Category: Comments

  • Gambia as West Africa’s litmus test

    If the 2015 electoral victory of President Muhammadu Buhari astounded Africa, that of property developer, Adama Barrow, 51, in The Gambia in the December 1, 2016 poll was even more stunning. Mr Barrow was himself stupefied. His opponent in the election, President Yahya Jammeh, also 51, had ruled with an iron fist for about 22 years and was not expecting to be floored. Having won in 2011, he was overconfident. Even a despairing Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) observer group, frustrated by the chicaneries of the Gambian president, left the country, suggesting and fearing that Mr Jammeh didn’t seem prepared for a free and fair election. But anchoring a seven-party formidable opposition coalition, Mr Barrow pulled an upset, scoring about 43.3 percent of the vote to Mr Jammeh’s 39.6 percent.

    Almost immediately, and astonishingly, President Jammeh conceded defeat and promised a smooth transition. Many regional observers thought this was too good to be true. But just when the accolades began to pour in, when it seemed Africa had managed to pull another country’s chestnuts out of the fire, the Gambian president made a u-turn and repudiated his concession speech. First he annulled the poll, and when that seemed indefensibly drastic, he indicated he would head for the malleable Supreme Court to challenge a poll he had initially described as the best and most transparent. He said, however, that he hoped another more transparent poll would be held by ‘God-fearing and honest’ electoral umpire.

    Alarmed, ECOWAS leaders led by Liberia’s President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf stormed the tiny West African nation and counselled restraint and fidelity to the poll. In the delegation were Nigeria’s President Buhari, who still draws a mixed review over his general attitude to electoral defeat; Ghana’s John Mahama who last Saturday conceded defeat in the Ghanaian presidential poll after falling behind by about a million votes; and President Ernest Bai Koroma of Sierra Leone, first elected president in 2007. The intervention was, however, not as successful as the West African leaders had hoped. It seemed the impolitic, inflammable and immature statements made by a coalition partner of the victorious Mr Barrow influenced Mr Jammehs change of heart. The victors had promised to reverse some of Mr Jammeh’s policies.

    While President Johnson-Sirleaf was quite forthright in admitting the failure of their mediation efforts, President Buhari had taken a more inscrutably optimistic stance. Asked after leaving the presidential palace whether Mr Jammeh had been receptive to their mediation, the Nigerian president had answered, “Yes, very much so.” It was not clear why a dissonance existed between the Liberian president’s response and President Buhari’s. But perhaps the absence of a communiqué, or at least a formal statement, was responsible. Everything considered, it is obvious that Mr Jammeh will remain obdurate for some time to come. He has filed a formal appeal before the Supreme Court, thus wrong-footing the ECOWAS leaders. They would have preferred the Gambian president to stick to his initial admission of defeat; but how could they disapprove of litigation which is also an integral part of the electoral process?

    In last year’s presidential election in Nigeria, it became a cause celebre when former president Goodluck Jonathan conceded defeat to President Buhari. Few expected that move. But when it came, not only did it lower tension and pave the way for a smooth transition after an election in which religion and ethnicity reared their ugly heads, it also became a watershed that many within and outside the continent hoped would serve as a robust example of how self-discipline and self-denial could positively impact politics. Evidently, Benin Republic and Ghana had preceded Nigeria in experiencing peaceful transitions of power from one party to another, whereas Nigeria had unwisely spurned the same breathtaking political and electoral progress for about 16 years despite clear cases made for change.

    Mr Jammeh’s volte-face is an indication that the sober culture of peaceful political change is yet to take root in black Africa. It might also be an indication that the Gambian leader was not sufficiently inspired or motivated by his peers to embrace the civilized political culture of submitting to the electorate’s choice. In Ghana’s recent presidential election, the opposition party’s Nana Akufo-Addo unprecedentedly claimed victory even while counting and collation were still in progress. The irony of President Mahama’s presence in the ECOWAS delegation was not lost on Mr Jammeh. President Buhari thrice ran for the presidency and thrice failed but never once conceded. The Gambian president will probably have remembered that in 2011, unprecedented violence accompanied the then candidate Buhari’s failure to win the election or concede defeat.

    With records that are less than glittering in most parts of Africa, particularly West Africa, regarding political transition and leadership recruitment and succession, and with one or two of Mr Barrow’s coalition partners foolishly threatening to put Mr Jammeh on trial despite initially conceding defeat, it is hardly surprising that the embattled Gambian leader has stubbornly upped the ante. There is, of course, no indication he will get away with that electoral affront without drawing flak from a weary and testy world. Nor, despite deploying troops in sensitive areas of the small nation of about 1.8m people, is he sure he can unify the country behind himself even if he secures victory in the courts, as his opponents fear. Whether Mr Jammeh has calculated the consequences of his brinkmanship is hard to say. If he had, he would be alarmed how close he is to self-annihilation.

    For a long time, Africa has been laggard in politics, democracy, establishment of strong institutions, stability, and economic development. Peer review mechanisms have not remedied these weaknesses, nor have leaders who have flagrantly come up short on the scale of common sense felt shamed by global ostracism to display the self-contrition needed to open up their countries to better prospects. The Gambian stalemate, which is doubtless contrived and may be designed to secure for Mr Jammeh the absolute assurance of a peaceful retirement, opens the space for real African leadership, for a man of great intellect and stature who is able by personal example, charisma and excellent judgement to drive the true and substantial change the continent needs to turn the dismal corner.

    Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana was nearly that man, but his fiery intellect and visionariness were vitiated by his intolerance of dissent and the size of his country and its economy. Nelson Mandela of South Africa, like someone born out of due season, was also nearly that man. But hobbled by age and preoccupied with laying a multiracial foundation for his country, not to talk of the newness of his country as an independent entity, took his attention from the main prize. Nigeria would have raised that man, but no one of stature has come from its forests and savannahs, and none has had the discipline and intellect to judge the mood and the times. Perhaps ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo would have been that man. But he lacked the vision and the depth and solidity of character needed to imbue the continent with the example it desperately needed.

    Commentators in some parts of West Africa, including The Gambia itself, hoped President Buhari of Nigeria could be that man. Their hopes also appear to be misplaced. Not only does the Nigerian president lack the discipline needed to propel and reinforce lofty politics, as exampled by his intemperate and remorseless reactions to electoral losses between 2003 and 2011, there is nothing to show that he envisions greater things than the ordinary man can see. His divisive politics, acquiescence to ethnic and partisan exceptionalism, and inability to appreciate the needed balance between the provisions of the law and law enforcement practices have made him unable to rise to the stature needed to give the sub-region and the continent direction.

    Mr Jammeh may be reasoning like an infant, and his 22 years of brutal and senseless politics a reflection of his poor perception of the deep fundamentals of politics; but what probably gives him the inspiration to behave as he does is the lack of worthwhile example to follow among Africa’s leadership cadre. There is a great opening for a great and true African leader to shine forth brightly. If that is too ambitious, there is at least another more modest opening: that of a regional leader whose precepts, bark and bite are more than sufficient to dissuade the kind of leadership truancy smothering Gambia.

  • Nigerians and ‘ember’ months’ myth

    Recently, sorrow, tears and blood reigned supreme at the Lagos-Ibadan expressway as three lives were lost in a road carnage that led to the destruction of some articulated vehicles and a few cars. The sad incident would complicate the agonizing Lagos-Ibadan expressway traffic jam as movement along the road was at a standstill. Folks who live along the axis had to make alternative sleeping arrangement as going back home was definitely out of the equation. No thanks to the excruciating traffic jam occasioned by the horrifying road accident.

    As usual, many have attempted to explain the dreadful Lagos-Ibadan expressway disaster and similar others across the country in the characteristic ‘ember’ months’ tragic jargon.  In our country, the so called ‘ember’ months, which refer to the last four months of the year from September to December, are naturally regarded as tragedy prone period. This belief is so entrenched in the consciousness of the people that various religious groups and other relevant institutions regularly organize special prayer sessions and seminars with a view to minimizing ember months’ havoc.

    The reality, however, is that the so called ‘embers’ months are not really spiritually jinxed as many might want to swear they are. Tragedy occurs in ‘ember’ months just as it does in every other month of the year. Ascribing needless spiritual and mythical undertones to tragic happenings during the ‘ember’ months could just be the usual Nigerian way of trivializing issues. Rather than clothing the ‘ember’ months in a garb of gratuitous mystery, the pragmatic way of explaining dreadful events during these months is more human than mythological.

    The truth is that there is usually an increase in the tempo of public, private and corporate activities during this period.  Religious bodies are equally not left out of the frenzy of the season as they organize various events during the period. The ‘ember’ months are always the busiest on our roads for obvious reasons and the tumultuous air of festivity do not really help matter. It is a period when people are in so much haste to make all the money they have not made since the beginning of the year. Hence, commercial drivers, who usually embark on five trips per day, capitalize on the aura of festivity to go for 10 trips. This, naturally, comes with its fatal consequences. It is only logical that when there is a mass exodus of people from one place to the other, there is bound to be a measure of uncertainty and disorder.

    The bottom line, therefore, is that tragic occurrences are bound to happen during the ‘ember’ season because of the intensity of human activities. In a bid to be part of the various end-of-year activities slated for the period, a lot of people throw caution into the wind by disregarding critical safety issues. Vehicles are driven irresponsibly. Alcoholic drinks are consumed with reckless abandon while social outings are organized as if tomorrow will not come. The atmosphere, during the season, is often filled with unusual allure and jollity. It is in the midst of this hilarity that avoidable human blunders that result into diverse kinds of misfortunes usually occur.

    Hence, it is imperative for everyone to, first and foremost, have a changed perception of the ‘ember’ months. Hence, conscious efforts must be made to disrobe the months of every garb of unfounded mysticism. It is only when we are convinced that the dangers associated with the months are human rather than mythical that we could really make considerable progress in averting disasters during the months.

    Therefore, enforcement of existing laws and attitudinal change is central to making any progress. Sadly, law enforcement agents are also involved in the mad ‘ember’ months’ rat- race. In a bid to make some ‘extra’ buck to furnish special festive ‘necessities’ , they usually engage in treacherous compromise that encourages law breakers to go unpunished. The result, of course, is the continuation of avoidable circle of pandemonium and sorrow.

    Consequently, as we march towards the end of the year, we must modify our views on the ‘ember’ months. We must not get involved in any pointless extra-ordinary end of the year ‘rush’ that could endanger our lives and indeed those of others. Those who have to organize social events to correspond with this period should do so bearing all safety precautions in mind. Commercial drivers and other road users must respect the sanctity of the human life by observing required road safety measures.

    Perhaps, more importantly, relevant government agencies must step up enlightenment campaigns as well as enforcement strategies to guarantee that ‘ember’ months’ crashes and other related tragedies are reduced to the barest minimum. In this respect, the Federal Road Safety Corps, FRSC, and the Lagos State Traffic Management Authority, LASTMA, should be commended for their various ‘ember’ month’s safety strategies, in Lagos and adjoining states. However, there is a need for them to intensify efforts in this direction while more appropriate government agencies should also come on board the ‘ember’ months’ re-orientation and re-awareness project. Presently, the Lagos State Ministry of Information and Strategy is embarking on an ‘ember’ months’ responsiveness campaign across the state. The objective is to change the attitude of the people towards these months and offer key safety tips.

    As it has been previously affirmed, it is critical to re- affirm that tragic happenings during ‘ember’ months are promoted by reckless human actions. It is only in living modestly and responsibly that we could avoid the dangers and hiccups that are generally associated with ember months. If only we could rid ourselves of our usual ‘ember months’ excesses, we would discover that nothing is actually wrong with the months.

    Ogunbiyi is of the Features Unit, Ministry of Information and Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja.

  • Takeaways from Kano APC retreat

    The recently held Sokoto retreat of the Kano chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) was unique in so many ways. Unlike previous retreats which was the exclusive preserve of top technocrats and government officials in the state, this particular one was all inclusive as it accommodated grassroots politicians from across board.

    The retreat which was the first of its kind which took place at Giginya Coral Hotel, Sokoto from October 27-29, was attended by over 600 party officials across the 44 local councils of Kano State.

    Among dignitaries in attendance were  Kano State governor, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, his Sokoto State counterpart, Alhaji Aminu Waziri Tambuwal who hosted the historic event, the national chairman of the party, Chief John Odigie- Oyegun as well as the party executive members from Kano state led by its Chairman Alhaji Abdullahi Abbas,

    The Kano State deputy governor, Professor Hafiz Abubakar, members of the Kano State and National Assembly as well as other party officials from the ward, Local Government and the state levels were also on ground to grace the retreat aimed at institutionalising capacity-building through effective management of party administration.

    Other party dignitaries who graced the event were the vice chairman North-west, the vice chairman South-south, Prince Hillard Eta, Alh. Kawu Sumaila, the Senior Special Adviser to President on National Assembly Matters, the National Organizing Secretary of the party, Mr Osita Izunaso, the National Women leader, Hajia Ramatu Tijjani, and the party Youth Leader, Ibrahim Dasuki Jalo-Waziri among others.

    In all, a total of twelve (12) papers were presented by reputable academics and prominent APC party leaders. Their presentations covered areas such as party leadership, the role of political party in policy making, duties and responsibilities of party officials, internal and external party communication networks, and political party financing, political party leadership in economic recession and the role of political party in balancing between policies and aspirations of the electorate.

    After exposing participants to the art of modern political party management skills, they were resolute on the need to depart from the past way of doing things with the resolve to privately finance the construction of the proposed Kano APC State Secretariat complex building through the party’s Board of Trustees (BOT).

    One of the most telling aspect of the event was the remarks by Odigie-Oyegun who expressed his deep gratitude to the state chapter of the party for the noble initiative even as he called on party officials at all levels to support the policies of the federal government and abide by the constitution of the party.

    A much more striking lesson from the retreat came from its convener, His Excellency Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, who stated in unambiguous terms the need to bring the diverse party officials of the APC and its various organs together to reflect on the activities of the party with a view to developing the skills of participants in the management of the affairs of the party.

    For Ganduje, an exponent of internal democracy, it will be disgraceful and unacceptable for party officials to keep running cap in hand to collect handouts to be able to move around the country to make ends meet.

    At the end of the two days event, decisions were taken that could impact positively on the party, Kano State and Nigeria as a whole.

    Participants were unanimous in their support for President Buhari’s resolve to tackle the problems of insecurity, corruption and the economic downturn besetting the polity just as they overwhelmingly passed a vote of confidence on Ganduje as the leader of the party and reiterated their confidence on the existing party leadership under Alhaji Abdullahi Abbas.

    A huge takeaway from the retreat was the resolve to prevent abuse of executive, legislative and public offices through greater accountability, transparency in the scheme of affairs in the corridors of power.

    In the Kano chapter of the party just like in other states of the federation, there are bound to be disagreements within the ranks of the party and participants were conscious of that fact during the retreat. This was why the members hammered on the need by party officials to always maintain harmonious relationship with the government in the state to continue to be responsive to popular demands.

    Conscious of the need to sustain the 100 percentiles winning streak of the party in Kano, the participants also stressed that political party discipline should be kept at the high and lowest levels of the party’s structure in order to promote unity and preserve loyalty among its members, aside the fact that party officials at all levels should be familiar with the party’s constitution and comply with its provisions in their conduct of party activities.

    The retreat observed the need to increase the capacity of political party officials to meet the challenges of managing political party affairs in a state with high population across the 44 Local Government Areas and 484 wards, maintain a disciplined and cohesive party organization with strict adherence to internal democracy.

    It stressed the need to sensitize members of the APC in the state to adhere to the party’s constitution in their daily affairs, consolidate inclusiveness between the party officials and the chief executive of the state on the one hand, as well as between the party members and their officials on the other hand for the smooth running of the state and party and the need for regular interaction between the government and the people of Kano State.

    In addition, it was resolved that political party officials should foster both horizontal and vertical communication networks among members and party’s organization at various levels to ensure effective internal democracy. It was further resolved that the party should undertake continuous party registration of members, hold regular meetings of the executives with members and keep records of all its activities as well as develop mechanisms of safeguarding its integrity uniqueness, coherence and prudence in its use of resources.

    Participants underscored the role of finance in strengthening the party and resolved to see fund raising as a critical activity in beefing up the resources of the local chapter for effective democracy. Furthermore, it was resolved that the party should pay attention to the development of a strategic plan with clear vision and mission to guide its activities and mobilizational capacities and that the party should maintain its cordial relationship with state and national legislative members .

    The need by the party to understand the role that research, documentation and publication plays as a resource base for party activities was also underscored by participants during the retreat. For better understanding of the work of political party officers, it was agreed that there was the need to translate the  constitution of the APC into Hausa language just as women leaders at all levels of party structure need to be engaged in  the mobilization drive of the party in order to promote women participation and support.

     

    • Yakassai is Director-General, Media and Communications to the Kano State governor.
  • Lagos on the move

    More than ever, I now cherish the Yoruba adage that admonishes thus: Be quick at listening but hesitant in responding. Truth has some inherent features. It is persevering, as it possesses the capacity to endure the characteristic lightening speed of falsehood and deceit. Still, on the long run, truth, courtesy of its snail speed, always overtakes falsehood. And, having become self-manifest, it can never be relegated or suppressed, as any attempt to conceal the truth can only succeed as much as any human effort to cover the sun can do.

    Judging by the aggressive infrastructure revolution which Ambode has already launched across the Centre of Excellence, the virtue of patience that every judge or assessor of any reality requires and the danger of hasty conclusions have become self-manifest to Nigerians and mankind, in general.

    As a wakaabout pen-pusher, what eventually overpowered my sense of restraint and caution, as manifest in this seemingly patronizing publication, were not just the sweet songs streaming daily forth the lips of multitudes about Governor Akinwunmi Ambode who, to a large number, is now the proverbial persona originally underrated as incapable of erecting a hut but who has, surprisingly, built multiple mansions. What did the magic on me was, partly, a recent personal experience of swift response of the governor and his team to some public criticism by an ‘unknown’ private voice.

    I am compelled to refer to the swiftness with which the government swung into action on the problem raised in my recent piece. Ambode: Time to act on Lagos Apartheid Schools in The Nation (November 4). At least, journalism is necessarily a two-way evangelism of objectivity which must not only condemn to correct, but also necessarily commend to motivate and encourage perceived goodness.

    Although that loathsome long stretch of fence has not been pulled down or, at least, opened by the state government, credible reports, however, indicate great hope for the down-trodden on this issue.

    I mean that apartheid fence that was the crux of my piece may soon be fallen. That segregationist structure, erected by the privileged residents of Gbagada Estate, which unwittingly shut out the Idi Odo trio of primary schools from the reach of the relatively less-privileged Bariga residents that need its services. The fence that has reduced Ogo Oluwa Primary School, Idi Odo Primary School and Temidire Primary School to institutions for, mostly, housemaids, house-helps and other categories of child-slaves and child-labourers engaged by Gbagada residents, for whose biological offspring such public schools are no schools.

    If there was anything that ever gave Ambode sleepless nights in his first few days on the hot seat, particularly within the first hundred days I am sure it was the hell called Lagos traffic. Then, insanity defied excellence, as it walked on all fours, swaggering on Lagos roads, almost forcing the most discerning to mourn the exit of law and order in company of ex-Governor Fashola. Commercial motorcycle (okada) riders went haywire, openly announcing seeming relapse of Lagos into the Hobbesian State of Nature.

    Worse-still, the governor’s opening act of declaring zero tolerance against abuses by officers of the Lagos State Traffic Management Authority (LASTMA) was widely misconstrued to mean a mark of not just meekness but, essentially, weakness and lack of capacity to handle tough Lagos, particularly traffic and crime.

    And, in less than two years, time, as it is wont to, has indeed thought Nigerians, particularly Lagosians a great lesson. If anything, the multi-dimensional benefits of ‘the Light Up Lagos Project’ courtesy of which night darkness is being practically expelled on the vast network of Lagos highways is, to many a discerning mind, a cautionary bell that rings the imperatives of patience into the ears of Nigerians, particularly with respect to the governance of a highly complex mega entity that Lagos State really is.

    I can’t but give a personal testimony that I now feel safer and more comfortable driving on Lagos brightly illuminated roads at nights. Kudos to this government that has manifested what some of us have always craved for – emphasis on crime prevention mechanisms instead of crime-curing that the tradition of over-crowding our roads with policemen hunting from real and imagined criminals, day and night, represents.

    On the stubborn problem of traffic congestion, the modest feat so far achieved through the installation of median barriers along the Ikorodu Road must have sent a signal to the governor himself that, with improved creativity, the greatest source of headache, sleeplessness, time and financial wastage can indeed be conquered within the statutory time left for him. All he need do is think and work like a jackal while assuming that a second term, for him, exists not.

    I suspect that this vital assumption, which is a necessary condition for altruistic actions by political office holders generally, has been the secret beneath what I see as the predilections of Ambode to stepping on toes for the general good. The restoration of environmental peace and sanity to the various government low-cost housing estates across the state is a plain instance of apolitical and non-sentimental efforts. Only the All-knowing God can tell, with precision, the number of illegal structures that have, so far, been demolished within the boundaries of those vast estates built by the 2nd Republic administration of Alhaji Lateef Jakande.

    To further amplify my stand on innovativeness as the antidote of traffic logjams, the resort to bus lay-bys by the Ambode administration, such as the newly constructed facility at the Ketu-Alapere junction on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway which has significantly eased traffic flow at that hitherto reputably notorious junction, is indeed a revolutionary departure from our one-eyed tradition of fly-over proliferation. Nevertheless, the currently emerging appearances of fly-over bridges where necessary, such as yet another point of perennial traffic brouhaha, Abule-Egba, underscore the imperatives of not just innovative but context-based choices in relation to traffic issues.

    One can only wish that Governor Ambode would extend the same spirit of urgency and priority he has, so far, attached to the improvement of the Lagos road networks to the rail medium. Apart from the need to vigorously re-energize the on-going light rail project, he would successfully write his name in gold through the completion of this gigantic project, the entire Lagos-Badagry Expressway reconstruction project, and, possibly initiating yet other rail line projects in some other areas of the State requiring such.

    To round off, the recently held Lagos State Food Security Summit, in my view, constitutes yet another indisputable reference point that empirically proves my take that, rather than spoiling, Lagos is improving under Ambode. It is instructive that the all-important issue of food security, which holds the most indispensable key to human existence, gained a space in Lagos State administration, for the first time in history, as soon as Ambode emerged. This, to me, soothes the discomfort and discontent usually expressed by Nigerians in most states, as they, justifiably and rhetorically, question the essence of new roads and bridges in a context of murderous hunger. Sincere implementation of the summit resolutions, to banish the currently biting widespread hunger in the land, would really confer common sense on all of Ambode’s infrastructure acts.

    • Olokode writes vide solacemediaconsult@gmail.com
  • Aregbesola: Redefining development

    in a paper presented at a colloquium to mark his six years in office as governor of Osun State, Rauf Aregbesola reiterated his administration’s commitment to laying a solid foundation for the state in every area such that tampering with its progress in the future would be difficult, if not impossible. While describing “rising expenditure, especially wage bill, within the contrast of falling revenue” as the  biggest challenge  facing  his  government, Aregbesola promised that his administration would do all within its powers to ensure that no one was left behind in the distribution of  the  dividends of democracy  to the  good  people  of  Osun. “We are grappling with the challenge of finance and we are doing all within our power to complete all the projects we started. We are not going to leave any project uncompleted”, the governor stated.

    Democracy hath no fury than a people abandoned! So, what is Raufnomics? In my considered opinion, the promoter has given a clue:    it is about “getting as much from little and using the resources of the state to maximally benefit the people”.  It is about “strategic planning and intervention in society; making governance mass-based and people-centric”; and “guaranteeing the maximum good for the maximum number of people.” With a special reference to Osun,  Raufnomics has proved to be a popular solution  to   the  state’s socio-economic problems created as a result of years of Nigeria’s  sole  dependence on proceeds from crude oil. It has helped sustain the state even as it continues to encourage innovative interventions within the framework of the administration’s Six Point Integral Action Plan in such a way as to help put the economy of the state back on track.

    In addition to some of this administration’s laudable achievements which  have  already  been  captured in Aregbesola’s speech at the event, the establishment of Osun Job Centre, designed principally  to serve as an interface between  jobseekers and employers of labour;  the  procurement of no fewer than 125 Patrol Vans, 20 Armoured Personnel Carriers (APC) and one helicopter which has  helped   in drastically reducing incidences of crime in the state;   and  the creation and successful take-off of 61 Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs), three Area Offices and two Administrative Offices from the former 31 Local Government Areas  are also some of the ways this government  has positively affected the rule of the game.

    A strong advocate of regional integration, he was a major force in the establishment of the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN) Commission, an institutional and programmed body saddled with the responsibility of midwifing the regional integration agenda of the Southwest states.  And, with the creation of Osun Education Quality Assurance and Morality Enforcement Agency, I doubt if any misguided pupil or student will ever attempt to task the tolerance of the good people of Osun or insult their collective intelligence again.

    Aregbesola’s approval of the immediate commencement of a unified Public Service in the state is worth mentioning here. Apart from repositioning “the State Public Service for efficient and effective service delivery at all levels of governance”, the step is also aimed at removing “all restrictions to seamless movement of personnel from one spectrum of the Public Service to the other”. Needless to repeat that it is in a bid to ensure transparency in the state’s financial dealings that he recently inaugurated the Hassan Sunmonu-led committee on allocation of revenues to “oversee allocation of state’s revenue to prompt payment of salaries as well as adequate running of government.”

    The price of fame, it is often said, goes beyond brooding or bargaining around the frustration of some mischievous parallelisms! But when will Nigeria’s vine overcome the antics of her “foxes, the little foxes” and who will raise the hands of her Moses as an assurance of permanent victory? Coming closer home, if we have an avatar at the helm of affairs in Osun, how come the state is such in dire straits that it now seems as if delayed salaries have come to stay with us? Assuming without conceding that we are in this pass because of the level of our debt and its management, as a result of which dear state has allegedly become slave to Irrevocable Payment Standing Orders (IPSOs) and other debt recovery instruments, how do we situate the fate of richer and resource-endowed states like Ondo and Bayelsa which are also behind schedule in terms of salary obligations to their workers?

    Well, the tragedy of our Nigerianness is that we deceive ourselves a lot and that has been our greatest undoing! Here, we play politics like an interest-driven game, unrepentantly   notorious for its art of the impossible and personal manipulations. That is why, despite  efforts by this dogged fighter at positively impacting lives   through his numerous programmes, policies and schemes, there still exists some unrefined, less-informed  detractors who derisively consider it fit and proper to constitute themselves into an opposition of the government of the day, however well-meaning and good-intentioned. Because of the way they  are fated,  they  always allow their personal and selfish desire for certain specialities to run wild thereby straying away from unprejudiced realities. They lust for what they do not have and that which is of no use to them and, despite the fact that they do not get that which they do not have and that which they neither need nor deserve, they delude themselves with it to spoil that which they are supposed to have but unfortunately they do not have.

    In their world, there is neither economic focus nor political direction that is practically aimed at alleviating the people’s poverty and pains. Instead, they revel in the virulence of insouciant leaders and the proliferation of unprincipled politicians. For no just cause, these individualists and spoilers culpably hate leaders for doing good, categorize a government which runs a most transparent allocation of scarce resources to tackle underdevelopment as ‘reckless’; and  tag  one which strives to  confront problems engendered by socio-political transformation as  ‘insensitive’! Since they are experts at spreading beliefs that reject persuasion, they tar every developmental stride with the mark of corruption. In their myopic view, Opon Imo is a scam; O-YES, money-sapping; O-MEALS,  unnecessary; and policies and programmes aimed  at  shoring up the state’s revenue generation capacity are ‘too draconian and unfriendly’.

    In any case, “minds differ as rivers differ”, says Baron Thomas Macaulay.  While some might liken Aregbesola to a “controversial politician who doesn’t listen to advice, however novel or useful”, to others, he’s one astute administrator who would not “want to enrich himself at the expense of the poor masses”. While some might unfairly consider his style of governance as one “built only on propaganda”, others see it – and, rightly, too – as “a source of hope in the face of the weak and bleak future that the Yoruba race and Nigeria face.” In all  of  these  however;  and  political persuasions notwithstanding,  what critics of Raufnomics  cannot deny is  Aregbesola’s  gentleness, straightforwardness and uncanny sense of direction which he has dispassionately deployed in  transforming the state into  an emerging market with a lot of potentials. Unlike others whose portion is in making promises at the drop of a hat with no real intention of keeping them, it is unRauf to allow people who delight in whirling by their dark clouds to be the limit of his success.

    Need I say more on why Osun has continued to wax stronger, in spite of  the  biting economic slowdown currently troubling Nigeria’s Israel?

    • Komolafe writes in from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State.
  • Towards a rebirth of Nigerian federalism

    The structure and practice of Nigerian federalism have been a key topic of discussion and debates in Nigeria since the amalgamation of the North and South Protectorates in 1914, with varying levels of intensity.

    We are all witnesses to the agitations and complaints by different sections of the country at different times about being marginalized or short-changed in fiscal allocation and the distribution of such other public resources such political positions, jobs, school admissions, provision of infrastructure, and even social honour. In response many Nigerians have been calling for some form of restructuring of our federal system, while some small fringe groups insist on their part of the country separating from the federation all together.

    Keen observers of those debates and agitations will notice these key tendencies: Those who see restructuring only in terms of so-called resource control, that is, the control of resources by the states from where they are derived. Currently the loudest are from the Niger Delta where oil revenues, which our government depends on, largely come from; those who think that there is an ideal “true federalism” which we must embrace; those who argue that federal systems are varied, evolving and have their specific national and historic characteristics and that what is needed is continued improvement of our federal system, and those who think that the current structure is not the problem but just the managers.

    These are all legitimate positions to take in a democracy. What I find odd and somewhat unhelpful is the argument of those who say that we cannot renegotiate our union and who proceed from there to equate every demand for restructuring with attempts to break up the country. I believe that every form of human relationships is negotiable. Every political relationship is open for negotiations, without pre-set outcomes. As a democrat and businessman I do not fear negotiations.  That is what reasonable human beings do. This is even more important if a stubborn resistance against negotiations can lead to unsavoury outcomes.

    We must acknowledge that what got us to our current over-centralized and centre-dominated federal system is political expediency and fear, and bolstered by the command and control character of military regimes.  But after 50 years of “unitary federalism”, we are now in a position to clearly see that it has not worked well. The federating units in the First Republic had their disagreements but none claimed to lack autonomy of action, and none waited for federal fiscal allocations before it could implement its programmes and pay salaries. The current structure may be working for some elites but it has clearly not worked well for any section of this country and the country as a whole. We should take deliberate steps to change this structure to serve us better. And we should not dither for too long that we let fear and expediency stampede us into another disastrous policy shift that may not serve us well either.

    We have to acknowledge that federalisms are works in progress: there is no ideal federal system or so-called true federalism. Each nation has to work out the best federal system suited for it. In Nigeria’s case we must acknowledge that it is disingenuous if not outright dishonest to say that the system is not the problem.  If the problem is just the operators, how come we have failed for 50 years to produce the right people? Should we import them from outer space? A look at our 1999 constitution, specifically Section 7, shows that there is a huge problem with the system. I challenge anyone who is against restructuring our federation to show me another well-functioning federal system in the world with that level of lopsided central dominance. Individuals operate within certain structural and institutional constraints. If all we lack are good operators, as these people argue, would anyone advocate doing away with constitutions altogether so we rely on fantastic individuals to do the right things?

    We must acknowledge that agitations for more states across the country, the clamour for more federal take-over of state institutions, and the clamour for local government autonomy (i.e. autonomy from state governments) are inconsistent with establishing a viable and well-functioning federal system. We already have too many weak and unviable states. What we need are stronger federating units (be they existing sates or zones) with a greater share of resources and responsibilities.

    I have been shouting myself hoarse asking why we should have federal roads, federal schools, federal hospitals, etc. I have called for state police, for the states that so desire, to help us provide more effective security. In 2012, I went before ALGON in Enugu and told them that their clamour for local government autonomy from state governments is misguided.  I told them that it is wrong for the federal government to be creating Local Governments and giving them money directly from the Federation Account. What is the meaning of “local” then, I asked? How does the transfer of local government dependence on state to central government translate to autonomy? Even our state governments are nearly totally dependent on the federal government, meaning they do not even have the autonomy that we are trying to give to the local governments that are below them. This is a complete absurdity. Can anyone honestly claim that our local governments have performed better since the introduction of the joint state/local government account than they did prior to the coming into effect of that constitutional provision? We must end our culture of institutional escapism in this country. By that I mean our tendency to create new institutions to solve problems for which we already have institutions just so we avoid dealing with the shortcomings of the existing institutions.

    We must acknowledge that in federal systems that work, federating units cede certain powers to the centre.  In our strange federal contraption, it is the centre that is creating federating units, giving them money and monopolizing most power and resources. Thus our state governments are no longer performing as federating units. Rather they currently seem like dependent provinces of the central government in Abuja.

    Think about this: sales taxes ought to be collected and used by states and local governments.  Of course there is nothing inherently wrong in a federal sales tax but states must agree with the federal government what items should be taxed, at what rate and how the proceeds are to be shared. They ought to be uniform. If a state is opposed to cattle tax or bicycle tax or alcohol tax, or pollution tax, for instance, it should not expect to share in the tax proceeds from those items. That is called fairness. In fact, states should be the ones collecting those taxes on behalf of the federal government and get compensated for their work, through an agreed sharing formula, rather than duplicating the cost of collection. Federal intrusion makes it more difficult for a state to collect taxes from items that may be peculiar to it, thereby narrowing the tax base. And it makes enforcement even more difficult.

    No section of this country can claim correctly that its people are better served by the current structure of our federation. When we were not dependent on oil revenues and when the federating units had greater autonomy of action and were largely responsible for their affairs, they, that is, our regional governments, did not owe workers their salaries for several months. They did not shut down schools and universities for several months because of teacher strikes and inadequate funding. Take a look at the industries that the regional governments established and ran and the quality of schools that they established, and see if you can see a state government or a group of state governments that have bested them since the emergence of our unitary federalism. And also ask yourself which of those establishments taken over or established by the federal government since, has performed as well as they did under our pre-1966 federal system.

    National unity does not mean the absence of disagreement or agitations. In fact disagreements and peaceful agitations indicate vibrant and living relationships. The key to making national progress is to manage those disagreements in peaceful and mature ways.

    Political and civic leaders from across the country must come together, discuss, negotiate and make the necessary compromises and sacrifices needed to restructure our federation to make us a stronger, more united, productive, and competitive country. Perhaps we might start with making our grievances and fears apparent. When each section or party to a dispute airs its grievances and expresses its fears and concerns, the outcome may be better understanding by others, and a quicker route to a resolution or agreement. That’s perhaps how we should proceed with the much needed rebirth and renewal of our federation.

    • Excerpts of the paper presented by former Vice President Abubakar, at the Public Presentation of a book, Nigerian Federalism: Continuing Quest for Stability and Nation-Building in Abuja on Monday.
  • The ‘price floor’ for data services in telecoms

    After the brouhaha and the exchanges – including the legislative intervention and the attendant thawing of the ice cold grip of obfuscation of facts and populism – that greeted the introduction of a floor price for mobile data services in Nigeria, it is necessary to dilate on the real motive behind the direction and the debate the matter has generated. I refer to the sociological and economic contexts – the images and metaphors that have shaped both the decisions and the fallouts.

    In doing so, I apply three core principles of relationship management, albeit more applicable in international relations. These are: the Golden Rule, which enjoins that you treat others the way you also want to be treated. The second is the Platinum Rule which instructs that we should treated people the way in which they wish to be treated. Finally, the Double Platinum Rule which commands us not to capitalize on the ignorance of the people but to treat each other with fairness.

    Implicitly, the application of these principles in this instance speaks to our right to know. And we have an obligation to treat others likewise – OTHERS HAVE THE RIGHT TO KNOW. Besides, the spirit of the second principle implies people should be treated the way in which they want to be treated. One implication of this ‘injunction’ is that people need to be told the truth. The second rule is by extension and congruity to the third is a challenge to the public intellectual – when others capitalize on people’s ignorance, the rest of us have a duty to put their submissions in contexts that enable the public to see which interests are served by the submissions and arguments of those who seek to deceive the naive.

    Nigeria has over 153 million active lines, and the tele-density is 109.5 percent. Broadband penetration is already at 21 percent – an impressive mark indicating the sector will surpass the 2018 target of 30 percent. At present, there are over 93 million Internet users in Nigeria.

    It is also noteworthy that the ICT sector is the third biggest contributor to the GDP, following the oil (petroleum), and agriculture sectors; it is also terrific that 15 years of the liberalization of the telecom sector has recorded an impressive cumulative investment of $68 billion.

    Interestingly, the Nigerian story is in congruence with the global trend of how the ICT sector is displacing hitherto notable strongholds of national economies. At the moment, the four most capitalized companies in the world are in the ICT sector – Microsoft, Apple, Google and then Facebook, which recently pushed Mobil, a renowned oil giant to a fifth place.

    Therefore, the real motive for the direction from NCC with respect to the price floor is to safeguard a reversal of national fortune, protect the entrepreneur (irrespective of the size of investment), save the industry, and prepare the market for the real competition ahead.

    Without any iota of equivocation, the public needs to know that ‘price floor’ and ‘price cap’ are regulatory guidelines that are usually not imposed. They are products of discussions and engagement between regulators and operators to ensure the survival of the industries or markets. The former is a minimum price while the latter is a maximum price for a service or product agreed upon by government or organizations in tandem with stakeholders – OPEC does this regularly to protect the interest of its members and the industry.

    The telecom market watchers would therefore recall that a price floor of three naira 11 kobo (3.11K/mb) was in place since 2014 until October 2015 when it was suspended to enhance data penetration. Before the suspension of the new price floor on November 30, Etisalat offered data services at 94 kobo per megabyte, MTN did at 45 kobo, Airtel at 53 kobo and Glo at 21 Kobo. Other smaller operators like Smile and Spectranet also offered different prices but neither of the small operators offered data services at a price above 94 kobo.

    As in other jurisdictions, the Nigerian telecoms market is segmented. Operators that control less than 7.5 percent of the market or are recent entrants are encouraged through policies, regulations and guidelines to stay in business. It was therefore necessary to intervene when some of the operators started offering data at prices that do not even cover the cost of production – a scenario akin to dumping in elementary economics.

    This is precisely the rationale for nudging the players in the data segment to agree to a price floor because activities of some operators have become anti-competitive and predatory.

    Predatory pricing finds expression in offering services at a price clearly below production cost by some operators ostensibly to attract customers to their networks after which they will shrewdly increase the prices. By the time this happens, the predatory operators would have succeeded in driving the smaller operators out of the market. An indication of a grand plan to return the industry to the days of NITEL – to create a monopoly or a duopoly or even at the very best an oligopolistic scenario in which a few operators will hold the nation and its people by the jugular and offer data services at possibly 10 naira per megabyte – and the customer will either take it or leave it.

    A pointer to this possibility as the discerning and industry enthusiasts will have noticed is that there has not been any spectacular expansion of network infrastructure by any of the key operators since October 2015. In its stead, the industry has been signposted by an inordinate scramble and partition of customers that speaks to a clear and present danger orchestrated to hurt the health of the industry.

    Expectedly, in the vortex of these challenges, the NCC reflected on the scenario and decided to undertake a benchmark study, especially across Africa. As the commission embarked on the study, the operators were notified, and some of them confirmed NCC’s findings in the follow-up engagements that NCC had instituted to nudge operators to an evidence-based direction. Quite expectedly too, there were correspondences between the commission and the operators preparatory to the advent of the price floor. And it was evident to all stakeholders that the introduction of a price floor was imperative to sanitize the market.

    However, in view of the fact that there was no unanimity of position nor a scintilla of readiness by the operators to converge positions on an appropriate pricing, the NCC on October 19, met the operators to convey its position  after considering respective responses from the operators and the objective realities of the industry. Consequently, a floor price of 90 kobo per megabyte was introduced as it was considered a fair pricing. It was also agreed that the floor price will be effective from December 1.

    As we can see, procedurally there is nothing fundamentally wrong with the introduced price floor. The pricing methodology is an instrument to check abuses by operators, abuses which by this and many narratives in the public space had already set in. Importantly, the price floor is cost oriented in keeping with the ITU’s recommendation for cost-oriented telecommunications services provision.

    It is also pertinent to state that the big operators have had their days and are still enjoying economies of scale as well as operational stability. There is absolutely no reason for a gang up because the Nigerian Communications Commission as the regulator of telecommunications services also has a responsibility to ensure the survival of the new operators.

    Indeed, the survival of all operators is the utmost interest of the Commission in view of the implications for employment generation, service provision and the growth of the economy at large. This explains NCC’s interest and determination to ensure a level playing field for all operators to enable the country to move steadily at the right pace.

    • Comrade Panti is a social entrepreneur. He lives in Abuja.
  • Yoruba history and Olugbo’s revisionism

    Yoruba history and Olugbo’s revisionism

    Though the origin of the Yorubas remain enmeshed in controversies between the myth and the realities, legends and myths of origin are not peculiar to the Yorubas. In the study of history, archaeological and anthropological researches have been employed times without number to extract historical facts on origin where they contrast with the mythical tales of creation.
    For most part of Yoruba legend, what is known from tradition indicates that its founder (Oduduwa) migrated from the East and settled at Ile-Ife, died there and from his descendants sprang the various groups of the Yoruba nation. Captain Clapperton in his travels mentioned that he found a book written by ‘Bello’, Sultan of Sokoto, which made references to the tribe of ‘Yarooba, which originated from the remnant of the children of Canaan, of the tribe of Nimrod’.
    The various versions of Odudua descent from heaven and the reign of Oranyan, the eldest, who was the 1st Alaafin who founded Old Oyo (Katanga) and whose obelisk is seen today at Ife, sustain the fact that Ile-Ife is universally recognized as the most senior and most ritually important Yoruba city (the cradle of the Yorubas).
    The founding of Ife is believed to date back to 850 AD while the rival Oyo town to the Northwest was founded around 1350 AD. The Ooni of Ife and the Alaafin of Oyo are still the most highly respected Yoruba kings in Nigeria. Other major kingdoms were Ijesha and Ekiti to the North East; and Shabe, Ketu, Egbado, Ijebu and Awori in the Southeast and the Ondo, owo and Itsekiri in the Southwest. The third child of Oduduwa, a prince, became the king of Benin people. However, the Itsekiri Yoruba origin is still a subject of debate.
    Yoruba traditions have agreed that the original founder of the race is Oduduwa who settled in Ile-Ife at some time in the 13th century. Before his arrival, 13 semi-autonomous settlements were recorded as existing and operating a loose confederacy at Ile-Ife. Oduduwa settled among them and subsequently subjugated them, imposing his authority over them. The pre-existing groups organized themselves into a resistance group known as the Ugbo and harassed Odudua group and the new settlement for long until solution was found to their troubles, which was eulogized in Moremi’s legacies in Ife history. It has been suggested that the aboriginal who inhabited Ile-Ife were conquered and absorbed. The Yoruba dislodged them to establish relatively new political systems.
    Let me therefore respectfully address the revisionist history propagated for the Yorubas through the recent claims of Olugbo of Ugbo Kingdom as part of his grand strategies to foist an irredentist claim with his cohorts on Yorubaland. I believe that Olugbo’s attempt to reconstruct Yoruba history is not only fallacious, invalid and unacceptable, it is rather a forceful throw of sand in the face and legacies of Oduduwa, his successor in title – Ooni, the most powerful and respected grandchild of Odua – Alaafin and those of other crowned Yoruba Obas who had their source from Ile-Ife.
    It is a further attempt to revise the undiluted and age-long history of Yorubas and its establishment, the Obaship institutions that brought glamour and stability to Yoruba race and culture, communities and kingdoms that has existed for many centuries unchallenged.
    Looking deep at best to interpret the intent of Olugbo and what he seeks for himself in this exploit, one can only realize that he tends to gain ascendancy for his imperialistic exploits as a point of reference, a separate personality with a regalia of identity and glamour that is expected to be richer or more ancient than what exist in Yorubaland since the coming of the days of Oduduwa dynasty.
    Olugbo cannot build something on nothing though in his exploit to re-establish a lost and long forgotten hegemonic interest with assault on history and desperation rather than passion for truth, his revision of Oduduwa legacies in Yoruba history that has stayed for many centuries failed to achieve desirable gains. Odua will remain so as long as Yoruba race continue to exist and spread around the world as the beginning and the source. The hard-earned reputation of Oduduwa that he made upon his conquest and subjugation of Ife has put a stop to the Olugbo’s right of ascendancy for centuries, just as Moremi Ajasoro exploits as an heroine in Yorubaland remains a perpetual historical legacies that no one can challenge in ascribing rights of tributes to those who contributed under Ooni Oranmiyan to the survival of Ile-Ife and the subsequent dynastic rule of Oduduwa successors on the throne.
    Ile-Ife, the cradle of Yoruba as it is since the era of Oduduwa remains a source of rich history of the Yorubas in which no other gods or Kings would take a higher ascendancy nor distract the sense of history and pride of the Yorubas albeit Olugbo has made another attempt in that direction.
    To allow Olugbo’s claim to fest on Ooni and other Yoruba Obas, even if it has a true connection to Ile-Ife, the source, in the pre-Oduduwa’s arrival, conquest and dynastic reign that spread across Yorubaland is to glorify a defeated and buried claim. Olugbo’s claim cannot be sustained in history because it is a mere attempt to resurrect a buried order that was replaced by a new order that was established for over seven to eight centuries. Even if it is revolutionary in nature, it would remain rebellious, unacceptable and invalid in approach for assimilation and sustenance.
    The Yoruba school of history that situates Ooni as Arole Odua and which does not contradict the exploits of Oduduwa as the progenitor of Yoruba race, would remain the very source of acceptable and valid history of Yorubaland for ages to come, despite the infractions or diversions here and there that will fizzle out along the line.
    Let it be well stated for the umpteenth time that there are evidences of the existence of aborigines that Oduduwa and his sons met across Yorubaland when they arrived to conquer and rule in the land. The very existence of these aborigines doesn’t confer supremacy or equality on them with Ooni or other Yoruba Obas who got their crown from Ile Ife since Oduduwa’s revolution changed the landscape of Ife politics and governance structure in Yorubaland. He introduced a new hegemony, culture and social direction that have survived till date.
    Let Olugbo and his cohort understand one basic fact about studying history. Once a state comes under attack in war and perpetually colonized or annexed in the laws of war, the belligerent becomes the symbol and identity of the new state unless the old order can be restored. Since it was impossible for Ugbo people to overthrow Oranmiyan at the outset, it is impossible to start rewriting Yoruba history today in connection with Ugbo Kingdom which had been subjugated, defeated and displaced by Oduduwa dynasty for over 7-8 centuries.
    Since Ugbo which is claimed to be one of the settlements sacked at Ile-Ife by Oduduwa had relocated from Ile-Ife to establish a new dynasty where it existed today, the best is to trace or link its history with the old order in Ile-Ife in the pre-Oduduwa dynastic reign. This would not however make Olugbo, the superior of Ooni or Alaafin in any way. A city sacked, a throne abdicated, a society upstaged, a people displaced and suppressed, that only survive in another climes will speak of history of migration and not of ascendancy. Olugbo should therefore tread cautiously from bastardizing Yoruba history. He cannot claim superiority or supremacy in the climes beyond adducing to a history of its past.
    Let me also infer to the historical fact that Ugbo and Olugbo are not the first set of Yorubas that have lay claim to special sources of migration or existence in Yorubaland neither the only aboriginal people that were met at Ile Ife or that survived the Oduduwa arrival and subjugation. Yet, the various claims should be nip in the bud by substantiating it with provable archaeological and anthropological findings to make their detailed historical inquiry valid.
    At least in Ekiti, the Oore (Owoore) of Otun who is severally claimed to be Obatala adherent before he left Ile Ife for its present location has stated that he is not a son of Oduduwa but a benefactor. Another aboriginal ruler, the Onikere at Oke Ikere, who remains officially an unrecognized king had persistently contested the stool of Ikere with the Ogoga of Ikere in his bid to be recognized as a natural ruler.
    Apart from these examples in modern day Ekiti, tradition indicated that there was an aboriginal ruler that Ewi met at Ado-Ekiti called Elesun and who oversees 17 subordinate Emure communities and relates with other autonomous communities like the Odo Ora community of Ado-Ekiti before the advent of Ewi. Tradition stated further that Ewi on arrival as a guest of Elesun conspired with his chiefs and eliminated him. He co-opted most of his chiefs and subordinate communities into the new kingdom formation after he had totally suppressed them. Ewi also entered into alliance with autonomous communities like Odo Ora, before they were gradually weakened and suppressed to be included as chiefs rather than as Obas in his Kingdom.
    •Babatola is Deputy Registrar, Ekiti State University.

  • Ogun: Ten-lane road as a metaphor

    Ogun: Ten-lane road as a metaphor

    “We have built this six-lane road but made the bridge a ten-lane. Another whiz kid may come in ten or twenty years’ time and decide to expand this road to ten lanes. He will not need to break and reconstruct the bridge.”

    That was the voice of the Ogun State governor, Senator Ibikunle Amosun, at the Isale-Oko bridge in Sagamu, during the “see-with-your-own-eyes tour” with media executives in 2014. It was equally the most affecting moment of the trip to the three senatorial districts of the state.
    All the international standard highways constructed by the Amosun administration across Ogun State have 10-lane bridges (built over rivers). For those familiar with highway construction, the bulk of the money goes to the construction of bridges once there are rivers on the road. A bridge can take as much as 30 per cent of the entire cost of a road. While you can easily construct a motorway on a dry land, it is a colossal economic cost to have to destroy a bridge in order to expand it from, say, four lanes to six lanes or from six to 10 lanes.
    The foresight of Governor Amosun therefore deserves plaudits. And this point was not lost on the editors who saw the massive infrastructural development across the state and futuristic considerations of the governor.
    It can then be safely concluded that Amosun’s 10-lane bridge or the ongoing Abeokuta-Sagamu 10-lane road is a metaphor for foresight, development and prosperity.
    Of course, I have heard and read the “lectures” of the opposition elements. But wait a minute! Were they the ones that taught Amosun how to raise the Internally Generated Revenue of Ogun State from a paltry sum of N750m per month he inherited to a whopping N5 billion per month within a space of two years without imposing any burden on the people of the state but simply blocking the loopholes through the introduction of cashless system? Does Amosun need any sermon from the opposition on when to complete a particular project or the other? The governor, a grassroots man par excellence, is in constant touch with his people and they know he will deliver on those promises.
    Do these opposition elements have any facts about the Abeokuta-Sagamu highway? Do they know the matrix and the socio-economic calculus that made the construction imperative at this time?
    But does it really matter for these critics? I remember one notable politician who stated at a public forum that he was not aware of a road construction in his area, yet his own house directly overlooks a major six-lane road complete with modern furniture, constructed by the Amosun government! That is the ridiculous level criticisms have attained in our country. No explanation about the content and character of the Sagamu-Abeokuta motorway or any project for that matter will satisfy them. They believe in politics of “let’s share it”, but Amosun is an apostle of politics of “let’s develop the state!”
    By way of analogy, and only for illustration purpose, these hidebound politicians still believe that in this 21st century, the best way to fight wars is the use of sticks, stones, bows and arrows. They can continue in such mentality. But we know we are in the age of armoured tanks, submarines, ballistic missiles, rocket-propelled grenades, etc. They may continue to use their hoes and cutlasses to farm. But we will make use of CAT bulldozers, MF 275 Xtra tractors, Baldan Disc Ploughs, Baldan Disc Harrows, Row-planters, etc. provided by the Amosun administration. Let them continue to use their pin-hole cameras, abacus or pascal’s calculators but we will scale up the use of digital cameras and computers. Indeed, they may continue to build and renovate their “face-me-I-face-you” roads, but the Amosun government will continue to build six-lane highways complete with modern furniture, flyovers and ten-lanes! The future belongs to those who prepare for it today.
    Let there be no mistake about it. Criticisms, of course, are expected in a democracy. I recall the governor often tells journalists to put public officials on their toes. But what is clearly against the grain in a democracy is destructive criticisms, which appear to be the stock-in-trade of some of our politicians.
    We should have expected these politicians to learn from history. You do not wait for tomorrow before you plan for it. Our revered leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was equally criticised for being ahead of his time. When he mooted the idea of free education, he was criticised.
    When Awo built the first industrial and housing estates in Nigeria, what was the socio-economic situation at the time? When he established the first television service in Africa, how many Nigerians at the time had television sets? When he constructed the Liberty Stadium, the first in Nigeria, what was Western Region’s position in the world in relation to sports or how many children of the region were in school? Yet, but for the mismanagement of the country that followed, which greatly upset the golden era that Awo had launched the region into and the pace of its developmentt, the Western Region should have been like Europe today.
    But for the Awolowo-like vision of Amosun, Ogun Sate would have remained today the narrow and myopic image of the opposition elements. They want foreign investors to come, and in the same breath want the state to remain a 17th century backwoods of civilization by conduct! Do investors flock to a place that lacks modern infrastructure and semblance of a forward-looking government?!
    These critics now move about freely in the state without fear of insecurity, yet when Amosun bought the very latest technology of Armoured Personnel Carriers (APCs) in 2012 at a discounted price, the first of such APCs in Nigeria, they criticised him for not buying relics of outdated-technology World War II APCs that would work this hour and break down the next hour, thereby gulping millions of naira to maintain, yet not giving value for money!
    Our people do not have such a “pound-foolish-and-kobo-wise” mentality and Amosun will not be the governor to promote such. He won’t spend the hard-earned money of the people of Ogun State to maintain a completely failed highway in order to pander to the wimps and caprices of a few politicians.
    The future, as earlier observed, belongs to those who prepare for it today. Amosun’s 10-lane project remains a metaphor for foresight, development and prosperity.
    I shall end this exercise with a paraphrase of a portion of Awo’s address in the heyday of the Western Region:
    This government will press forward in the execution of the laudable projects which our people have overwhelmingly endorsed, confident also that our beloved and trusting masses, when they begin to enjoy the delectable fruits of the current investments and sacrifices, will now and in future years, remember us with gratitude and adoration as their faithful and devoted servants, and their only true friends and benefactors.
    **Soyombo, Special Assistant on Media to the Governor of Ogun State, sent this piece via densityshow@yahoo.com

  • ODU’A at 40: The missing pages

    ODU’A at 40: The missing pages

    Odu’a Investment Company Limited, otherwise known as ODU’A, was incorporated in Nigeria as a limited liability company in July, 1976. It took over the business interests of the defunct Western State of Nigeria. The company commenced operations on October 1, 1976.
    ODU’A’s business portfolio covers real estate, printing and publishing, equipment leasing, food and beverages, industrial, construction, agriculture, manufacturing, hotel and catering, financial services and oil and gas. The conglomerate is owned and operated by six South-west governments of Oyo, Ondo, Ogun, Osun, Ekiti and Lagos. Its group headquarters is in Ibadan, Oyo State.
    On Tuesday, December 8, ODU’A Investment Company Limited celebrated its 40th Anniversary with a public lecture/awards presentation at one of its subsidiaries in the hotel / catering sector, Premier Hotel, Mokola Hill, Ibadan, Oyo State. The highlight that day was the awards presentation to the three former military governors of the founding states of ODU’A (Oyo, Ogun and Ondo), retired Major-General David Medayese Jemibewon, CFR, retired Group Captain Ita David Ikpeme, CON and retired Major – General Saidu Ayodele Balogun. The three retired military officers deserve the recognition for the pioneering efforts, much as the brilliant and dedicated civil servants who crafted and operated the policy papers that gave birth to Odu’a Investment Company Limited.
    No one can make an omelette without breaking eggs, as the present is a child of the past. This piece, or filler, if you wish, titled “ODU’A at 40: The missing pages” is intended to fill the ‘missing’ pages (actually facts) in the 34 –page 40th Anniversary brochures (ODU’A history inclusive) distributed to the public at the ceremony. The miss, I am convinced, was in advertent and not meant to slight anyone.
    First, I commend the sense of history of the ODU’A board, management and staff, particularly the Corporate Affairs Department, which I had the good fortune of setting up on August 7, 1989, when I assumed duty as the conglomerate’s pioneer Public Affairs Manager. Even though, I voluntarily retired as ODU’A pioneer General Manager, Corporate Affairs in 2006, there still exists a healthy relationship between the patrimony and my humble self.
    So, what are the missing pages in the 40th anniversary brochure? Here they are. The brochure ought to have contained the fact that the present day ODU’A is actually the fourth ODU’A as it were. The first ODU’A being the forerunner, Western Nigeria Development Corporation (WNDC) established by the defunct Western Nigeria Government led by its first premier, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo (1952 – 1959) and ably sustained by Chief Awolowo’s successor, the late Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola from (1959 till January 15, 1966, when Nigeria’s first military coup terminated civil government in the region and Nigeria in general.
    Chief Awolowo, led an economic mission from March – April 1956 to London, Washington, New York, Ottawa, Montreal and Toronto. The aim was to attract, and it indeed attracted, foreign investors / industrialists to the Western Region of an emerging independent African country (Nigeria) blessed with abundant natural resources and manpower.
    Awolowo’s government established the Ministry of Economic Development and two agencies – the Western Region Production Development Board, later called the Western Nigeria Development and Finance Corporation (WNDC).
    The ‘second’ ODU’A was another forerunner known and called the Investment and Industrial Credit Corporation (IICC) which gave way to the ‘third’ ODU’A on October 1, 1976. it was the ‘third’ ODU’A that received several knocks from the ideologically –differing civilian, governors of old Oyo State (the late Chief ’Bola Ige of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), the late Governor Bisi Onabanjo (UPN) of Ogun State, the late Chief Adekunle Ajasin (UPN) of the old Ondo State and former Governor Victor Olunloyo of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) of old Oyo State. ODU’A III was rescued from the slaughter slab by the December 31, 1983 military coup of General Muhammadu Buhari/ the late General Tunde Idiagbon, as the UPN / NPN governors of ODU’A states were crossing the ‘is’ and dotting the ‘t’s of the conglomerate’s dissolution and sharing formula.
    The succeeding military governments of the then Lt. Col. Oladayo Popoola (old Oyo State) whose Press Secretary, I was, the then Colonel Oladipo Diya (of Ogun State) and the late Commodore Bamidele Otiko (Ondo State) in January 1984, picked up the pieces of ODU’A left and raised it up.
    The fourth ODU’A wobbled and fumbled on the business lane and dividend returns to her owner – states and people, till the dissolution axe fell on it and its Northern Nigeria counterpart, the New Nigeria Development Corporation (NDDC) by a military fiat contained in that infamous broadcast of retired General Ibrahim Babangida, former military president of Nigeria in 1990, shortly after he was rattled by the almost- successful military coup of the late Major Gideon Orkar onApril 22, 1990. Babangida’s dissolution order on “regional / primordial economic interest that enable states to meet on common platforms” was ignored by the NNDC, as our inquiries at its Kaduna headquarters revealed.
    ODU’A, immediately complied with Gen. Babangida’s order, as the owner – states military governors had a non – Yoruba as the most senior, even though he had a Yoruba surname). A Board of Trustees, headed by the late Oba Oladele Olashore of Iloko – Ijesa, Osun State, (then a prince and private banker) was set up, and immediately commenced action that opened the ODU’A bids to ALL Nigerians, whereby states / persons could buy / possess ODU‘A’s assets. The late General Joe Garba sought Epe Plywood Industries; one Alhaji Lawal Mohammed coveted Cocoa Industry Limited, Ikeja and so forth and so forth.
    ODU’A escaped the Babangida dissolution axe by the grace of God and the personal intervention of the late M.K.O Abiola, at my instance. It was an escape from the sharks’ jaws. Phew! All these facts are contained in a book of ODU‘A’s evolution commissioned by a former board of the conglomerate led by the gentleman, former Minister of Health, Prince Julius Adelusi – Adeluyi, former broadcaster, pharmacist, lawyer and polyglot.
    Due to space constraint, let me conclude this gap filler by asking the following record breakers in ODU‘A history, who were missing in the anniversary brochure to pleasure take a bow – lawyer and entrepreneur Chief Kola Daisi, Bashorun of Ibadanland, who was the pioneer Chairman of ODU‘A and Chief (Mrs.) Iyabode Apampa, the first and only female chair of ODU‘A. May the souls of the late Mr. C.S.O Akande, the pioneer Group Managing Director of ODU‘A and that of the late Otunba Mohammed Jobi – Fele, the undisputable yeoman of the team that between 1997 & 1999 rescued and repositioned ODU‘A continue to rest in peace. Amen.
    Happy 40th anniversary celebration to ODU‘A, Africa’s most enduring conglomerate.
    •Alabi, D. Litt (h.c) is pioneer General Manager, Corporate Affairs, Odua Inv. Co. Ltd