This year’s Dakar International Forum on Peace and in Security in Africa, the third in the annual series attracted the participation of President Muhammadu Buhari along with some other African leaders. It was an important opportunity to strengthen relations between Africa and its development partners.
In addition to all things, President Buhari owed to his Senegalese counterpart to be present on account of the visit, at least three times that I know, that President Mackey Sall came here on our government’s invitation. President Buhari was received with a lot of warmth. It was clear from the actions and pronouncements of the hosts, that President Sall and his government were very pleased that President Buhari had at last reciprocated by visiting.
Besides the diplomatic gains of the visit, what other major gains were made by Nigeria by having our President in attendance?
As a background, the meeting had in attendance, high-level stakeholders, including, as earlier stated, Presidents and heads of government as well as ministers responsible for internal security, defence and foreign affairs.
Others were heads of security and defence institutions on the continent, regional and international organizations, business leaders, scholars, experts and the civil society. Dozens of workshops were held on security related issues affecting Africa. It was an intense two-day engagement, and for those who mistake the presidential trips as pleasurable junkets, the President’s plane left Dakar in the dark hours of the second day of the visit, to land in Abuja early the following morning.
The President had raced back home to swear in the new commissioners he appointed for the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC and to preside at the Wednesday meeting of the Federal Executive Council, FEC.
The Forum attached a central importance to experience-sharing.
Now, this is an area in which Nigeria has the dubious honour of being a leader, given our ongoing engagement with Boko Haram terrorists. Routing the Boko Haram terrorism is one of the priorities of this administration. The President has defined the challenges of terrorism in Nigeria as being Boko Haram in the North-east and militancy in the South-South.
In the speech he read, and his various responses to questions at an interactive forum, President Buhari offered to the continent this county’s recipe for a lasting solution to the challenge of terrorism. His speech was further expanded in details by officials on the delegation.
In the series of briefings, African leaders were given the essentials of the two-way approach to fighting terror put in place by the current administration.
One is that there is a “Soft Approach.” This approach has a blueprint tagged as “National Counter-terrorism Strategy”. As a part of this, government has a de-radicalization programme coordinated by the Counter Terrorism Centre. De-radicalization basically entails the various ways to rehabilitate and re-orientate repentant terrorists and to fight the ideological influence of terrorist organizations.
An implementation mechanism, the Presidential Committee for North East Initiative (PCNI), for economic empowerment through provision of emergency assistance, social stabilisation, economic reconstruction and redevelopment has also been put in place.
There is also in place, a Victim Support Fund and a National Trauma Centre to collate data on victims of Boko Haram insurgency, and provide assistance to them.
Government is also engaging in the sensitization and orientation of the civil populace to disabuse their mind against the negative propaganda of the Boko Haram group.
There is also a Presidential Committee on Dialogue and Resolution of Security Challenges in the North East to engage the Boko Haram insurgents and win their hearts through dialogue. The committee has engaged the insurgents in various prisons and detention centres with a view to cultivating them to accept the dialogue option. As a result of this engagement, 21 Chibok Girls were released on October 13 through negotiations. Efforts are being intensified to ensure the safe release of the rest of the Chibok Girls and other victims.
Government has also established a Presidential Committee on Small Arms and Light Weapons (PRESCOM) specifically to address the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in the country.
Almajiri schools (integrated western and Quranic schools) in the 19 states of the north to facilitate enrolment of street children who are vulnerable to recruitment by Boko Haram and other terrorist groups have established. Through the implementation of Safe School Initiative, SSI, protection of schools in the states affected by Boko Haram is being paid attention to, with an initial funding of US$20million.
Other measures put in place include wider Foreign Intelligence Cooperation (Liaison Relations) at the regional and sub-regional levels in view of the trans-national and cross-border nature of terrorism and related crimes. In this regard, a Regional Intelligence Fusion Unit (RIFU) and National Intelligence Fusion Centre for coordinated action against terrorism, including intelligence sharing in response to the security challenges posed by Boko Haram insurgency and Terrorism have been put in place.
As an indication of the success of this experiment, the RIFU achieved 98 per cent increase in intelligence sharing in 2016, with more countries seeking to join the unit.
The second approach to the threat of terrorism by Nigeria is tagged the “Hard Approach.”
The Forum was briefed by our officials on ongoing intensification of Air and Ground Military Offensive against the Boko Haram group and its bases.
President Buhari made it clear that the fight against corruption in his country aims at addressing factors that promote terrorism and violent extremism. “Corruption”, said the President “deprives the citizens including the youth of their right to basic necessities of life including education, health and employment.”
He informed them that his administration had put in place an empowerment program targeting 500,000 youth, of which 200,000 have been employed in the first instance.
Following this excellent presentation, many countries expressed their appreciation of Nigeria’s anti-terrorism mechanisms and efforts.
A major objective of the Dakar Forum is the strengthening of African Unity with a view to finding their own solutions to the problems of security on the continent. This is in line with the theme for this year’s meeting which is “Africa Meets Its Security Challenges: Viewpoints for Efficient Solutions.”
To achieve this, the leaders agreed to use common security platforms to achieve the goal of a unified African approach.
Some of these will hopefully see African Navies and Maritime agencies working together to secure international waters. It has since been recognized that a stable maritime environment is critical for regional and global security and that states acting in isolation of one another have tended to achieve very little.
The threat of sea-borne terror and piracy continues to pose a strong challenge, with pirates moving from Somalia to the Gulf of Guinea. The meeting recognized the efforts of Nigeria and her maritime neighbours to counter the situation. Going forward, African navies should be working more closely with each other.
The meeting also provided an opportunity to learn from each other on how best to get international partnerships to work together for common solutions to shared problems. To this end, defence and security establishments will march together to confront the new challenges facing the continent and will cooperate with one another by sharing intelligence, training and synergy.
The model of cooperation put in place by the leaders of the Lake Chad Basin Commission Countries, and the impressive success recorded by the Multinational Joint Task Force, MNJTF will serve a strong motivation for the actualization of a continent-wide mechanism for military intervention in crisis situations. Each country has however been implored to start by taking charge of their territories and resources to avoid their falling into the hands of terrorists.
To confront the threat of the spread of hate speech, radicalisation and violent extremism, the Africa leaders will each in their countries keep an eye on the internet. In an important decision taken, the forum noted that rising connectivity has helped the growth of extremism and radicalization, and leaders were urged to make state institutions to be more mindful of those seeking to incite violence using social media platforms.
African private sector has equally been urged to key into the efforts to build new pillars of economic activities on the continent to reduce joblessness and crime. Participants agreed that the private sector is an equal stakeholder in peace and security in Africa and for this reason, businesses on the continent must brace up for more involvement in this regard as part of their corporate social responsibility.
Category: Comments
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Takeaways from Dakar Forum on African Peace and Security
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Senate; allow Magu take a bow
The long awaited screening and confirmation of Mr. Ibrahim Magu as the executive chairman of Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) by the Senate understandably has generated keen public interest and controversy. Latest reports indicate that the screening expected to take place on the floor of the Senate on Thursday, December 8, 2 has been deferred by the Senate till Thursday, December 15, for what reliable sources attribute to the desire of many senators to participate in the screening exercise.
Many may consider as regrettable the three failed attempts to screen the anti-corruption czar, but the delay may constitute blessing in disguise after all for several reasons. First, the seeming delay may have allowed the lawmakers ample time to understudy the performance of Magu before confirming his appointment into the substantive position given the high sensitivity of the exalted office. This intervention is not meant to trade blames on the propriety or otherwise of the seeming delay in confirming Magu but to make the point that in the light of current realities and sterling performance of Magu within the short period he holds forth as acting EFCC chair, he is deserving of being allowed by the Senate to simply take a bow and resume his anti-corruption drives in the country that has assumed monumental dimension and incredible heights in recent times more than any period of our national history.
In urging the Senate to take this stance and honour Magu, my proposition is based on achievements recorded so far and the overriding consideration of national interest. We also examine some other parameters critical to sustaining the anti-corruption war.
First, Magu can hardly be faulted on the integrity index. This trait is consistence with the global integrity index which ‘assesses the existence, effectiveness and citizen access to key national – level anti-corruption mechanisms used to hold governments accountable’. We need a personality of Magu’s integrity to enable Nigeria deliver on the global integrity index indicators consisting of judicial accountability and anti-corruption among other variables.
Secondly, Magu has demonstrated strong capacity to curb money laundering and fight corruption using laws, regulations and institutions as powerful tools against corruption. In achieving these objectives, Magu has held extensive consultations and interactions with several professional groups, civil society organisations and other stakeholders in order to aggregate resources in the fight against corruption. Towards this end, he has put in place a supervisory mechanism to ensure a comprehensive compliance with domestic regulatory and supervisory regime for banks and non-bank financial institutions to forestall money laundering. More than ever before, there is greater realization by institutions to respect the laws of the land in carrying out their operations owing to the strategic initiatives spearheaded by Magu. Consequently, it can be said that Magu is delivering on the mandate of prevention of corruption, an indispensable tool in combating the scourge.
The other critical consideration is on the elements of criminalization and law enforcement. In these areas the activity of EFCC under Magu’s watch has assumed unprecedented heights. Nearly all sectors of the economy are being touched by Magu and those who run foul of the law are being arraigned in court with many others freely returning the loot of the country in their possessions. Magu’s tenure has witnessed unprecedented loot recovery for the benefit of Nigeria’s economy. Embezzlement, misappropriation or other diversion of resources by public officers are no longer fashionable. Affected public officers accused of such practices are assured of their days in court. The criminalization of illicit enrichment and abuse of public office penalized in our statute books are now given realistic practical expressions under Magu.
Magu is also exploring the element of international cooperation in the fight against corruption collaborating in the process with international partners and major law enforcement agencies around the world. He understands the need to cooperate in criminal matters in the areas of extradition, mutual legal assistance, the transfer of criminal proceedings and law enforcement including joint investigations and special investigative techniques.
The performance of Magu on asset recovery is very impressive. The extent of exportation of illicit funds or assets obtained through corrupt practices by public officers is steadily on the decline particularly under the watch of Magu.
Magu has also posted positive results of convictions. Within such a short time of Magu’s tenure, he has recorded more convictions than any other tenure in the history of the commission. The facts, records and statistics are there for all to see.
Magu understands that to combat corruption, you require a holistic approach involving mechanisms required to prevent, detect, punish and eradicate corruption and other related offences in the public and private sectors. Equally critical is the need to promote, facilitate and regulate cooperation among all stakeholders with a view to ensuring the effectiveness of measures and actions to achieve stated objectives.
Nick named the ‘General’ on account of his clinical efficiency and effectiveness, Magu understands the need to coordinate and harmonize policies including establishing the necessary conditions to foster transparency and accountability in the management of public affairs.
A seasoned investigator, Magu is at home with the operations of the EFCC including the challenges in the fight against corruption in the past, notably delay in the administration of justice, abuse of plea bargaining, absence of political will, inefficiency of prosecuting lawyers and needless pressures. He has the shock absorbing mechanism to take on these challenges and more.
Magu has been around the EFCC structure since inception and successive administrations have utilized his expertise in driving the anti-corruption war. Therefore, the country needs his knowledge, experience, exposure, character and integrity.
Based on all these parameters, including unprecedented performance founded on efficiency and effectiveness, Mr. Ibrahim Magu deserves to take a bow when he appears before the Senate for screening and confirmation.
In the history of our country, never has the candidacy of any aspirant to public office received such over whelming endorsement on account of performance as the massive consensus on Magu across the length and breadth of the country. Nearly all major newspapers have written editorials urging the senate to confirm Magu. Civil and professional organisations across the country have all expressed solidarity with Magu on account of his integrity and performance. The records of the performance of Magu speak volumes. As lawyers would say, res ipsa loquitor meaning the fact speak for itself.
Magu is leading a winning team. You don’t change a winning team. Magu ought to be confirmed because he deserves it.
If the Senate approves this proposal urging Magu to take a bow, it will be a great service to our country in the overall national interest.
I urge the Senate to so hold.
• Shittu is a Lagos-based attorney. -
Deciphering the value of infrastructure loan
Great value was lost in the skewed reportage of the keynote address delivered by Mohammad Sanusi, Emir of Kano in Abuja on December 2. Emir Sanusi, the Federal Government and Nigerians were ill-served by the media’s embellishing of a fiscal element of the address. Sanusi observed that Nigeria is heavily enmeshed in debts that “out of every one Naira Nigeria makes, 40 kobo goes to debt and 60 kobo is left for salaries, health, education, power and infrastructure.” Proclaiming that Nigeria should borrow more in order to dig itself out of the present debt peonage seems counterintuitive. Yet such argument gains validity, if such borrowing is per se, for development. The redeeming caveat is ensuring “beyond financing established infrastructural needs…that aggregate expenditure is of such quantum and composition to enable exit from recession.”
The proposed $30 billion loan is tailored mainly to social infrastructure. It’s safe to assume implicit correlation between the $30billion infrastructural development loan and reported plans to offer N20 billion to 36 states respectively, for infrastructural development. The loan document, split into three parts – programmes and projects $11.247bn; special national infrastructure $10.686bn; and Eurobonds and federal budget support, $4.5bn and $3.5bn – didn’t include the sectoral narratives, which made it hard to discern the benefiting geopolitical or economic sectors. But we know this much. Nigeria’s infrastructures are in bad shape and needs remediation. But the dismal state of our infrastructure is hardly by happenstance; they failed gradually, through poor policy articulation and implementation, wrong priorities and wrong utilization of previous loans. Nigerians remain cognizant that past foreign loans dedicated to Nigeria’s steel sector yielded very limited results.
The value and amortization terms of any loan are best assessed, if the loan is meant for hard infrastructure – power, housing, toll bridges and roads – that yield returns. Same is not always true of loans for soft and social infrastructures. Thus, it may be wise to borrow for hard infrastructure; yet not so wise to borrow for soft infrastructure. This position does not discount the overarching importance of soft infrastructure, needed to promote quality of life and human development, since rising youth unemployment, inequality, and poor healthcare delivery are corollaries of growing disenchantment and portend risks. Nigeria having only extricated herself from the sapping London and Paris Club debts just a decade ago, some heady questions arise. Will Nigeria’s borrowing outcome be any different now? Here is the challenge: Can an external loan – quick-fix, ad-hoc funding – couched in the attractive term of “infrastructure fund” even if it serves as stimulus or bailout, begin to redress existing infrastructure deficit, if its utilization is not properly handled?
Infrastructural deficit in Nigeria remains huge with sectoral infrastructures suffering major setbacks, which manifest in dismal electric generation and distribution; crumbling roads and bridges that are further exacerbated by a poor maintenance culture. The deregulated national air transportation system struggles, due to the existing oligopolistic market structures. Recent census shows that the national commercial air fleet shrank from a total of 60 to 20 planes in the past year alone. Prevailing operational challenges translate to air safety concerns. Nigeria is also underserved by its limited ports and waterways infrastructure. The sector is hampered by navigable, but yet to be dredged inland waterways totalling some 3,300km, and dearth of modern vessels. Nigeria’s housing deficit is estimated at 16-20 million, but Nigeria’s housing infrastructure is so laggard that even 20% of its housing needs are presently unrealizable. The mortgage sector remains dysfunctional, given prevalent inefficacious mortgage policies and regiment. Whereas real estate construction contributed $990 billion or some 6% of U.S. GDP in 2015, and 4% of GDP in Ghana, in Nigeria, contributions via mortgages is a dismal 0.5% of the GDP.
Whilst Nigeria’s GSM system is much improved, Nigeria’s 97 million GSM users are still underserved with only 21% broadband penetration. With Boko Haram destroying most GSM urban furniture in the North-east; the national landline systems have totally collapsed and are non-existent in most parts of the country. Such setbacks are worsened by high tariffs, lack of periodic maintenance, insufficient public sector funding and unavailability of stable bond and capital markets. Even as Nigeria’s ICT sector yielded N1.4 trillion in FQ of 2016, the nexus between the parlous state of Nigeria’s communication infrastructure and her inability to fully catalyse the “use of ICTs for different aspects of national development” persists. Relatedly, Nigeria’s rating on the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness index, which assesses “countries’ ability to have good and steady electricity supply, road quality construction, air transportation, and port and rail infrastructures”, remains bleak. Two consecutive surveys between 2014 and 2016 ranked Nigeria 133rd and 134th respectively, out of 144 countries.
Infrastructure funding and challenges were of lesser concern during the military era. Because democratically elected governments view infrastructure development as democratic dividends, the Jonathan administration prioritized infrastructural development via the National Integrated Infrastructure Master Plan (NIIMP), which linked key economic sectors. The plan envisaged to last for 30 years, would guarantee sustainable economic growth and development and bridge existing infrastructure deficit, if fully implemented. Still Nigeria has suffered from the inability of successive governments to follow through on approved infrastructural projects. Hence, leadership change and politicians jockeying for preferential funding and sitting of constituency projects, continue to impact negatively on infrastructure development.
The value of Nigeria’s infrastructure is relative to her historical realities regardless of whether the funding is borrowed or budgeted. Historical realities also reflect the federal government’s unending inability to leverage accruing oil revenue to develop national infrastructure fully. Resultantly, poorly funded and executed policies have contributed to awful deliverance or abandonment of strategic infrastructural projects. Meanwhile, states are increasingly averse to rehabilitating decrepit federal infrastructures, given extant policies prohibiting such repairs without prior authorization and challenges in recouping funds expended by states on federal projects.
Funding infrastructure via budgets or loans is no longer as important as finding the political will for executing and delivering national projects fully. Not delivering on requisite infrastructure amounts to short-changing the national population and retarding development. As Ejeviome E. Otobo, averred in the recent edition of Jeune Afrique, “The ability of all tiers of government to increase citizens’ access to pipe-borne water, public healthcare and of the federal government to increase electricity supply will be an important test of their commitment to inclusive growth.” And as Abraham Nwankwo, Nigeria’s debt management czar observed; “If the economy does not succeed in converting the external borrowings to domestic productive capacity and self-sustaining economic growth, with substantial diversified export component, the resulting economic and social disruption will be unbearable.” Translated from our historical past to here-and-now, “unbearable” means recession, the new normal for Nigeria. Hence, advancing Nigeria does not require a foreign loan likely to be mismanaged, but a clear delineation of institutional structures and responsibilities for driving the deployment of critical national infrastructure. Such delineation will influence funding, resource and burden sharing among the three tiers of government, with a view to improving domestic productive capacity and sustainable development.
- Obaze and Okoye are of Selonnes Consult Ltd.
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Game of thrones
Legitimacy in public office derives largely from three factors: the inherent merit of the candidate, voters’ mandate conferred through credible polls regarding elective offices, and the moral integrity of the office occupier showing clearly forth. These factors have been at play lately in disrobing some major actors on the world stage and throwing up newcomers.
Ghanaians headed to the poll last Wednesday to elect their president and parliamentarians for another four-year tenure, effective from January 2017. Even before the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana made its final call at the weekend, the country was widely projected to have fallen to the rebel gale of populism sweeping the world and displacing the establishment order. Opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP) candidate, Nana Akufo-Addo, was projected as winner, defeating incumbent President John Dramani Mahama of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) in a close contest. It was third time lucky for Akuffo-Addo and a sweet reward for his doggedness – having contested for his party and lost in 2008, and also in 2012 when Mahama defeated him by less than 300,000 votes.
Maybe because we are sub-regional neighbours, you would find close similarities between Nigeria’s electoral experience in 2015 and that which climaxed with the elections in Ghana last week. Besides victory coming for Akuffo-Addo after his third consecutive bid – one attempt short of Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari’s odyssey before gaining power in 2015 – there were close calls in political elite culture and Election Day-related experiences of the electoral bodies.
Against the backdrop of fears of election violence, just like we had here in 2015, which informed the creation of a National Peace Council (NPC), just like we also had in Nigeria, last week’s election in Ghana passed off peacefully. Nigeria’s 2015 elections had rough patches of violence, but nothing compared to what had been feared.
Ghana, like Nigeria, uses a card reader device for voter accreditation; and the balloting processes last week glided through, unlike in 2012 when the failure of some units of the device compelled that elections be rescheduled till the following day in some constituencies. In 2012, Ghana made no provision for the eventuality of card readers failing, and it was the country’s experience in that election that really advised Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) putting by an ‘Incident Form’ that could be duly completed and a verified voter allowed to proceed with exercising his / her franchise when the card reader fails to authenticate the fingerprints.
Before the EC made its pronouncement at the weekend, Ghanaian politicians were at their unruly best, with the NPP in particular jumping the gun to announce its own version of the results, claim the victory, and urge Mahama to promptly concede defeat. On Thursday, the EC’s website was hacked and unofficial results uploaded on it, compelling the electoral body to pull down the website for some four hours to redress the breach. In 2015, INEC’s website was likewise hacked on the day of the presidential poll, and the commission had to pull it down for a while to redress the breach.
But the most gratifying similarity, for me, was the expected sportsmanship of President Mahama. Even though officials of his party fought back against the NPP with their own claims about likely outcomes and called its preemptive announcement of results ‘treasonable,’ I personally hoped Mahama would rise to the occasion. And the reason is this: Mahama was the Chair of the Authority of Heads of State of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 2015 when Nigeria had its general election, and he showed such great admiration for the way the presidential poll panned out that he came to Nigeria. Besides visiting then President Goodluck Jonathan to commend him for his graceful concession of defeat, Mahama paid a personal call on former INEC Chairman, Professor Attahiru Jega, to applaud the electoral commission. And he said during that visit that Nigeria had offered a worthy example to the ECOWAS sub-region, and indeed all of Africa.
He might not have meant that he desired the Nigerian scenario to be literally replicated in his own country, but it so happened that it was replicated last week, and President Mahama did not disappoint. Ahead of the EC making its call, and while a war of words raged between officials of his party and those of the NPP, Mahama sent out a conciliatorily tweet on Friday morning, saying: “Let’s allow the EC to carry out its constitutional mandate. We’ll make Ghana proud no matter the outcome.”
Ghana wasn’t the only country where the rebel gale of populism lately blew. Voters in The Gambia, penultimate week, handed a shock defeat to incumbent President Yahya Jammeh, after 22 years in power, by electing political outsider and real estate developer, Adama Barrow. The December 1st election marked the first change of leadership in the country since a military coup led by Jammeh unseated pioneer president Dawda Jawara in 1994, and it was the first time power changed hands by popular election since Independence from Britain in 1965.
The real surprise in The Gambia wasn’t the improbable defeat of Jammeh, who once quipped that he would “rule for one billion years if Allah willed it,” but his graceful concession of defeat even before his country’s electoral body had concluded tallying the votes – similar to Nigeria’s experience in the 2015 elections. In a statement on state television, Jammeh foreclosed contesting the result, saying: “It’s a clear victory. I wish him (Barrow) all the best and I wish all Gambians the best. As a true Muslim who believes in the almighty Allah, I will never question Allah’s decision.” He added that he was ready to “take the backseat;” and though he was yet to ostensibly do so at the weekend, Jammeh also promised to work with Barrow towards a smooth transition.
And talking about Nigerian precedent, a coalition of seven opposition parties in The Gambia known as the Independent Coalition of Parties (ICP) saw Barrow through to victory, overcoming the fragmentation that previously led to Jammeh prevailing through the plurality voting system. Nigeria’s merger of major opposition parties into the All Progressives Congress (APC) ahead of the 2015 elections had likewise facilitated victory over then dominant Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
Beyond the shores of Africa, moral principle lately forced the exit of some leaders from the commanding heights of their countries. In Italy, for instance, Prime Minister Matteo Renzi resigned after being defeated in a December 4 referendum to change his country’s constitution. The outcome marked a victory for the country’s anti-establishment and rightwing parties. Conceding defeat in an emotional speech, Renzi said: “My experience in government ends here … I did all I could to bring this to victory. If you fight for an idea, you cannot lose.”
Earlier, on 1st December, French President François Hollande announced he would not run for a second and final term. That decision was said to be unprecedented in France, though not completely unexpected due to Hollande’s low approval ratings. In his announcement, Hollande stated that he did not want to further divide the left, but he had long ago suggested that he might not stand for re-election if he fails to reduce French unemployment rate by the end of his term. Speaking in February 2015, for instance, he had said: “If after five years, a President cannot meet the objective that he had when he got elected, he cannot once more be a candidate for the highest office in the country.”
You could almost say Nigeria had its own ‘poster boy’ of moral principle in public office recently when APC Legal Adviser, Dr. Muiz Banire, SAN, resigned while being investigated by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for yet unproven allegation of his having bribed a serving judge. But the ruling party rejected Banire’s resignation, citing the constitutional doctrine that an accused person is presumed innocent until proven guilty. To be sure, the doctrine can’t be faulted, but the principle was sacrificed. Or was it?
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Tinubu: A phat phenomenon
At the turn of specific seasons of life; and in set times buried in the exclusive knowledge of Divinity, humanity experiences the birthing of some special breed of beings who have been marked to carry out specific assignments on behalf of specific territories and nations. Nigeria once had those beings. Many of them are late; but they are men Nigerians still celebrate up till today for what they dropped behind in vestiges from their strides.
In the southwest was Obafemi Awolowo, erudite and visionary who carried his people and their well-beings on his bruised and battered back for a very long time. Nnamdi Azikiwe was an admirable tower of sagacity from the Eastern part of the country. He markedly presided over an evolving Nigeria and depart a celebrity. Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto was an enigma in the North. He also pulled his weight with fortitude and strength among his people and in Nigeria. These men and many others including women emboldened their footprints on the interlock of Nigeria’s history. They raised disciples who, in turn raised other disciples who thereon and till now are attempting to raise others in a combined effort to make Nigeria great and wholesome.
I have never met Bola Ahmed Tinubu; one-time political activist; one-time Lagos State governor, one-time senator, a bawling voice in the wilderness of Nigerian politics, and a phat phenomenon. I saw him for the first time at Osun Stadium during the inauguration of Rauf Aregbesola as second-term Governor 2014. I purposely and transfixingly gazed at this man for a long time to determine if God would reveal to me why he is deemed such a terrific titanic to many. I saw an ordinary man donned in regular Guinea Brocade. A man just like you and I; but a being with a different swing in a realm unspeakable; moving, shaking, and shaping men, politics, policies and polity in Nigeria.
Those who love Tinubu are very many; and those who despise him are not few either. I have stumbled on a few people in politics and business who believe their lives wouldn’t have had meanings if their paths never crossed Tinubu’s. I have also parleyed with some who loathe him and wish he were not in the big picture of Nigerian politics. The latter category of people will allege that Tinubu has made a mess of their political lives; but the number of his hardened admirers grows hourly for many reasons. Someone once affirmed that if a man wants to get ahead in the cruddy game of Nigerian politics; after talking to God, you must talk to Tinubu. He is the Jagaban of Borgu; and he is not a phantom phenomenon. He is phat!
Before Bukola Saraki pulled a fast one on his party last year to become the Senate President, he had to launch an underground campaign against Tinubu first. Oh, boy, was that not a good soundtrack in the ears of Tinubu-haters? “Tinubu wants to control all of us, let’s tell him that won’t happen”; that was the mantra of Saraki’s hugger-mugger campaign. In the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara had to read off the same script to become Speaker. Dogara painted Tinubu as a bad boy control-freak first before he rode on to power. Dino Melaye once accused Tinubu as the brain behind his political travails, and those who were standing behind Ike Ekweremadu as Deputy Senate President also claimed that Jagaban was the source of their tribulations.
For men’s marital and business woes; they have blamed Tinubu and it sold like hot cakes in the market of ignorance and benightedness. Is Tinubu God? God is not a man! And Tinubu has never called himself such. But his traducers will tell you he acts like the Holy One. But he is a man on a special spiritual assignment, and he doesn’t have to dream dreams and see visions to play that role. Tinubu is not just a whiff and a whale; he is a colossus and a cyclopean phenomenon in Nigerian politics!
Men who choose to fight Tinubu do so dirty; and the field of the fight he now fights has grown wider since he stood behind Muhammadu Buhari in the last Presidential election and triumphed. Buhari was not particularly a thriller as candidate. If Nigerians were voting charisma, charm and pizzazz in the election; Buhari will still be in the ‘other room’ beholding his beautiful wife’s face. If we were voting soothing, mesmerizing speech machinist, the General will still be in his Daura farmland feeding and milking his 100 cows. But Buhari stands tall as a man of character and modesty who goes not after filthy lucre, gluttony, graft, or maddening amassing of wealth. Tinubu went into the rubbles of Daura and cleaned up the garments of this man who was once called an election serial-loser; built a bullish team coated with savvy salvaging spices around him, and marketed him to the same clientele that had three times in a row rejected the product. He who was once called a serial-loser is now President over 180 million people and the Giant of Africa because of Tinubu.
Tinubu saw virtues in the President and decided to stand behind him while he convinced all of the Southwest and more to stand behind the APC candidate. The desire to change Nigeria came in a head-on collision with guts, and there was the birthing of a cohesive, unstoppable rainbow coalition that uploaded millions of brooms at the polls for a clean sweep.Tinubu is a discoverer of talents and a potter who moulds men of skills. He is a man on assignment, and wise men should reverence men behind special assignments. Chief Ebenezer Babatope, a PDP Chieftain from my backyard in Ijeshaland once said this about Tinubu in an interview: “…Though we belong to different parties but you underrate Tinubu at your peril…he is a master strategist”.
A ravishing master-strategist like none other he is. Don’t regard his sporadic slip in politics as a sleep. It is a strategy. Men on assignment are also strategic. Don’t join them in the shallow insinuation that the Ondo election results two weeks ago portend that the man is diminished in status. Thou must be kidding. If Tinubu’s opponents want to build their strategies around that thought process, they do so at their paralyzing peril and crippling pitfall. In 2003, Tinubu was declared politically dead. The PDP election speed-train swept through the entire Southwest bypassing Lagos State. It’s tough to access Tinubu’s territory without his peoples’ permission. After the PDP sweep, we remember the aftermath a few years later. PDP was chased out in a cross-region shellacking that enthroned AC and ACN. Tinubu made it happen.
Until Divinity declares Tinubu’s assignment over; it’s not a decree that man can re-write. The jostling has begun now for 2018 and 2019. The political fiesta will kick off in Osun State where several men will be struggling to succeed a financially challenged but outstanding, mega-achiever, revolutionary Governor Rauf Aregbesola. Whether you agree with me or not; Tinubu will be a major player in who becomes what in that territory. Some call it imposition, but I call it competition. Politics is competition; and a phat phenomenon like Tinubu knows what competition is all about. Don’t mess with a man who has these manners of virtues on his CV. They are men I like to meet and shake their hands.
Ojo writes from Milwaukee; Wisconsin, USA.
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Case for the devolution of power
SIR: Recently a bill seeking to grant states control over mineral resources within their domain passed the second reading in the House of Representatives. The bill titled “A Bill for an Act to alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, to vest the control of the revenues derived from minerals, mineral oils, natural gas in, under or upon any land In the States of the Federation and for Other Related Matters” seeks to give much needed realism and impetus to Nigeria’s quest for economic and revenue diversification. The truth is that if Nigeria is to make progress economically and achieve its goal of a sustainably diversified economy and revenue base, then it must reform its political-economic institutions in order to reflect its socio-economic realities and the legitimate aspirations of the different ethnic nationalities that have voluntarily congregated to constitute the Federation known as Nigeria.
The current quasi-unitary system we currently practice is essentially a system of bondage that has shackled Nigeria’s economic potentials, via the subjugation of its federating units nay states, which otherwise should be the engines and propellers of Nigeria’s march to economic development. Nigeria is currently enmeshed in a recession for which many reasons have been adduced to explain the cause. Of all reasons so far adduced, the most factual and resonating has been that aside the mismanagement and corruption of past thieving administrations, Nigeria remains unhealthily saddled with a deleterious mono-product economy, which is a result of the stifling political and economic system we currently practice. A system that places premium not on productivity and innovation, but on doctored population figures and other Machiavellian schemes designed for the purpose of securing a larger chunk of revenue from the corruptly-termed and dwindling “national cake”.
It is interesting to also note that in spite of the glaring flaws of our current political-economic system, there are those who opine that Nigeria’s under-development has little to do with the unjust and tragically flawed nature of Nigeria’s political-economic system. They insist that our problems are essentially a function of “poor leadership”. They further assert that all Nigeria needs to reach the Promised Land is “repentance and a change of heart” on the part of our political elite, and the people. The proponents of this school of thought have however failed to ask themselves WHY Nigeria has continually been afflicted with “poor leadership” over the years. Is Nigeria and are Nigerians accursed of God? Are all Nigerians avowed corruption-lovers? The answer to this question is rather obvious: Nigeria’s corrupt political-economic system, as a matter of course, births “poor leadership”, in the same manner as a goat cannot give birth to a lion, neither can an unjust and flawed political-economic system give birth to responsible and accountable leadership.
The few instances of good governance Nigeria has recorded since the coming into force of this present political-economic system have been nothing but anomalies, this is because the Nigerian state does not have the required mechanisms needed to incentivize or replicate such isolated and rare instances of good governance. There is nothing that incentivizes responsible and accountable leadership in Nigeria. For an average Nigerian elected or appointed public official to muster the will to do the right things he or she must be somewhat of a zealot, with significant political leverage and a singular determination to do what is right and legal, in spite of systemic limitations.
Whilst appreciative of the critical need for good and purposeful leadership, it is humbly submitted that the long-suffering people of Nigeria can not continue to depend ad infinitum on the emergence of anomalies. We must as a people, nay as a nation, create the requisite political-economic institutions and systems that incentivize good governance, engender social cohesion and advance the economic well-being of all our people, irrespective of the political party or person in power. We must design a system that makes it impossible or at least extremely difficult for the lowest denominators in our polity to emerge as our leaders; and only the reformation of our current political and economic systems will enable that.
- Barrister Ugochukwu Joseph Amasike,
Lagos.
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Imperatives of Ambode’s N813b ‘Golden Jubilee’ Budget
For residents in Lagos, the year 2016 was by far a good year. Despite the nationwide economic recession, the State witnessed tremendous growth especially in the areas of infrastructural development and economic growth.
When the State Governor, Akinwunmi Ambode, on December 17, 2015 presented the N662,588billion 2016 Budget, tagged ‘The Peoples Budget’ he was very optimistic that not only would the Budget propel the State to greater development, but would also work for all Lagosians.
Two weeks after the House of Assembly passed the budget, precisely on December 31, 2015 Governor Ambode wasted no time in accenting to the document on the first working day of the New Year and immediately hit the ground running.
By all standards, this year’s Budget lived up to expectation despite cynicism in some quarters who at the onset posited that the Lagos 2016 budget was overambitious and unrealistic. In the last 11 months, series of projects have dotted across the metropolis including slip roads, lay-bys, segregated bus parks, pedestrian bridges rehabilitation and construction of road networks.
Little wonder, as at the end of October, 2016, the overall performance of the budget stood at 71 percent.
It was with this momentum that Governor Ambode on Tuesday, November 29, presented the Year 2017 Budget proposal of N813billion to the House of Assembly, so far the biggest ever by a State in the Federation.
Much as the size of the budget looks ambitious, the projects expected to benefit from it would certainly go a long way to improve the economy of the State and make life more comfortable for Lagosians.
At the brief but impressive ceremony, the Governor assured thousands of Lagosians who had thronged the hallowed chambers of the House of Assembly, including former speakers of the House of Assembly including party chieftains, members of the State Executive Council, traditional rulers, religious leaders, among others that the budget would be judiciously implemented to continue the massive infrastructural renewal and the enhancement of Lagos as one of the foremost tourism and investment destination in Africa.
Christened “The Golden Jubilee Budget” as it coincides with the State’s 50th Anniversary, Governor Ambode said it would focus on physical infrastructure, while social sectors especially health, education, youth and social development would get adequate attention.
Giving the key components of budget, he said recurrent expenditure would gulp N300.535billion while N512.464billion would be dedicated to capital expenditure, representing a Capital/Recurrent ratio of 63 percent to 37 percent.
According to the Governor, road construction, rehabilitation and maintenance would be one of the key focuses of the budget, adding that efforts would be geared towards roads that will open up the hinterlands, improve connectivity in the State and reduce travel time.
He listed some of the road projects to include Murtala Mohammed International Airport Road from Oshodi, Agric-Isawo-Owotu-Arepo Road in Ikorodu, Igbe-Igbogbo Phase II- Bola Tinubu Way in Ikorodu, Ijegun Imore Phase II Amuwo in Ojo axis, Oke-Oso-Araga-Poka in Epe, Epe-Poka-Mojoda in the Epe axis and the completion of the Abule-Egba, Ajah and Pen Cinema flyovers.
The Governor also said that within the course of the budget implementation, his administration would enter into a Public Private Partnership (PPP) to execute some road projects including Oke Oso-Itoikin dualisation Project in the Epe axis, Okokomaiko-Seme Road Project in Badagry axis and Ikorodu-Agbowa-Itoikin-Ijebu Ode Road Project in Ikorodu axis, just as he disclosed that the Phase II of the 114 Local Government Roads project as well as the construction of the Fourth Mainland Bridge would also kick off in 2017.
On the revenue expected from federal Allocation, the Governor said a conservative approach was taken owing to the falling oil prices, which according to him, was about $41.98per barrel at the time of finalising the budget.
He however expressed optimism that the State would get an increase in Federal allocation through the 13 percent derivation from Oil & Gas in 2017.
“In view of our financing gap, we shall continue to sustain deficit financing in the short-to-medium term; enhance revenue growth throughout the year on several initiatives including automation and efficient revenue administration.
Giving a sectoral breakdown of the 2017 Budget Estimates, Commissioner for Finance, Mr. Akinyemi Ashade said the Governor earmarked N205.85billion for General Public Services representing 25.32 percent of the budget, N36.43billion to Public Order and Safety, representing 4.48 percent, while Economic Affairs received a lion share of N295.84billion representing 36.39 percent.
In other sectors, Ashade told journalists at the Bagauda Kaltho Press Centre in Alausa Secretariat that Environment got 56.31billion, representing 6.93 percent, Health got 57.29billion representing 7.05 percent, while Education got N92.4billion representing 11.37 percent of the budget.
The Commissioner said the Budget would be funded from a total revenue estimate of N642.849billion while the balance of N170.150billion would be funded through a N100bn Bond Issuance program and a combination of internal and external loans.
On the N138.249b earmarked for road infrastructure, the fund will be used to complete the Abule-Egba overhead bridge, Ajah bridge, continued massive road rehabilitation in partnership with the Local Governments/Local Council Development Areas, Murtala Mohammed International Airport Road from Oshodi, Agric-Isawo-Owutu-Arepo Road in Ikorodu, Igbe-Igbogbo Phase II- Bola Tinubu Way in Ikorodu, Ijegun Imore Phase II, Amuwo in Ojo axis, Oke-Oso-Araga-Poka in Epe, Epe-Poka-Majoda in Epe and Pen Cinema flyovers, among others.
The N51.376bn budgeted for transportation has been earmarked for the Blue Rail Line, advancement of 10-Lane Lagos-Badagry Expressway, construction of jetties and terminals (especially at Epe and Marina with shoreline protection) and procurement of ferries to improve water transportation and encourage tourism.
“The government is also committed to the expansion of BRT Lanes in Lagos and we shall pay due attention to Oshodi – Abule Egba BRT Corridor. In the course of the 2017 Financial Year, we shall carry out fundamental reforms on all our modes of transportation – Roads, Water and the Walkways. In this wise, a Public Transport Infrastructure Bond will be issued in the course of the year,” Ashade said.
On housing, Ashade said the N50.290bn investment would allow government to focus on affordable housing units through rent-to-own schemes (Badagry, Lagoon View Topo-Idale and Imota), while the total sum of N15.291bn out of the allocation is committed to completion of on-going housing estates (Sangotedo, Odo Nasa Agowa, Ikorodu Ibeshe).
On health, N57.290bn earmarked is for the continuous upgrading/renovation of health facilities and completion of on-going healthcare infrastructure, including MCCs, upgrading / renovation of primary healthcare centres, completion / equipping of Drug Quality Control Laboratory (DQCL), prevention of blindness / special health projects, construction of specialist hospital, construction of Medical Park, among others.
On education, the N92.4bn earmarked has been set aside for continued rehabilitation / upgrading of public school buildings/facilities, continued provision of furniture for secondary schools, construction of new schools, schools improvement plan for secondary schools, provision of equipment for science laboratories, among others.
In the area of Science and Technology, Ashade said the sum of N11.006bn had been proposed for strategic information management, building and upgrade of IT infrastructure statewide, e-GIS land automation, single billing system and ease of payment for taxes, levies and other revenue items, as this would include Smart City project targeted at deploying technology to enhance security in the State and will also enhance our revenue generating efforts.
In the budget, the sum of N11.098bn has been proposed for spending in the area of governance, which Ashade said N1.250bn out of the amount would be spent on various capacity building programmes through the Ministry of Establishments, Training and Pensions to expose public servants to both local and international trainings in order to equip them for their role in actualizing the Lagos State Development Plan 2012-2025.
The commissioner explained further that the sum of N3.8bn had been set aside for the 7.5% government share to pension contribution and N7.15bn for Pension Redemption Bond Fund-shortfall.
On women affairs, Ashade explained that N2.193bn had been proposed for various initiatives, such as upkeep and maintenance of skill acquisition centres, special poverty alleviation intervention programme for women, construction/maintenance of skill acquisition centres and other poverty alleviation related projects at Isheri, Ibeshe, Eredo, among others.
The commissioner said the sum of N6.177bn has been proposed under Commerce for the on-going development of Lekki Free Zone, Industrial Park development, development of enterprise zones, Badagry Deep Sea Port, Eko Atlantic project and other areas.
However, the budget proposed a total of N9.457bn has been earmarked for the development of four mini stadia, upgrading of Teslim Balogun Stadium hostel, construction of 50 community youth recreation centres across the state and provision of sporting facilities in schools and Local Governments across the State. N18.181bn has also been proposed for advancement of Adiyan waterworks (phase II) and rehabilitation of mini waterworks all over the State and the improvement of water pipeline and reticulation.
The tourism sector, with the sum of N20.247bn will provide for the development of heritage centre for leadership (Lugard House), Centre for Yoruba Culture & History (Lagos House), J.K Randle Centre, transformation of the Onikan Museum, establishment of Museum for Art and Culture in Ikeja, development of tourism hubs in Lagos-West and Lagos-East and the construction of 5 Cultural Theatres in Alimosho, Badagry, Epe, Ikorodu and Ikeja.
More so, the N4.795bn earmarked for Agriculture and Food Security will cater for accelerated food expansion programme focused on rice production, animal husbandry and root crops as well as collaborate with other States in the Federation in the area of food production.
Receiving the Budget, Speaker of the House, Rt Hon. Mudashiru Obasa, commended the Governor for keeping faith with the 2016 budget in the area of implementation, adding that Lagos has witnessed a quantum leap in the last one year.
Obasa, while assuring the Governor that members of the House would give the 2017 fiscal document due diligence for the benefit of Lagosians, called on the Ministries Departments and Agencies (MDAs) to furnish the House with all the necessary documents to enable it fast-track the budget approval process.
The Lagos Speaker also seized the occasion to call on the Senate to reconsider the Special Status Bill for Lagos State, saying there was no better time to accord the State such recognition.
With the Year 2017 fast approaching, there is a sense of optimism in the air among Lagosians that as the State gets set to roll out the drums to celebrate its 50 years of existence, Governor Ambode would yet again wield his magic wand and unravel the ‘Golden Jubilee Budget’ to consolidate on the modest achievements and propel the State to enviable heights.
- Niyi Anibaba wrote in from Gbagada
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Not yet CHANGE
When the All Progressives Congress (APC) was inaugurated in 2013, many local and foreign political analysts banked on its political ideology to pose great challenges as an opposition in curtailing the excesses of the then ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP). And as it played out, APC defeated PDP in the 2015 general elections capitalising on its numerous campaign promises such as revamping the economy, and fighting corruption to a standstill.
Consequently, the President Muhammadu Buhari-led administration has devised strategies to make Nigeria better, but its change programmes, especially on economy and corruption, have been widely criticised. The fight against corruption in particular is said to be a one-sided crusade against the enemies of APC, and defenseless citizens.
Having stated this, the question to ask is, if the cleaning exercise in our political quarters as a nation is genuine and transparent. This government will only get its credit if it achieves all its aims to combat the nation’s defects with regard for the constitution that governs the land and protects the people. The president and his CHANGE team must present themselves as law abiding citizens, even as they clean the mess in the country. They have to clean without getting dirty. If the anti-corruption campaign against the corrupt judges and looters of the nation’s treasury in the past regime is slightly justifiable, how about the killing of the members of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN) and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)?
The PDP and its supporters warned against President Muhammadu Buhari ruling as a dictator, and now he has not proved his critics wrong in some of his actions and inactions. The Shiites leader, Sheikh Ibrahim El Zakzaky, has been detained since December 12, 2015 without being charged to court on the alleged accusations that his followers blocked the motorcade of the Chief of Army Staff, Lt Gen Tukur Buratai, in Zaria. The protests to demand for the release of their leader at Kano-Kaduna Expressway in Kano on November 15, 2016, also resulted in the killing of these people by policemen. The police reported that the protest was causing a civil unrest, which degenerated into clash between the Shiites and the police, and the only option was to shoot at people including children and women. A similar occurrence was the case of extra-judicial killings of Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) members by the Nigerian Army, when they marched to commemorate the 49th anniversary declaration of the defunct Biafra Republic in May 2016. Meanwhile, the IPOB leader, Mr. Nnamdi Kanu, is still in detention despite both court rulings and peoples’ calls that he should be released.
The president should note that Nigerians would continually support him if his fight is clean. If truly these people – Sheikh Ibrahim El Zakzaky and Mr. Nnamdi Kanu – are guilty of their respective alleged crimes, they should be tried in the court of law according to the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. And whatever the verdict of the court of law is, it should not be altered by individuals or groups! Nigeria as a country under this administration has begun to treat fairness, equity and justice with contempt. This is the whole essence of this piece and why we should put our house in order. This government should learn from the past before its CHANGE turns against it.
- Biodun Busari is a Geography graduate from the University of Ibadan. He resides in Lagos.
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Atiku: The first name leader at 70
A few years ago, I became interested in knowing why Nigerians prefer to relate with Mr Atiku Abubakar, (we all know the office he has held) in his first name, that is, as just “Atiku”. Indeed, Nigerians have become so used to the name, Atiku Abubakar, that they have no difficulty in placing both the first and last name so interchangeably that it is now difficult to know which is which. In the avalanche of literature that has been churned out on him, it is not uncommon to read, “Atiku Abubakar” just to see “Abubakar Atiku”, in the next sentence. But this ‘mistake’ is not common with other Nigerian leaders. You would hardly see, for example, Buhari Muhammadu, Obasanjo Olusegun, Babangida Ibrahim, Sambo Namadi, Ekwueme Alex, Jonathan Goodluck, Gowon Yakubu etc.
An average Nigerian listening to a discussion during which the name Olusegun or Ibrahim or Muhammadu or Goodluck or Alex or Namadi or Yakubu keeps on coming up, is most unlikely to relate them to those leaders of ours who bear the same names. But not so for “Atiku”. The moment the word, “Atiku”, is mentioned, it is unmistaken who is being referred to. So, how did this phenomenon arise? I mean the phenomenon of being the only Nigerian leader whom the people prefer to relate with in the first name but which (first) name they have also become so accustomed to that majority seem to forget that there is a second name to attached to it. Indeed, one may not be far from stating the truth by saying that but for the sake of common literary rule, most Nigerian journalists or writers would just put down the word, “Atiku” and go ahead with their writing without bothering about “Abubakar”.
Sincerely speaking, I am still undertaking the study but while we continue, I can share one or two of my findings so far. One is that Atiku Abubakar or Abubakar Atiku was thrown up when Nigerians were earnestly yearning for a pan-Nigerian leader who would share in their emotions. Yes, he was invited to be a presidential running mate but no sooner had that dispensation began than Nigerians realised that Atiku Abubakar was billed to play the role of a stabilizer in a presidency that was headed by a boisterous and loquacious master who, apart from the obvious encumbrances of a military background, betrayed a mindset over some sections of the country. Atiku Abubakar, as vice president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999-2007), was a clearing house for politicians who had one thing or the other to sort out with the system. He was the listening ear to state governors who, while struggling to be in the good books of a fastidious president, saw a friendlier vice president as a comforting companion. I could remember being in the company of one of the state governors then who, in the course of a friendly discussion, mentioned that he was broke but that the then vice president (Atiku Abubakar) had promised to give him some money. Of course, the ordinary reaction was, can a governor get broke? But on second thought, it meant that even people high up in the society looked up to Atiku. In fact, it was much later that I personally came to realize how much Atiku mentored many of our political gladiators.
It was in Atiku that the then National Assembly members found collaboration in the search for a solid foundation for the nascent democracy, even when the same presidency he was second-in-command showed an open hostility to the national legislature. In particular, Atiku as vice president maintained a good relationship with each of the senate presidents who, for factors that are outside the scope of this article, were very conscious of the banana peels that were placed on their corridors. But it was not only at the formal, governmental level. Atiku reached out to the different sections of the country, identifying with different social and cultural programmes that were put together by their people from time to time both within and outside the country.
He made it a duty to send representations to every occasion to which he was invited by cultural associations of the different ethnic groups in the country. I could vividly remember an incident at the London Heathrow Airport some time in 2005 while I was on my way to the United States of America to attend that year’s World Igbo Congress held in Los Angeles. At the airport, a group of Igbo chaps who were going to represent the then vice president at the congress, mistakenly strayed away from a leather bag that contained a speech that was going to be read on his behalf at the congress. The airport security officials quickly got hold of the bag and before the chaps knew what was happening, a warning message rendered the air in the airport. “Mr Atiku Abubakar please come for your bag or have it destroyed…” That was quite shocking and surprising because there was hardly any inkling that the Nigerian vice president was at the airport. I soon discovered that the document in question was borne by a close friend of mine who had a personal relationship with the vice president. That is Atiku. He related with both young and old and irrespective of class. Much earlier in the year 2000, I had had my own encounter with him, though indirectly. That was when a group of us decided to organise a media reception for Chief Onyema Ugochukwu following his appointment as pioneer chairman of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC).
Our first port of call, upon advice, was the office of the vice president, with a request for support. Without any hesitation, he gave us all we requested for through his then media adviser, Chris Mamma. Of course, there are several stories of this nature concerning Atiku Abubakar’s warmness, humility and charisma but by far the more significant thing to note is that his openness and general convivial disposition did not detract him from remaining focused on the sanctity of democratic ethos. Atiku is accommodating but those who know him closely would attest to the fact that he takes no nonsense when it comes to cold and hard politics. It is this beautiful blend between his accommodating nature on one hand and a stoic strictness on democratic rules and principles on the other, that made it possible for him to play strategic roles in the two most significant events that have been witnessed thus far in the fourth republic. The first was on the third term proposition by his then boss, President Olusegun Obasanjo.
The story is too well known to be repeated here. As a matter of fact, Atiku’s role in aborting the third term bid has been retold in the past few days by other writers who have been commentating on the former vice president’s life and times as he turns seventy years of age. Bu what I think might be more refreshing, now that we are reviewing the life of this great Nigerian at this remarkable age, is to point at what seems to be a pre-destined determination of the role(s) he played.
Reference has already been made to Atiku’s robust and warm relationship with the national assembly and its members while he was in office. That was not for nothing. Had there not earlier existed such a (warm) relationship, there wouldn’t have been the synergy between him and the leadership of the national assembly in that struggle to abort the third term bid. Obasanjo was almost set to overrun the senate led by a fellow who, like his predecessors, was also scared of banana peels but who got impetus from Atiku who merely needed to employ an already existing goodwill to ensure that the third term agenda was killed.
But even before the third term issue, Atiku had engaged in other battles with his boss and some of his apologists who saw nothing wrong in Obasanjo’s generally undemocratic disposition. Only a few days ago, one of such Obasanjo apologists, Chief Tony Anenih, reportedly boasted that he single handedly stopped Atiku Abubakar from becoming president in 2003 and that the latter in turn ensured his exit from Obasanjo’s cabinet. While that is a topic for another day, my take for now is that Atiku’s battle with undemocratic elements in those early days of our newly found democracy was more intensive and began much earlier than many thought. At that occasion, Anenih also reportedly said that he detests the nickname, Mr. Fix It, because he felt it had a negative connotation. For me, the Anenih Mea Culpa is coming too late because, when the going was good, he enjoyed the near invincibility it gave him as is evidence from his boasting over Atiku. Looking back, that was when the stage for the rot that ensued in the system, especially under the watch of the PDP and Obasanjo, was set.
The second history is about the loss of power by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2015. Atiku’s insistence on the rules of the game was what set the stage for the implosion that so weakened the party that it couldn’t get its acts together before the 2015 general election. Again, the story is too well known to be retold here but taken together, Atiku was an agent for the realisation of a change that Nigerians were very much desirous of prior to that elections. It is a different matter if that change is yet to go the direction that Nigerians had expected but the more important thing is that Nigerians wanted a change and they got it through the forces of democracy that had a fellow like Atiku Abubakar at the front line. At the time Atiku ‘rebelled’ against the PDP, it was for the canal eye and mind an “anti-party” activity but little did Nigerians know that impetus was being given, perhaps inadvertently, to some developments that were to have almost a revolutionary effect on the Nigerian body politic. Whether anybody likes it or not, and however imperfect the system is currently, Nigeria will not be the same again. Is it going to be for good or for bad? I am quite certain that it will be for good and this is not just based on natural optimism. It will be for good because, regardless of the modus operandi of the fellow(s) who currently preside over the system, there are still very much around those who have shown the necessary flair and capacity to intervene again and redirect the ship of state.
My belief is that it was not for nothing that Atiku Abubakar was there to stop the third term agenda that would have destroyed the future of our country. I think it was also not for nothing that he was there when Nigerians wanted a change from the PDP bore. And it is not for nothing that he is still around and at 70 getting even more endeared to the hearts of his fellow country men and women than he ever was.
From all indications, Atiku is being called upon again by providence to play yet another strategic role in (re)shaping the collective destiny of Nigerians. As far as I am concerned, it is not for nothing that we are seeing him take the lead in talks about restructuring, another issue that the generality of Nigerians are worried about. For reasons that are not difficult to fathom, the current political establishment, including the ruling party of which he is, nonetheless, a key leader, may (again) be upset with him but I can see history repeating itself. Atiku may, as before, laugh last. My hope, therefore, is that he does not relent. As I noted in an earlier article, taking on the role of leading Nigerians to a more acceptable, equitable and just political structure may not necessarily land him in Aso Rock; but there can be no doubt that it will fetch him a place, far more glorious than the ephemerals of presidential power, in our collective history.
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Senate and Bank of Industry abolition Bill
The Senate proposal to abolish the Bank of Industry (BoI) is already raising some dust.
In the place of BoI, the Senate is pushing for the establishment of a new development financial institution, the National Development Bank of Nigeria (NDBN).
Opinions are sharply divided about the necessity or otherwise of the proposed NDBN.
The controversial proposal came in form of a bill which seeks the repeal of the Act of the BoI and the re-enactment of the National Development Bank of Nigeria as replacement for BoI.
Senator Ibrahim Abdullahi Gobir (Sokoto East) who sponsored the bill said the establishment of NDBN is meant to create a robust financial institution that would help to galvanize and fund small and medium enterprises.
The bill has passed the first and crucial second reading in the upper chamber and promptly referred to a committee for further legislative action.
On Monday, the Senate Committee on Banking and other Financial Institutions conducted elaborate public hearing to get the inputs of stakeholders and the general public about the proposed legislation.
Although Chairman of the committee, Senator Rafiu Ibrahim (Kwara South), assured that the outcome of the public hearing would be guided by public opinion, an agitated participant who said he was uncomfortable with the trend of the public hearing voiced out his frustration. “It appeared members of this committee made up their minds before the hearing,” he said.
The body language of the committee members, he said, “gave them out as people who just wanted to fulfill all righteousness in the name of public hearing.” Law making, it should be said, is not a matter of body language.
Senate President, Abubakar Bukola Saraki, who inaugurated the public hearing, described the National Development Bank of Nigeria establishment bill as one of the bills identified as crucial to expend access to finance opportunities in the country and promoting long-term borrowing that is less fragile.
Saraki explained that public hearing is another avenue to seek intellectual and professional inputs from experts in the financial sector to query the framing of the bill.
Experts, he said, should give their honest opinions on such issues as the values to be derived from the merging proposed in the bill, especially as it affects other Small and Medium Enterprises (SME) financing institution and the advantages or otherwise of seeking a one-stop-shop special purpose SME financial entity.
For Saraki, the Senate has remained unflinchingly committed to using substantial legislative time and energy towards economic reforms with major focus on reducing the cost of doing business in Nigeria as well as boosting enterprise development.
The bill, he added, has also been identified by the private sector as an integral unit in the institutional restructuring of the banking sector that will enable better SME financing.
Although Saraki spoke glowingly about the bill and its intendments, the man who seemed to be in the eye of the storm, the Acting Managing Director of BoI, Waheed Olagunju, was emphatic that the bill was ill advised.
Olagunju took time to articulate the dangers inherent in going ahead with the proposed legislation.
The BoI boss underscored the fact that the abolition and scrapping of the bank will not be in the interest of the country. He was passionate in his presentation against the proposal, marshalling reasons on why the move to scrap BoI should be halted.
For him, there was no doubt that BoI, as presently constituted, was already fulfilling the mandate envisaged in the proposed legislation. What is lacking, he said, was due capitalization to further empower the bank to perform even better.
Olagunju told the committee that instead of duplicating functions by creating new DFI, steps should be taken to further strengthen the BoI through capitalization to carry out its functions.
Apart from funding, which he described as critical, Olagunju raised the issue of lack of capacity by most SMEs to transform.
He wondered how the proposed new bank could engender rapid development without capitalization. Capitalization of DFI has failed substantially because corporate governance is lacking.
He listed the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Ministry of Finance, Ooni of Ife, Aloko Dangote and others as BoI viable partners to buttress the fact that the bank is on course.
The Finance Minister, Mrs. Kemi Adeosun, who was represented by a Director in Ministry of Finance, Christopher Gabriel, supported the bill.
Adeosun said the proposed legislation is in tandem with the economic reconstruction of the Federal Government.
The Central Bank of Nigeria Governor, Godwin Emefiele, represented by Joseph Nnanna, a Deputy Governor on Financial System, said the CBN has no objection to the proposed bill.
“We have no objection, we welcome this development, the more the merrier, we have challenges facing the economy, and the biggest challenge is capitalization,” Emefiele said.
The popular thinking among major stakeholders is that going forward, the Senate must do due diligence on the intendments of the bill.
As important as widening the scope of SMEs may be, it may be necessary for the promoters of the bill and the National Assembly in general to consider the challenges of BoI. If in the estimation of the promoters of the bill the BoI has not performed as expected, the question should be why it has not performed. What is the guarantee that a new development bank by whatever name called, will do better?
For the BoI, to be or not to be, is the question the Senate will answer in the days ahead.