. God is in control. Maiduguri is safe now and life has returned fully.”
This was the response from a colleague, an award winning journalist. I rang him to find out the security situation in Borno State and Adamawa. He missed my call, and I sent him a text. His response quoted above became a decider for two families resolved to hold back their graduating sons who were North-east bound on mandatory National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme. They expressed grave anxiety about their safety in the front line states of Boko Haram insurgency.
While their sons were zealous to adorn the national colours and wanted to proceed with their call up letters, their parents refused to let go. Their fear was understood.
Realising I could provide some needed information, patriarch of one of the families dialled me, and that resolved the impasse.
Writing from Boko Haram frontlines in the North-east, my colleague had won several media awards reporting for one of the popular national dailies. He knows virtually all the flash points in the region and his informed situation report can hardly be faulted.
Therefore, when the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Lt Gen. Tukur Buratai, in his recent motivational message, told troops that December was a month of decision, it was not an empty boast. If anything, he was acknowledging troops’ exploits in significantly decimating the potency of the terrorists, and strongly believes in their capacity to finish the terrorists off.
For a military that had in recent past shirked from battle before the deadly terrorists, it is not out of place to celebrate to high heaven their new found courage under the leadership of Buratai. How do we sustain troops’ success in many fronts and ensure lasting security in the villages?
In this unconventional war, the military would liberate villages hitherto under Boko Haram siege, occupy, and maintain the areas. They would also protect the IDP camps, provide security for convoys and people passing through the routes that have been cleared. In all fairness, the military have been overstretched. Yet, some critics find it convenient to criticise rather than encourage Buratai and his men.
We must not forget in a hurry what the security situation in the region had been, and realise that a lot have been achieved in the insurgency war since Buratai mounted the saddle as Chief of Army Staff about a year ago.
Those who are in Maiduguri know that the checkpoints all over town are all gone as the military are all about the township, and there’s a lot of confidence in the people today that they could now sleep and wake up with their eyes closed.
Three remaining local governments in Damasak axis of Borno including Kalabalge, Abadam and Morkpa have been entirely liberated. In the Konduga axis, the military have been up and running, going in and coming out every now and then. And lately, they have turned on the heat on the much dreaded Sambisa forest, combing the areas while the Airforce sustained their interminable air raids within the past two months. For every operation troops carried out, they destroyed over four to five villages of Boko Haram, killed hundreds of their members, and liberated thousands of captive natives including children and women.
Buratai with his troops has embarked on a final aggressive action and comprehensive sweep of all fortresses, camps, dens and enclaves of the criminals to completely flush them out and dominate these areas to ensure they are not reoccupied.
It is for this reason that his message to troops about a week ago is reassuring. He wrote: “I hope to be with you sometime this month – December, to motivate and positively influence the ongoing operations. This is with a view to having a colourful end of year and peaceful Yuletide in the North-east and indeed Nigeria.
“I urge all commanders to plan and embark on effective patrols, raids, ambushes and deliberate attacks in conjunction with other Services especially the Nigerian Air Force and Nigerian Navy, to rescue all those abducted by the terrorists.
“I also wish to remind all troops that captured and surrendered Boko Haram terrorists must be treated humanely and fairly and in strict accordance with the provisions of International Humanitarian Law and Laws of Armed Conflict,” he said.
“I wish to reiterate that December is a month of decision. It is either we succeed in clearing the remnants of Boko Haram terrorists or we continue to live in perpetual circle of their atrocities in the North-East.
“I, hereby, want to reassure all troops that I intend to return everybody to Barracks in 2017 only leaving behind a strong, highly mobile, effective and motivated force that will continue to do the good work that we have already started,” he said.
Buratai had before now rekindled the morale of troops, paying all allowances and benefits of soldiers hitherto withheld by their superior. To further get them more committed to their military career, the military headquarters has directed Army Post-Housing Development Directorate to work out modalities for housing scheme for all soldiers, mostly those exposed to ongoing anti-terrorism fight. If the housing scheme scales through, all military personnel may own their personal houses on retirement.
Massive renovation of residential and office accommodations, building of new military barracks being undertaken across the country are some of the ambitious projects to change fortunes of the military across the country.
The Maxwell Khobe Cantonment Jos, Nigerian Army School of Artillery, Kachia Kaduna State, Office of the Military Secretary, Army Barracks building in Oturkpo Benue State, massive renovations of military barracks across Lagos and the entire South-west and many more are some of the projects embarked upon by the military leadership.
In equal measure, the military helmsman has demonstrated keen preference for peaceful resolution of ethnic agitations using alternative means other than coercive use of legitimate force.
Always urging troops deployed to volatile areas to exercise caution and restraint against the use of force, Buratai has repeatedly warned all military personnel to respect the rights of law abiding citizens in their areas of operation.
For him, the civilian populace are critical to the success of every military operation, and therefore must be treated with respect as partners in business.
A practical demonstration of how Buratai’s military dearly regarded civilian populace could be seen in his free healthcare delivery services to civilian populace in many communities in Delta, Rivers and Bayelsa states. Now, Imo State has been added to the number.
In addition to this, soldiers have gone out of their line of duty to rescue kidnap victims in the volatile states including Imo, Lagos, Rivers, Cross River, Abia, and many more. They have been able to tame abductions and kidnappings that had become a daily ritual in these regions.
For this government, two major achievements even the most virile critic of the administration cannot deny are the exploits of the Buratai-led military in counter-terrorism fight, and the Ibrahim Magu-led ambitious fight against corruption. Those behind this isolated success story of restoring hitherto elusive peace and security in the North-east and other hotbeds of crime like Niger Delta, Arepo in Ogun State, and parts of Lagos State ought to be celebrated.
In fighting this unconventional war, it is important to appreciate that security is everyone’s responsibility. Working out a system of safeguarding returnees in their homes, farms and markets is as important as food assistance.
Therefore, North-east leaders, the police, DSS, the Interior Ministry and other stakeholders should join hands with the military to put in place a security arrangement within the communities to protect lives and property in areas liberated by gallant soldiers. The battle is not Buratai’s alone.
•Mgboji wrote in from Lagos. -
Taraba: Resolving the water conundrum
Let me ask your permission to bother you with these few questions. Do you live in Jalingo? Or are you only here on a casual visit? Have you noticed and have you been wondering why the convoy of Governor Darius Ishaku of Taraba State does not move around town, siren blaring as governors of other states in Nigeria always do? Well, it is a deliberate policy and it has got a lot to do with the water problem in Jalingo, the capital city of Taraba State.
One day, not long after Ishaku was sworn in as governor, he was driving to an event in Jalingo. He saw hordes of people including women and children carrying containers in various shapes, sizes and colours, all of them pounding the streets of Jalingo in search of water for domestic use. The governor was touched by that piteous sight and promptly ordered the siren blaring to stop and that it should remain so until he has been able to ameliorate the water problem in Jalingo.
Taraba State is home to many popular rivers. This includes River Benue. Its tributaries called by different names in different parts of the state navigate through the entire length and breadth of the state. In fact, Taraba, the name by which the state is known and called today is a river. Their banks provide the rich waterbeds that support the ever thriving rice farming in the state. Yet water that is good enough for domestic use has been a problem since the creation of the state. There has never been a comprehensive government programme for resolving the water conundrum. It has remained a perplexity for all governments and governors until the coming of Ishaku. His administration is now well on its way towards reversing that situation.
The provision of water is today a priority in Taraba State. The administration of Governor Ishaku is working very hard at it. It is the reason Jalingo, the capital city of Taraba State, is today a huge construction site. There is presently a massive pipe-laying project on going in Jalingo. Three gigantic water reservoirs have been installed in different parts of the city. They are being linked with pipes that will take water to the door-steps of residents of the city. This is the first major water project ever to be embarked upon by any administration in the state and it will comprehensively address the perennial water problem in Jalingo when completed. The water that will eventually be treated and pumped to homes in Jalingo under this project is being sourced from the Lamorde River.
Jalingo is not the only beneficiary of the present radical approach of government for the provision of water. Water is virtually the problem everywhere in the state. Government’s effort is also being spread across the state to address the problem. In the first year of the administration, more than 100 boreholes were sunk in more than 100 towns and villages in the state. Many existing but abandoned or inadequate water facilities in some parts of the state have also been renovated and upgraded to meet the immediate water needs of the people. One of such water facilities is located in Zing where the people now enjoy un-interrupted water supply from an expanded borehole.
The people of Takum are also full of praises for the governor for expanding their water facilities. The Ishaku administration has sunk three new boreholes, repaired two existing ones and provided them with water tanks. This has radically improved the water situation in the town. Donga and Wukari local council areas have also had their own share of the benefits from government’s efforts to provide water to the people. All villages located on Ibi-Wukari road now enjoy water provided by the administration of Governor Ishaku. This achievement in the expansion of water facilities is replicated in virtually all local council areas of the state.
There is no doubt that the government is honest and deeply committed to its decision to improve water supply to all parts of the state. Ishaku has amply demonstrated this commitment with what has been achieved so far in the provision of water in all parts of the state. But the brutal truth still remains. And that is the fact that government’s resources are grossly inadequate and cannot adequately support water projects on a scale that is required. They have never been as poor as they are today. The state’s monthly allocation from the Federation Account is one of the lowest in the country today. What this suggests is that government must seek the help of international donor and funding agencies to solve the problem of inadequacy of infrastructure in the state, most importantly water. I’m aware that the government is vigorously pursuing that option in several countries already. Let’s hope that these efforts will materialise.
But these efforts must be complemented by internal self-help programmes championed by the people themselves. The reality of the economic downturn of today demands that the attitude of expecting government to provide all the needs of all the communities and people in the state must change. Government, certainly, cannot meet all the expectations of the people for social amenities. No government anywhere on earth has that capacity. The people must brace up for the challenges that the poor state of the Nigerian economy has brought to bear on the states, Taraba inclusive. The people should form community self-help groups, decide on projects that will greatly benefit their communities and seek the help of wealthy indigenes, charity groups and foundations towards their implementation. The times call for this approach. It is already happening in many other communities in the southern parts of the country.
This approach also demands that our people embrace peace and become united. It can only work where the people are united and willing to work together. The good thing is that the state is now relatively at peace. My interaction with most of the people from Taraba, our state, is that peace is their number one desire. Luckily, the Olive branch that Governor Ishaku brought to the state on arrival as governor has worked magic. What we, the indigenes of the state, must now do is to help his administration consolidate the peace that he achieved for us all.
Water is one of the amenities that our communities can provide for themselves. But that is if they are united and do not work at cross purposes. It is less capital intensive. Boreholes do not cost a fortune. We do not, therefore, need to wait for the government to give us what we can offer ourselves. That time of waiting for the government that is supposed to have all the resources to provide the needs of the people now belongs to the past. It is now the dawn of self-help and we have no choice but to embrace it.
•Tafida contributed this article from Jalingo -
Mimiko, Tinubu and conscience
The amazing thing about the outgoing Governor Segun Mimiko of Ondo State is his sneaky ways and his cult-like hold on those now popularly described as “political slaves” assembled in his “information ministry” required to churn out juvenile lies in manner that not only defies common-sense but also assaults their human dignity as a person.
Having got his fingers burnt in the November 26 polls in Ondo State, Governor Mimiko or “Iroko to gbabode” (bewitched Iroko) appears resolved to spend his last days in office deploying these “bare-foot slaves” according to Mr. Anthony Orimolade, to rationalize his Judas roles in the recent past. No wonder the few wise ones among them prefer to answer fake names.
I say this based on my extrapolation from the latest example of two obviously commissioned “rejoinders” to an article by The Nation columnist, Mr. Louis Odion on December 2 with the title “Mimiko: Profile in treachery”.
As compulsive reader of fine columnists paraded by The Nation, I had read Odion’s original take on the Ondo polls and dare say that it is consistent with the objectivity and courage Odion has been known for, for upward of 16 years of column-writing.
But rather than answer the charges of perfidy, treachery and infamy mentioned in the column, Mimiko and his media “running-dogs” have resorted to more lies and personal attacks.
So incompetent, this bunch of intellectual “Agbero” (touts) made further fool of themselves by peddling fabrications and idiotic lies as gospel, against facts that are clearly well known about the columnist. Who, for instance, does not know that Odion voluntarily resigned his appointment as information commissioner under the action governor Comrade Adams Oshiomhole after four years of unblemished service and goes down in history as the only commissioner in Oshiomhole’s entire eight glorious years to be formally honoured with a state banquet before exit? You may be entitled to your opinion, but certainly not your own facts.
I thought the posers by the columnist were clear enough: Did Mimiko betray the workers by selling Labour Party to PDP? Of course, the answer is yes. Did “Iroko to gbabode” betray Dr. Segun Agagu who made him SSG or not? The answer is yes. Did he betray Asiwaju Bola and Jimoh Ibrahim who had offered him moral and financial support? The answer is yes. Did he in 2012 cut off the access road to Adaba FM station which ironically provided him a platform while fighting PDP in 2007/2008? The answer is yes!
Today, Governor Ayodele Fayose has demonstrated good faith by standing by Mimiko in his hour of trauma and depression. The same Fayose who Mimiko, a doctor not known to have administered an injection in the last two decades other than playing Judas politics, used to refer to as “school drop-out”. What a traitor!
First to bare his crooked fangs was one “Imefv Efuda” who claimed to be writing from “Abuja”. Another storm-trooper joined the orchestrated attack on the columnist on Sunday (December 18) in Thisday with another hatchet job entitled “Mimiko: Reading Louis Odion’s diatribe” under the pen-name “Tunde Olosunde”. From their tones, one does not need to be clairvoyant to know that they are the handiwork of the “bare-foot slaves” operating from the smoke-filled propaganda (sorry, information) ministry in Akure.
Well, I believe Odion, a multiple award-winning writer who became an editor at age 26 in the famous Concord newspaper in 1999, is competent enough to defend himself against the slew of slander and libel by this band of never-do-well and “e-rats” and their discredited paymaster.
The reason why I say Mimiko is irredeemable is another bare-faced lie by his publicists in their “rejoinders” on the National Leader of APC, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. The columnist had listed Tinubu among those who helped Mimiko while he was struggling to reclaim his mandate between 2007 and 2008. As a keen watcher of Ondo politics, I have my own testimony. I recall that Mimiko was often holding press conferences in Lagos during the “struggle days” with the assistance of some Tinubu boys and was a regular face at Asiwaju Tinubu’s Bourdillon home.
In fact, I recall running into him twice or thrice at Tinubu’s residence looking famished and desperate in his faded Batik shirt, chino trousers and sandals with worn soles, with a colonial-style reading glasses tied round his neck with a rope. He would eat lunch and dinner there before leaving for where to sleep for the night, only to come back the following day. Like snake, he cleverly hid in the grass before he struck.
It is also public knowledge that Asiwaju not only provided him material resources but also moral support. How treacherous of Mimiko today to now try and downplay the help he received from Asiwaju. To now insinuate like “Olosunle” did that Mimiko did not ask Asiwaju to go extra mile in raising a crack legal team for his case is the most satanic thing to say.
Also, how Godly is it to suddenly turn around and label your old benefactor a “godfather” in 2012 when it was yet pleasurable and convenient for you to eat from his table in 2007/2008? If you are incapable of gratitude to man that is visible and alive for help, how are we to believe you sincerely believe and appreciate God that has never been seen?
Pray, if Mimiko now claims Tinubu played no role in the retrieval of his mandate in 2008, can he also swear that he was never at Tinubu’s Lagos residence at all and received no kobo and did not eat any rice or “amala”? We know he is a fake Christian and so will not ask him to swear by Bible. Like someone already suggested, I also dare him to swear by the “Otumokpor” (local deity) in his native Ondo. I know Mimiko will be scared because that one answers “by fire, by thunder” instantly.
When someone harbours this kind of shamelessly deceitful mind-set, one is at a loss whether it is the same Mimiko pictured recently in many national dailies bowing piously before the Daddy G.O of Redeemed Church, Pastor E. Adeboye, during the December Holy Ghost week at the Redeemed Camp in Ogun State. Lord have mercy!
How convenient to demonize Asiwaju today. But without Tinubu’s extra-ordinary effort to help you Mimiko fight that injustice, would you have been governor in 2008?
Well, there is God o!
Given his treacherous pedigree, I can bet with my last kobo that Mimiko will soon decamp to APC, forget that he was allegedly responsible for the media brouhaha over Buhari’s school certificate in 2014. It is a question of time.
Ogunwale writes from Owo, Ondo State.
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A power tout called Jammeh
Their celebrations were notoriously short-lived. The streets of Banjul have gone quiet now and citizens of The Gambia, who had erupted in spontaneous jubilation three weeks ago when their despotic ruler was overrun in an election, have retreated into their shells in mournful silence. With Yahya Jammeh’s recant of his concession of defeat to real estate developer, Adama Barrow, the West African country is effectively staring into the abyss.
Barrow is the Gambian president-in-waiting, while the global community prospects for ways to egg Jammeh out of power. The opposition candidate’s victory in the recent poll in that country makes his ultimate coronation assured, and has invariably drawn the terminal line on Jammeh’s 22-year authoritarian run in power. But Jammeh has lately doubled down on clinging to the reins and won’t let go easily.
Indications at the weekend were that the Gambian crisis was approaching a head. Barrow was reported revving up to enact the country’s version of ‘Epetedo declaration,’ whereby he would unilaterally pronounce himself substantive president. Nigeria once travelled that troubled road with democracy hero and uninstalled winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, the late Chief Moshood Abiola; and it was a five-year odyssey punctuated with the martyrdom of Abiola and some others, plus the exile and imprisonment of many more through diktats by hardened military strongman, Gen. Sani Abacha. You could say the portents in The Gambia are indeed more dire, because Jammeh is notoriously loathsome of political challenge, disdainful of human rights and free expression, and hot fingered on gun triggers.
It has been one long journey down democracy road for The Gambia, making the citizens exultant with the promise of a new dawn when Jammeh was handed a shock defeat in the country’s December 1 presidential election. By official scoreline, Barrow won with 263,515 votes to Jammeh’s 212,099 votes. “Having received 263,515 votes of the total votes cast in the election, I hereby declare Adama Barrow duly elected to serve as president of the Republic of Gambia,” Alieu Momarr Njie, chairman of the country’s Independent Electoral Commission had pronounced in Banjul, the capital, penultimate Friday.
For a country where the recent election offered opportunity for the first change of leadership since a military coup led by Jammeh ousted pioneer president Dawda Jawara in 1994, and the first time that power would change hands by popular election since Independence from Britain in 1965, the news of Barrow’s victory had prompted thousands of Gambians to take to the streets of Banjul in celebration – some on foot and others riding in cars, trucks and on motorbikes – leaving soldiers cultured in Jammeh’s repressive ways palpably confused as they stood by. Many Gambians were reported to have stayed up all night, listening to radio and tallying the vote count by themselves as the figures were being announced at constituency levels. That way, they had a headstart on the likely outcome even before the electoral commission made its call.
The outcome eventually disproved Jammeh who had exuded confidence, saying his victory was all but assured by God and predicting “the biggest landslide in the history of the country” after he voted on Election Day. But the Gambian ruler had nonetheless aided the public’s euphoria on the heels of the ballot count with his early concession of defeat. Speaking on state television before the electoral commission called the final tally, he acknowledged that the people “have decided that I should take the back seat,” and congratulated Barrow for his “clear victory,” adding: “I wish him all the best and I wish all Gambians the best.”
Affirming that he would not contest the result because “as a true Muslim who believes in the almighty Allah, I will never question Allah’s decision,” Jammeh had said: “If he (Barrow) wants to work with us, I have no problem with that. I will help him work towards the transition.” Following his pronouncements, the Gambian military leadership congratulated Barrow and pledged the institution’s allegiance to him.
But the Gambian ruler, only a few days later, lived up to his mercuric reputation by rejecting the same poll results he had unreservedly endorsed. “After a thorough investigation, I have decided to reject the outcome of the recent election. I lament serious and unacceptable abnormalities which reportedly transpired during the electoral process,” he returned to say on state television. Suggesting that the present electoral commission was beholden to the influence of unnamed foreign powers, he added: “I recommend fresh and transparent elections which will be officiated by a God-fearing and independent electoral commission.”
Meanwhile the military appear to have withdrawn their pledge of allegiance to a Barrow government and have reverted to being tools of repression in Jammeh’s hands. The electoral commission rooted for the scoreline it had declared in Barrow’s favour and soon came under Jammeh’s sleigh of hand – with soldiers taking over its offices last Tuesday. “The military came to my office and said I am not to touch anything and told me to leave,” the electoral commission’s chair, Njie, told reporters, adding: “I am worried for my safety.” Among others, outgoing United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon described the occupation of the commission’s offices as an “outrageous act of disrespect of the will of the Gambian people and defiance towards the international community.”
Either by design or by coincidence, the soldiers’ raid on the electoral commission took place as some Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) leaders were arriving in Banjul to press Jammeh on relinquishing power. The delegation, headed by chairperson of the Authority of Heads of State of ECOWAS and Liberian President, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, also included Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari, his Sierra Leone counterpart, Ernest Bai Koroma, and outgoing Ghanaian President John Mahama. But it seemed like they made little headway with their mission: “We come to help Gambians find their way through a transition. That’s not something that can happen in one day,” Johnson-Sirleaf was reported telling journalists.
Under The Gambia’s laws, Jammeh has until January 18 to conclude the transition processes and hand over power to the winner of the December 1 election. But Jammeh’s party, the ruling Alliance for Patriotic Reconciliation and Construction (APRC), has lodged a challenge against Barrow’s victory at the country’s Supreme Court; only that the legal challenge is unworkable as things are, because that court has been dormant since May 2015 when Jammeh sacked its justices.
Opposition politicians voiced a concern that Jammeh could insist on clinging to power while the legal challenge pends before the Supreme Court. To meet the January 18 deadline, he would need to appoint as many as six judges to the court; but the Bar Association has warned that any appointment of judges by Jammeh to adjudicate a case involving him would be fundamentally unjust.
Without the judiciary’s intervention, the electoral commission has the last word in Barrow’s favour on the presidential poll. The chairman, Njie, underscored this last week by saying: “The only way they can pursue the commission is through the court, and there is no court.”
By all accounts, the time is effectively up for Jammeh in the Gambian presidency and he must leave power at once. Even before the latest poll, his claim on the presidency from four previous elections he purportedly won had been dubious, and he had only steered his country and himself deeper into international isolation. But Barrow’s victory in the recent election puts a final nail on all that.
There have been suggestions that Jammeh might have backtracked on his concession of defeat out of a dread of what awaits him at the hands of the opposition government when it takes power. If that were so, the Charles Taylor abdication model could be helpful in easing him out of Banjul.
Barrow (is) revving up to enact the country’s version of ‘Epetedo declaration,’ whereby he would unilaterally pronounce himself substantive president
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Redemptive governance to the rescue?
Nigeria remains politically and developmentally in the wilderness, due to poor leadership and governance challenges. Nigerians still pray for Nigeria in distress, knowing that prayer “has great powers to produce results.” But Nigeria’s resort to prayer, simply underlines that governance fails when it’s not redemptive; Karl Marx’s contention that “religion is the opiate of the masses,” notwithstanding. It’s now obvious that turning Nigeria requires redemptive governance; a non-partisan coalescing of various individuals – sufficiently bold and selflessly honest – “men who possess opinions and a will” to rethink Nigeria’s remediation modalities and indeed, make Nigeria functional again.
As Nigeria hobble under recessionary pressures and sustainable livelihood becomes a gargantuan challenge, religion becomes a thriving industry replete with dupes and false prophets. In Nigeria’s depressed economy, this state of play validates the contention that “God dey, is the poor man’s prayer.” Yet Nigeria’s present realities underpin the enormity of her challenges; plus the fact that the nation and those entrusted to bring about that change, are all struggling badly. If change reflects success, little of it abounds in Nigeria. The initial flush of collective optimism, exhilaration and bravura has waned; and trickle down dividends of democracy are slow in coming. Nigeria’s governance problem is that the ‘change’ bar might have been set too high; beyond what Nigeria’s weak leadership, weak institutions, weak infrastructure and weak resolve can deliver. Oddly, the Buhari administration has an articulated vision, purpose and governance strategies; and the ‘right’ set of people, with the requisite credentials. Thus, it remains incomprehensible why it’s difficult to turn around Nigeria, with the fundamentals of good governance seemingly in place. Balanced analyses point to the need for clarity, absence of organisational capability to deliver on purpose and absence of effective stakeholder engagement, as mitigating factors.
Stagflation makes addressing the country’s present challenges difficult, even as Nigeria’s leadership insists that the country must look beyond oil. Vacillation in oil prices still makes nonsense of planning and budgeting. The challenges are worsened by a political and leadership class averse to making personal sacrifices. Also, national interest has disappeared from the national lexicon, thus rendering every policy measure suspect. Secondly, a combination of poor infrastructure, poor electricity supply and growing unemployment compound present challenges. Third, Nigerian legislators refuse to be frugal. Fourth, while financing agriculture is a viable option, the agribusiness blueprint seems opaque in the absence of synergy; thus making it almost impossible to reduce food importation by 2019. Likewise the remediation of decrepit infrastructure remains arduous. Absence of policy synergy between the federal government and the state and local governments also pose continuing challenges. Despite recent bailouts, only four states are economically viable and the six states that did not receive bailouts are now all heavily indebted. While the federal government tries to address burgeoning national debt, the states in parallel opposite, continue borrowing. Such unchecked borrowings compound Nigeria’s intractable foreign exchange challenges and growing contingent liabilities.
As, observed recently by SBM Intelligence, most Nigerian states failed “to diversify their economies by developing human capital and levering on the substantial resources they possessed. The result has been powerful governors beholden to ostentatious living, bloated public work-forces, with its attendant wage demands; fully 80% of the states owe salaries.” As state governments seek refunds for resources they used on rehabilitating decrepit federal infrastructures; the same states also spend enormous fiscal resources in underwriting logistical and financial support for federal law enforcement agencies, with hardly any recompense from Abuja. These awkward realities inevitably compel demands for restructuring. Most of the 2017 draft budgets presented by the federal and state governments are largely improbable; very few are zero-based and very few will be funded and implemented fully. Insofar as the federal and state governments strangulate the local governments by fiats, challenges will subsist; just as UNIDO has proclaimed Nigeria’s SMEs “Ignorant of certain investment and technological skills” required to liberate the country from the claws of the current recession.”
Oddly, those who dare to advise or criticize the Buhari government are being pummelled with counter-criticisms. Although we are in a democracy, Presidential aides have become pointlessly defensive, combative and shockingly impolitic and pushback against any advice or criticisms. Government has thus lost sight of the divide between jibes by its traducers and exhortations from well-meaning Nigerians. For its own edification, the Presidency needs to commission some policy preceptors to explore the constructive role of three 13th century figures – Robert of Sorbon, a churchman; Etienne Boileau, a bourgeois; and Simon de Nesle, an aristocrat – that jointly orchestrated the transfiguring of French politics by fostering redemptive governance during the reign of King Louis IX. It is worrying that midway into President Muhammadu Buhari’s first term, most of his initial supporters having “changed’, are jumping ship and his erstwhile allies are realigning for 2019; convinced that he won’t be catalytic to the electoral outcome. Electoral trends in Gambia, Ghana and Nigeria that swept aside underperforming leaders remain instructive. As Kingsley Moghalu, noted, “Nigeria’s fiscal crisis in a world of low oil prices can be addressed only through a constitutional redesign that devolves decision-making to units that will have economies of scale.” Ditto Nigeria’s governance challenges.
Nigerians are suffering and need a catharsis chockfull with redemptive governance and smart power leadership not influenced ethno-political considerations. Nigeria should retool its leadership advisory and decision-making methods. Nigeria needs people in public offices, who no longer need the pecks of government, but whose counsel the government can’t do without. Former U.S. Vice-President Walter Mondale served as the 24th U.S. Ambassador to Japan from 1993 to 1996. Such public service, patriotism, and leadership are rare in Nigeria, where politics and public service are self-indulgent. If President Buhari’s remaining tenure must yield tangible results, there must be a rethink aimed at redemptive governance. If the process starts with a cabinet reshuffle, so be it. Still. Since constitutional guarantee of social justices seem not to suffice, we should perhaps resort to philosophical-theological dictates of the Holy Books. This proposal isn’t in favour of dogmatic governance, but biased towards governance that is people-oriented; which substitutes rhetoric and promises with compassion and promotes justice and common good instead of divisive policies.
- Obaze is MD/CEO of Selonnes Consult Ltd.
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Observations from the Ghanaian election
The historic victory of Nana Akufo-Addo was a remarkable event, a watershed moment in Ghanaian democracy and a strong message to all those who are sceptical about the impact of campaigns in Africa. Akufo-Addo, a 72 year old competing in his third presidential election, was able to tap into the public dissatisfaction to become the first candidate in Ghanaian history to defeat an incumbent President. Coming soon after the unexpected victory for Gambian opposition leader Adama Barrow and less than two years after Muhammadu Buhari’s victory in Nigeria, this shows that with the right campaign and message, even the most entrenched incumbent can be defeated. As a political consultant operating in Africa, I have seen first-hand the changing nature of the continent’s elections in recent years. From this, and my experience in Ghana, I have observed five trends that I believe are of significance to African political operatives and observers alike.
First is the centrality of the social media to campaigns in Africa. Though some features of the Ghanaian election – the catchy campaign jingles, mass rallies, and villages plastered with party posters – would be familiar to anyone involved in African elections, beyond the surface there was an increasingly sophisticated social media operation at play. An American or European observer would be surprised at how similar much of the Ghanaian election was with what they are used to. Nana Akufo-Addo embraced the power of the new media, using Facebook, Twitter and Instagram to communicate with his over one million followers. In particular, he focussed on bringing his events, speeches and press conferences to a large, predominantly young, audience through videos and live streaming. As Election Day approached and fears of a rigged election grew, he increasingly used the social media to push for transparency and vigilance at the polls through his online ‘Adopt a Polling Station’ campaign.
Second, the increased online activity did nothing to take away from the centrality of traditional field campaigning, which was as vibrant and passionate as ever. Driving through villages and towns in the lead up to Election Day, I was struck by the enthusiasm on display and how central the election was to the hopes and fears of the voters. Despite the technological advances, on Election Day I witnessed how NPP field operatives went door-to-door in the small village of Akim Asene in an attempt to turn out each individual voter, much as they have done for decades. Whilst there are those who believe the increasing prominence of the social media renders traditional field campaigns obsolete, this election further demonstrates that only candidates who master both areas can be successful.
Third is the immense potential of a candidate who is prepared to listen to the people, be humble, and learn from past mistakes. The NPP had a leader who was determined to critically evaluate his past two election defeats and make the necessary adjustments. In 2016, Ghana saw a different opposition leader to past elections and voted accordingly, a lesson that many politicians would be wise to heed.
Fourth is the re-affirmation that at their core, elections are referendums on the government. The NPP was wise to the overwhelming sense of dissatisfaction and desire for change, and managed to tap into this sentiment through their disciplined message that put the nation’s economic difficulties front and centre. In the past, the power of the incumbency, both in its control over the electoral process, and critically, its influence over the state-run media, meant that governments overseeing failing economies could convince the voters to give it another chance. However, Ghana is the latest in three West African elections in which the opposition was able to turn the incumbency into a disadvantage, by laying the blame for the country’s woes at the government’s door.
Finally, I come out of the Ghanaian election with an increased belief in the electoral process in Africa and the potential of campaigns to bring change. Though to some extent optimism about African democracy has receded of late, recent elections give the rest of the continent cause for hope. Ghanaians should be proud of the vibrant, peaceful, issues-based campaign, and this should be used as a model and inspiration for nations such as Kenya, Liberia and Angola who have critical elections coming up next year. I am now more confident than ever in my view that a well-run, organised campaign with a clear strategy and a strong message can be the difference between victory and defeat.
- Adi Timor is the CEO of Timor Consulting, an international political consulting firm that has overseen successful campaigns in dozens of countries on four continents, including five winning presidential elections in Africa
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How Ambode is stifling criticism
Being Nigerian comes with a certain sense of humiliation. You are expected to endure the provocation that, while serious nations are building subways and developing biofuels, somehow you should be happy that your governor has constructed a roundabout. As a people, we have been reduced to a minimalist existence, so much as to make us grateful for the ordinary–roads, power, water–grateful for necessities too basic for celebration. They are our proud references in governmental achievement, raised to that status by the sheer banality of failure. The citizen with a proper sense of development feels either provoked or humiliated by the touting of elementary competence. Yet one understands the logic of complacency: it could have been worse. We can celebrate the construction of drainages because there could have been nothing at all. There is sufficient history in our clime to justify gratitude for underwhelming performance.
And there is context to performance even. To be fair, the analysis must factor in resource, time, population, and all such elements upon which governance depends. For Akinwunmi Ambode, the clean-shaven Governor of Lagos State, it might be too early to celebrate, yet the circumstances can excuse at least a sense of delight. First terms for governors in Nigeria often end with some brilliance. And the brilliance wins the electoral argument for a second term marked by a costly, official indolence. Hence excellence at first term deserves a suspended, if not a cautious cheering.
Like Babatunde Fashola, Ambode had come lacking a certain sure-footedness: almost shy, without Tinubu’s electricity at the podium. Having emerged governor through highly contested electoral processes, Fashola had earned validation with the sheer energy of performance. He found his voice upon his own vindication and became suddenly charismatic. Governance was serious business and work was done. His second tenure was less satisfying–some will say utterly woeful.
Enter Ambode, striking a curious familiarity. The approach is remarkably different, one must admit. The government courts a milder countenance and is getting the work done at that. Upon resumption of office, the governor was faced with what was no less than an epidemic: traffic robbery. It was as if the underworld had read his calmness as indulgence and poured into the streets. Lagos motorists followed suit with traffic indiscipline, causing untold logjams, making the work of traffic robbers very convenient. The outcry was loud and, within a few weeks, normalcy returned without government hype.
Ambode, once the poster child for a viciously divisive campaign, is quietly bridging the gaps and breaking stereotypes. Most remarkable is the inclusiveness in governance. An area like Isolo tagged ‘Igbo-dominated’ and ‘PDP’, and allegedly left to rot on that account, noted government presence early enough, despite that the APC was rejected there at the polls. The streets, especially in Okota, remain shamefully impassable, but there is public confidence in the governor’s expansiveness.
So far, there appears to be better accountability, and the state’s recurrent-capital ratio of 42:58 in this year’s budget is an improvement on last year’s 44:56. An improvement reflecting Ambode’s pedigree as an accountant, yet by global standards it is unsatisfactory. The 2017 proposal further reduces the recurrent vote. Lagos is arguably Nigeria’s reference point in modern governance and can achieve a 70:30 mark. From education, power to health, remarkable facelifts are taking place in ways better than past records within a time frame. It is hoped that the N500 billion entrepreneurship trust fund will further boost the state economy if only it will receive adequate publicity. Most Lagosians are unaware such window exists, nor do many know exactly how to access the funds.
Overall, infrastructure is getting more developed, and one can see there is a focus on road development. Some 114 roads were fixed in the first year, and a lot more projects ongoing. There is the proposed Fourth Mainland Bridge, and the Marina-Badagry rail work is moving fast. Which raises the question: the APC has been in government in the state for almost two decades now: if the party is really working, how come there are still so many roads to be constructed?
There is the excuse of population explosion putting undue pressure on amenities. Perhaps, but the favourable part of the story is left out, namely, that the vibrant economy of the state is funded, even literally, by urbanisation. Internally generated revenue has maintained a robust incremental impact, enough to rise to the challenge of the population factor. There is a point in this road discourse: despite endless road works in the state, Lagos remains pressed for roads. One can explain this in two ways.
One, the quality of most newly constructed Lagos roads is poor, with regard to the tonnage capacity of traffic on those roads. Hence we have eight-year-old roads already wearing off. It leads to government running cycles in road construction. Which answers the question on why the APC government is stuck on roads for close to two decades, yet far too many roads in the state are in need of work.
Two, what Lagos needs to meet its mega city status is multiple overhead routes. Property obstruction will not allow for proper expansion on the ground and, with unbridled urbanisation into the state, the traffic and population challenge will only get worse in the next decade. No amount of road work will solve the problem. The state government should work out modalities for public-private partnerships and licence companies to build tolled overhead routes across the state.
It may be premature to clink glasses yet, but the quiet energy being brought to work in Lagos is refreshing. One can at least afford to nod calmly. Should he continue at this rate, Akinwunmi Ambode may succeed in making work difficult for critics. And that is good. For there is no argument more convincing than success.
- James, wrote from Lagos
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Buhari, Tinubu and mega party brouhaha
Former Lagos State governor and All Progressives Congress (APC) stalwart, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, has suddenly become the main issue in Nigeria’s politics. No issue seems complete until his name and stance, real or imagined, have been dropped into the mix. He has become the Obafemi Awolowo of our time, apologies to former military president, General Ibrahim Babangida, who once described the late sage as the main issue in Nigerian politics. To be sure, the late Chief Awolowo and Asiwaju Tinubu share many things in common. Like Awolowo, Tinubu subscribes to those noble ideals of progressive politics, such as entrenchment of rule of law in the land, representative democracy, fiscal federalism, social welfare policies and perhaps proper restructuring of the country.
Like Awolowo who believed in the cause of the Yoruba and fought for the emancipation of that race in national politics, Tinubu is also no less a believer in Yoruba nationalism. Along with some of his associates, the late sage formed political parties to advance the fortunes of the Yoruba in national politics. He did not stop there. Whether in the First or Second Republics, the late Awo also moved to replicate the widely-applauded cardinal programmes of his political parties in the West at the national level by seeking to be Nigeria’s president. Believe it or not, Asiwaju Tinubu is a progressive politician to the core. He ranks among the leading lights in the tribe of progressive-minded politicians in the country at present.
Whether in the defunct Social Democratic Party from 1991 to around 1993, in the Alliance for Democracy from 1999 till around 2006, the two political parties he belonged to then; or in the Action Congress of Nigeria, which he formed along with his associates around 2007 or the All Progressives Congress of Nigeria, whose formation he spearheaded in 2015, truth is Tinubu’s political parties have always been progressive at heart. Awolowo was betrayed and denied by some of his associates, but he triumphed over them in life and in death. Tinubu is also being pilloried and betrayed by some of his associates. He will also triumph.
Perhaps, that’s where the similarities between Awolowo and Tinubu end. It is common knowledge that Awolowo struggled to be president, but that ambition was beyond his reach. Tinubu is yet to indicate any interest in Nigeria’s presidency. It would seem that he loves to operate in the background, to play the kingmaker of sort. And when you are ordained to play that kind of role, it is bound to elicit all kinds of attacks and envy from many quarters – friends and foes alike – some of whom would want to be like him. Some would deliberately stoke the political fire to draw out the kingmaker, unearth his next political move and gauge his stand on issues or development perhaps to get their bearing or direction or to plan further hatchet work.
This leads me to recent reports, which tended to make wide assumptions and speculations on the relationship among President Muhammadu Buhari, Tinubu and APC. Two of these reports are particularly instructive here. The first one, published by a national newspaper on December 3, 2016, with a sprinkling of the report in some online platforms, gave the impression that some APC leaders were yet to agree on how to handle Asiwaju Tinubu’s “alleged role” in the just-ended Ondo State election. The other one published by one or two newspapers also gave the impression that the former Lagos governor, along with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and a few PDP stalwarts were planning to form a new party to confront the governing APC in 2019. They insinuated that Tinubu was planning to exit the party and join the Senator Ahmed Makarfi-led faction of PDP to form a new mega party.
Taken together, the two reports are mutually contradictory. This is how. Tinubu, as alleged in one report, was going to be sanctioned by APC for his alleged role, whatever that is, in the Ondo election. In another report, the same Tinubu is considered a strong factor enough to be allegedly planning to exit APC and form a new party they described as a Third Force. One presented Tinubu as a political actor to be disciplined, sanctioned or dispensed with as it were for an alleged infraction. The other presented him as formidable enough to want to form a party to confront the same APC he helped to found.
But the good thing is the reports have been put down for what they are: mere speculations and rumours. Indeed, those who should know have already spoken out. President Buhari dismissed reports that he and the APC leadership were in dispute with Tinubu, describing them as unfounded and mischievous. He described the APC national leader as a priceless asset to APC. Speaking through his Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity Garba Shehu, President Buhari said he was highly embarrassed by such suggestions, explaining that he was in regular contact with Tinubu (who was abroad then) before, during and after the Ondo gubernatorial election. According to the statement, “Any suggestions that the president and the party machinery were working to destroy Tinubu have no foundation in truth or any credibility… the president was impressed by Tinubu’s assurance not to work against the party in Ondo and he honoured his words.
“President Buhari regards Tinubu as a priceless political asset to the party whose immeasurable contributions to the development and progress of the ruling party are known to all. Rumor mongers should stop spreading the seeds of discord and animosity between the president and Tinubu or the party. The president is proud of Jagaban and his pivotal role in the party and the movement. President Buhari commended Tinubu’s spirit of comradeship in promptly congratulating Rotimi Akeredolu who was elected governor. The president also noted that at a time his administration is preoccupied with governance issues, rumours of divisions and alleged scheming within the party are counterproductive to internal unity and cohesion in APC.”
Meanwhile, Asiwaju Tinubu himself had also laid to rest speculations that he was leaving the APC to form a so-called mega party. He said in a series of coordinated tweets that he would not engage in “destructive pettiness”. He said: “In our journey to national betterment, plans and policies will be made, then amended. Mistakes will occur and corrected. Through it all, I, Asiwaju, will remain true to the progressive ideals that fuelled the creation of APC. I have devoted my political life to achieve what has been achieved. My heart is too much of the people, and my mind too fixed on establishing positive historic legacy…rather than engage in destructive pettiness. This government, APC, is for the betterment of the people and the national purpose is bigger and more important than any individual’s desires.”
Needless to add that the Chairman of PDP Board of Trustees, Senator Walid Jibrin, had also denied reports that the Ahmed Makarfi camp was in talks with Tinubu and Atiku to form a mega party. He said in a statement in Abuja that the party had never contemplated partnership with Tinubu and other APC chieftains with the purpose of forming another political party. Jibrin said: “I salute Tinubu’s courage for coming out to speak frankly about his position regarding this unfounded rumour and for setting the record straight. In Tinubu’s reaction denouncing the report, he criticised the PDP and I can’t understand why anybody would think that we are going to form a new party with somebody who is condemning us. The PDP is a golden name, a party formed by respectable and dignified Nigerians like Alex Ekwueme, Jerry Gana, Solomon Lar, Adamu Ciroma, Aminu Wali, Sule Lamido and many others.”
Is there any need to add any more to demonstrate that there is no iota of doubt in the fact that Asiwaju Tinubu remains committed to APC and the ideals that birthed the party?
- Balogun, writes from Abuja.