The Nation Newspaper

Category: Opinion

  • When power mongers regroup: inside the ADC circus

    When power mongers regroup: inside the ADC circus

    By Temitope Ajayi

    What was widely touted as a potential seismic shift in Nigeria’s political terrain turned out to be a mere political puff off smoke. For weeks, a band of aggrieved and wandering politicians had been climbing every available rooftop, megaphone in hand, vowing to dethrone President Bola Tinubu come 2027. Not because the man is doing a terrible job on the saddle. Not because the economy has worsened or security has completely collapsed. No. Just because they missed out on the appurtenances of power and cannot seem to function without the title “Your Excellency.”

    Two years into his presidency, Bola Tinubu is tackling Nigeria’s multi-headed problems like a man cutting down a mountainous terrain with a pickaxe, painfully slow, yes, but certainly purposeful. Yet, the self-styled redeemers, who gathered under the banner of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) in Abuja on Wednesday, chief among them Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, have not proposed a single fresh idea.

    Their only strategy appears to be crying louder than the bereaved, recycling worn-out clichés, and weaponising poverty they themselves helped fertilise over the past 25 years. This is not a political rebirth. It is more like a poorly-scripted sequel that is ill-fated. These opposition actors, having deflated their original parties and lost the plot as credible voices, are merely using the ADC as a special purpose vehicle for power-hunting. It is a political Uber for those stranded without relevance.

    Nigerians have seen this movie before. In 2018, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, after penning a series of acidic letters to President Muhammadu Buhari, rallied his own coalition of the wounded under the same ADC flag. That effort collapsed faster than a soufflé in a thunderstorm. If history is any guide, the new ADC revival is another expedition in political self-harm.

    The truth is the ADC gathering is never a policy-driven renaissance. It is more like a reunion of political exes with bruised egos. Jealousy, personal bitterness, inflated ambition, and expired influence are the glue binding this coalition. They are not out to rescue anyone; they only want to rescue themselves from political oblivion.

    To further understand the theatrical quality of this attempted comeback, let us meet the cast.

    Atiku Abubakar: A walking case study in political promiscuity. He has changed parties more times than a chameleon in a rainbow factory. Six failed presidential bids in 30 years, and he is still convinced he has a divine appointment with Aso Rock. By 2027, Atiku will be 80 years old. One wonders if he sees the ADC as a retirement plan or a midlife crisis project stretched into old age.

    Peter Obi: Running on the altar of religion and ethnicity, our fault lines, he came third in the 2023 presidential  election. He has not stopped lamenting with his dark view of a country he seeks to govern. From every pulpit to podcast, he hammers out statistics like a broken calculator stuck on pessimism. The same man who vilified the “structure of criminality” has now joined forces with it, convinced that recycled alliances will take him to the Promised Land. For a man who loves to chant “competence, capacity, and compassion,” his own time as governor left more questions than legacy projects.

    Senator David Mark: The new “Protem Chairman” of ADC is our new-found democrat who wants to save our hard-won civil rule. How democratic! This is the same man who played a key role in the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election. He spent 20 years in the Senate, out of which he spent 8 years as Senate President. He left Otukpo, his hometown, looking like it missed every development memo sent since the 1980s. A man with this track record should not be talking about saving democracy. He helped bury it once.

    Nasir el-Rufai: The diminutive former governor of Kaduna suffers from the well-documented “short man syndrome” and an even shorter loyalty span. Denied a ministerial position, he is now leading a political tantrum. Both former Presidents Buhari and Obasanjo reportedly said El-Rufai can not be trusted with a vending machine, let alone national leadership. Despite his knack for media drama, his electoral influence is skeletally thin he would struggle to win a ward in Kaduna today.

    Rotimi Amaechi: Spoilt silly by the system. He is the dictionary definition of entitlement. From being the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly to being governor to minister, without ever holding a real life job like an average Nigerian, he thinks Nigeria owes him a crown and garlands. Despite being Director-General of Buhari’s campaigns in 2015 and 2019, he failed spectacularly to deliver Rivers State to APC in three elections. Each time, he got beaten by Nyesom Wike with a stick, a smile, and a landslide. Amaechi is a synonym for failure in matters of elections.

    Rauf Aregbesola: As governor of Osun, he engaged in bizarre governance experiments that left the state more broke than Greece in 2008 and left civil servants unpaid. As Minister of Interior, his biggest achievements were announcing public holidays and turning passport collection into an Olympic sport. He once swore President Tinubu was second only to God in his life. Now, he wants to save Nigeria with Atiku in a gang up against the man God used to elevate him to positions of national prominence.

    Bolaji Abdullahi: He is the master of fine talk and zero conviction. One moment, he is with the PDP. Next, he is with the APC, then back to the PDP. Now, he is the mouthpiece of ADC. When Arise TV’s Rufai Oseni asked if he was keeping Saraki’s seat warm, it was not a dig but a clinical diagnosis.

    To be clear, this ADC crowd is not on a mission to reinvent Nigeria. They are merely trying to reinvent themselves. No ideology, no credible blueprint, just a collection of power retirees seeking roles and relevance like actors auditioning for a remake of a show nobody watched the first time.

    And as if their credibility deficit was not enough, their leadership structure itself is illegal. According to the 2022 Electoral Act, any appointment of party officials must be done through a properly convened party convention or National Executive Council meeting, supervised by INEC. What happened in Abuja was not a lawful convention or NEC meeting of ADC. It was a political comedy skit without a script.

    In the end, the so-called coalition is nothing but a choir of has-beens and never-weres singing off-key. They lack the fire, the discipline, the ideological clarity and the mass movement element that propelled APC to power in 2015.

    Rather than waste everyone’s time parading tired slogans, the ADC gang should just say what they really mean: “We want power because we miss the perks.” Unfortunately for them, Nigeria has changed. And Nigerians are watching and will laugh out loud at the appropriate  time.

    – Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Tinubu on Media and Publicity.

  • New GDP: What Nigeria must not miss

    New GDP: What Nigeria must not miss

    By Ayo Olododo

    In a few days, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) will release the rebased GDP, the first update in over a decade. It is correct to predict that the new GDP will be big, taking a cue from previous rebased figures when Nigeria overtook South Africa in 2014.

    But before we pop the champagne let’s ask; what does this really mean?

    Rebasing a country’s GDP is like cleaning the lens of a camera. It helps us see the economy more clearly, using updated data that reflects how people actually earn and spend money today, not how they did 10 or 15 years ago.

    Our last update was based on 2010 figures. Since then, Nigeria has changed a lot. We now have food delivery apps, online payment platforms like Opay, content creators, Netflix, digital marketers, and a much larger informal sector. These are the kinds of changes this new GDP is expected to capture.

    It will likely show that Nigeria’s economy is bigger than we thought, maybe much more  bigger. That may sound like good news, and in some ways, it is. A bigger GDP  can help improve our credit ratings and investor confidence. It can also highlight sectors that are growing fast and deserve more attention.

    But let’s be honest; this won’t magically fix the problems we live with every day. It won’t reduce the cost of food. It won’t solve insecurity. It’s simply a statistical update. And that’s why it needs to be understood by everyone. We must not mistake a bigger number for better living conditions.

    In 2014, after the last rebasing, Nigeria  became the largest economy in Africa. But for many Nigerians, it looked like nothing changed. The roads were still bad. Power supply was still erratic. Salaries didn’t rise. Prices didn’t fall.

    This time, we might do better. The new GDP figures might be used as a tool to energise  the present direction of the Nigerian economy. The new figures should help the government see where we’re making progress and where we’re falling behind. If digital services and entertainment are booming while agriculture and manufacturing are shrinking, for example, then our policies must respond accordingly. If the informal sector is larger than we thought, we need to find ways to support and integrate it into the formal economy.

    Because numbers alone won’t build roads or power plants. In this case, they must be supported by real reforms.

    Another concern is the temptation to lay emphasis on debt to GDP ratio. A bigger GDP makes our debt-to-GDP ratio look smaller, which might tecnically make it easier for the government to borrow.  But unless we improve revenue collection and spending discipline, more debt if not carefully assessed could make things worse, not better.

    And then there’s the challenge of communication. “GDP rebasing” is technical, abstract, maybe even suspicious. Yet this is an  opportunity for analyst to rely on  NBS official releases and not those cooked by the side or manipulated by those who  wants to play to the gallery. People must understand how this affects jobs, businesses, inflation, and national planning from a well informed economists and analysts.

    At the heart of it, this rebasing is a reality check. It tells us the true shape of our economy. It gives us a more accurate map. But it’s up to all of us,government and citizens,to decide what to do with it.

    If we use this updated data to plan better, invest smarter, and govern more responsibly, then this exercise will be worth far more than any jump in GDP. But if we treat it as another moment of self-congratulation, we will miss the point entirely.

    Let’s not waste the clarity this new data may give us. We’ve seen where we are, now let’s get to where we should be.

    • Olododo is an economist and unlicensed commentator based in Abuja.

  • Why 2031, not 2027, is the most consequential election for Nigerians

    Why 2031, not 2027, is the most consequential election for Nigerians

    By Opeoluwa Dapo-Thomas

    Caveat: When I write articles, I do so from three perspectives. One, as an economist, two, as a foreign investor, three, as someone with a deeper-than-average understanding of how government works — an understanding shaped by access to insider information, policy analysis, and years of studying both public records and behind-the-scenes governance.

    This vantage point gives me context that, frankly, most Nigerians don’t have. So while my views may sometimes challenge popular opinions, they are grounded in data, experience, and informed observation and devoid of the citizenry sentiments that shape today’s electoral choices.

    Nigerians love presidential elections, a little too much. Understandably so, given how personality-driven our politics is. The average Nigerian is more focused on individuals than systems, holding onto the belief that one man can emerge from a deeply flawed, regionally-rotating political structure and fix the country overnight.

    Even after decades of democracy and every past leader being demystified, we remain emotionally attached to the myth of “the one.” But before we look ahead, we must take stock of the present administration.

    The Tinubu Administration: A Mixed Performance So Far

    The current administration kicked off with two bold economic reforms: fuel subsidy removal and naira devaluation. These policies unlocked more naira for the federal and state governments, allowing states to reduce debts, increase wages, and, unfortunately, undertake white elephant projects (petition for states to stop building unviable airports, please). The policies also saved the country from financial implosion and default risk.

    Yes, revenue has improved. But Nigeria still faces persistent fiscal deficits, inflationary pressure, and a troubling lack of reliable data. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) seems overwhelmed, especially post-rebasing. And without credible data, the much-anticipated foreign investments won’t fully materialize — no investor will deploy capital blindly.

    Meanwhile, the ruling elite are engaging in early politicking ahead of the polls, which means we should expect lethargy in governance in the coming months. For example, the Minister of Power is talking about reconciling APC members ahead of Oyo 2027, so it’s safe to say he’s interested in another type of “Power” that doesn’t involve electricity. The best form of politics right now, as the country is facing one of its worst economic crises, is by solving problems and explaining to Nigerians why you need time, because development does require time. Alleviating public suffering buys goodwill ahead of the 2027 elections.

    Credit Where It’s Due

    To be fair, there are notable achievements at the macro level: Tax reform has progressed, Nigeria attracted billions of dollars in oil and gas investments, the debt servicing to revenue ratio has improved, State debts are reducing, local government autonomy is being pursued with renewed vigour — a critical step for grassroots development. Credit access is improving through the Consumer Credit Corporation. Credit will unlock productivity as demand will increase. Student loans are being administered well, and the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road, if completed, may become the most economically impactful project in modern Nigerian history. We now have a Central Bank that knows its mandate. We now have an FX market that’s much more liquid, for foreign investors can be assured of capital repatriation. Moody’s, Fitch, and S&P Global have upgraded Nigeria’s rating to a much more stable outlook. These upgrades suggest a positive trend in Nigeria’s creditworthiness, driven by ongoing economic and fiscal reforms implemented by the government.

    What Still Needs Work

    But a lot remains unresolved: What’s the roadmap for power reform? We need to address metering, implement cost-reflective tariffs, and clear debts owed to GENCOs and DISCOs. Should the government form another “Taiwo Oyedele-style” expert committee for the power sector? Where is the strategy for agriculture and food security? Why is the country still experiencing post-harvest losses in the region of N3.5 trillion annually, which is about 40% of Nigeria’s annual food production? These issues must be tackled in this administration to improve the quality of life for Nigerians and to lay the groundwork for real economic progress.

    Why 2031, Not 2027 -Will Be the Economic Turning Point

    All the reforms by the Obasanjo government began reflecting during Yar’Adua’s administration

    Judging from antecedents, President Tinubu has the political capital and track record to solve these problems. There will be cabinet rejigs in his second term since there is no need to be worried about re-election anymore. His second term (if re-elected) will free him from electoral distractions, allowing him to push through the tough, foundational reforms that Nigeria desperately needs. It’s easier to push for state police and implementation of LG autonomy when you don’t have elections to worry about. The United Kingdom’s Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, at the moment, is offering concessions to Labour MPs amid a major rebellion over his government’s planned welfare cuts. Reforms are not easy to pull through when you are shackled with political landmines in the National Assembly.

    This current administration needs time. Some have asked where the FDIs are now since the FX market is now “liquid”. Many assume that simply liberalizing the FX market will immediately unlock FDI inflows, but in reality, attracting meaningful foreign investment is a multi-year process that typically takes 3 to 7 years, depending on political will, macroeconomic stability, and institutional strength. The journey begins with identifying and prioritizing strategic sectors such as energy, agriculture, ICT, and manufacturing, while clearly defining Nigeria’s unique value proposition. This must be followed by revising investment laws covering foreign ownership, profit repatriation, and dispute resolution, then digitizing business registration, permits, and licensing systems to reduce red tape. Building the physical and regulatory infrastructure to support investment, offering targeted incentives like tax holidays or accelerated depreciation, and actively engaging in global investment forums (e.g., Davos, Africa Investment Forum) are also critical. Once investors show interest, which can take time because of the investor’s internal due diligence, governments must support them with land access, permits, and local partnerships, while fostering joint ventures and local supply chain linkages. Iteration is key; policies must be adapted as challenges arise. The real question, then, is: how do you compress this entire sequence into a single term in office?

    The Coalition…

    Elections offer citizens a platform to evaluate the performance of the incumbent and express disapproval by voting for an alternative. However, the flaw in this system is that while the current administration may have scored a 6 out of 10, there’s no guarantee that the next candidate will perform any better. The current opposition coalition, which happens to be a mix of ex-allies of the President and perpetual defectors, appears more interested in taking power than presenting credible policy alternatives. They lack a coherent economic plan and function more like a reactionary force than a reform-driven movement.

    Governments born from power grabs often serve up drab governance once in office. They squabble over every appointment because of the almighty “Federal quota” and political compensation. They dilute their policy agendas in the name of compromise and waste time fighting within the National Assembly. We saw it under Buhari and Saraki (2015–2019). The result is stagnation. When they finally settle, they start preparing for re-election (ignore all that one-term promise). If the opposition wants to be taken seriously, they must build an economic think tank, propose viable alternatives, and prepare for 2031, not 2027. They can use 2027 to test their new party’s resolve.

    The Northern Factor

    It is widely expected that 2031 will be the North’s turn again. But it’s fair to ask: how has the North historically performed economically when in power? Yar’Adua (2007–2010) reversed Obasanjo’s progressive reforms: lowered VAT from 10% to 5%, cancelled the sale of the Port Harcourt refinery, and rolled back key deregulations. Buhari (2015–2023) resisted subsidy removal and failed to reform the forex market, secure pipelines, or deliver on oil and gas reform. Border closures triggered food inflation.

    Both leaders, though well-meaning, leaned toward populist, socialist-style governance. In truth, Nigerians are generally socialist in thinking, and Northerners even more so. Their policies, though people-centric, often failed to catalyze wealth creation and growth.

    This is not a bug; it’s a feature. Which is why 2031 is pivotal: not just as a change in leadership but as a moment to determine whether we prioritize growth over sentiment, and proper management and multiplication of our paltry resources. The era of $100 oil prices, which the PDP government once enjoyed, is now a thing of the past. The United States, which once relied on Nigeria for 10% of its oil imports, has not only stopped buying our crude but has also become the world’s largest oil producer. This surge in U.S. output has flooded the global supply market, making it harder for geopolitical tensions to push prices into the three-digit range. Balancing our budgets now requires serious financial engineering that would combine legislative collaboration and executive coordination with states to achieve. The electoral choice in 2031 has to be a market-driven capitalist who has the political capital to pull it through. Most of today’s reforms would start yielding dividends in the long run.

    Our leaders now have to think outside the box. How do we leverage oil as working capital to support other sectoral developments? How do they grow the economy to a 1 or 2 trillion dollar economy? Leaders have to be pro-market. Nigeria needs a leader who will create economic systems that will supersede them.

    Final Word

    The 2031 elections will determine whether Nigeria consolidates the hard reforms initiated now, or resets back to populism, patronage, and power-for-power’s sake politics. It will be the real test of whether Nigeria wants to build institutions, attract long-term investment, and become a functional, growth-driven economy, or remain caught in a cycle of reaction and regression.

  • ‘Angels’ in Nigeria Police have brought yet more good news

    ‘Angels’ in Nigeria Police have brought yet more good news

    By Muyiwa Adejobi

    In a country where encounters with the police often spark anxiety instead of assurance, it’s easy to adopt a hardened belief: Can anything good come out of the Nigeria Police? Much like the ancient scepticism about Nazareth, this doubt has evolved into a common national sentiment, one born of lived experiences, horror stories, and long-standing distrust.

    But what if, amid this scepticism, a new kind of story emerges: one of kindness, professionalism, and grace under uniform? A tale not driven by coercion or corruption, but by compassion. Such was the moment shared recently on X by @Akinskickers, reminding us that good things can indeed come from “Jerusalem.”

    The story begins in the early hours of the morning, with a young man and his mother stranded on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. He was driving her to the airport when his car unexpectedly broke down. Desperate not to miss her flight and with time slipping away, he managed to flag down a passing towing van, which was kind enough to move their car to a safer location and even called a mechanic to help diagnose the problem.

    But as the sun rose, so did his anxiety. They were stuck in the middle of nowhere. His mother’s flight hung in the balance. Worse still, he had no cash on hand to pay the mechanic. In that moment, fear crept in not just from the isolation or the ticking clock, but from the helplessness of being stranded with his mother without a clear way out.

    Then, something unexpected happened. An angel arrived, but not with wings. This one wore a police uniform and answered to the name Yusuf. Without hesitation or suspicion, Officer Yusuf stepped in and covered the initial cost of the mechanic’s repairs. The mechanic had left to obtain necessary supplies for the vehicle’s repair and was taking up so much time that the officer found someone to take the woman to the airport at no extra cost. He refused reimbursement, insisting it was nothing. Yet his kindness didn’t stop there. He followed up later that day, not out of obligation but out of genuine concern, wanting to know if the young man’s mother had made her flight safely.

    In a similar situation in January 2025, a team of Police Officers, while on patrol, encountered a stranded citizen whose vehicle had run out of fuel at the Cement Bus Stop, Lagos–Abeokuta Highway, at about 4 AM. The patrol team assisted her with 5 litres of fuel, which would be sufficient for her to get to the nearest filling station before continuing their patrol.

    These encounters are not rare; they are just not always noticed. The Policing system, although designed to be fair, its complexity has led to inequities in how its officers are viewed. These officers stood out like a light in a dim tunnel. They embodied what policing should be: service and protection. Just as four officers on patrol duty on the Yola-Jalingo Road in Taraba State, who flagged down a vehicle as part of their duties and identified that its occupants were criminals who chose to buy their freedom from the officers by offering them a bribe amounting to 8.5 million naira. However, the officers chose to reject the bribe and arrested the suspects instead. Both the suspects and the bundles of cash were taken to the police station to face legal consequences.

    In those moments, these officers challenged everything many believe about the Nigeria Police. They gave a face to honour in uniform and reminded us that institutions, no matter how broken, are still made up of many individuals who can choose differently.

    This narrative, like a drop in an ocean, carries weight. It tells us that humanity still exists in unlikely places and that perhaps we need to look for it more often, amplify it, and celebrate louder when we find it.

    Not too long ago, in January 2021, DSP Faith Okwuego Ejoh, a Policewoman serving in Delta State, made the decision to put compassion before duty alone.  She had discovered a young girl who would have missed her final examinations because she was unable to pay for her school fees.  DSP Ejoh was moved by her cries and decided not only to cover the girl’s tuition, but also the tuition for 18 other students who faced the same issues, giving them all a chance at a better future.

    She reminded us all, without cameras or cheers, that the uniform she wore was about service to humanity, not simply law enforcement.  Her unspoken generosity spoke loudly in a society that is too quick to pass judgment.  She not only paid for dreams, but also protected them.

    Another Officer, SP Obi Sentome, is a shining example of what integrity in policing looks like. As the head of the Zone 16 Financial and Cybercrime Unit, he has consistently upheld the core values of professionalism, accountability, and ethical conduct. In an environment where officers are often faced with pressure, compromise, or temptation, SP Obi has built a reputation for being uncompromising in the face of corruption, with his conduct reflecting a deep personal commitment to justice and aligning with the Nigeria Police Force’s broader mission to rebuild public trust through transparency and principled service.

    He had led his team on an operation in December 2024, in Rivers State, where three suspects involved in ritual killings, drug trafficking, and cyber fraud were arrested. In the course of the investigation, the suspects attempted to bribe SP Obi with $17,000 in cash. He flatly rejected the offer, registered the money as evidence, and ensured it would be presented in court. These exemplary actions bagged him the Integrity Award and the award for the Police Officer of the Year at the recently held Police Awards & Recommendations Night

    • Prince Adejobi, a Public Relations Practitioner and Conflict Manager, wrote from Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

  • Ahmad Aliyu: Leading Sokoto with focus, empathy

    Ahmad Aliyu: Leading Sokoto with focus, empathy

    By Louis Achi

    In setting sail as the seventh democratically elected governor of Sokoto State, youthful Dr. Ahmad Aliyu apparently identified across-board infrastructure revamp, education renaissance, strict budgeting and circumspect development planning as ‘weapon-grade’ tools with which to change Sokoto’s development story.

    With a laser-sharp focus, he simply ‘weaponized’ these critical governance imperatives and this enabled him, within just two years on the saddle, to transform his state and send a very clear signal to both friends and foes that Sokoto State indeed means business.

    These dimensions of course closely synergise with his 9-point smart agenda which captured his compact with expectant folks of the Seat of the Caliphate. The elements of his 9-point smart agenda include – education, health, water, agriculture, security, youth empowerment, local government autonomy, religious affairs, and economy.

    And it must be noted at the outset that Governor Aliyu achieved these significant development milestones in Sokoto State – the focus of this essay – without borrowing a kobo.

    First, some clarifications. Whereas a development plan delivers a vision, a matching budget provides the operational framework for its realization. The transition from a plan to a budget involves the deployment of often complex control machinery. Interestingly, this is Governor Ahmad’s forte.

    In governance, budgeting guarantees orderly development. It’s no secret that governance without sound targeted budgeting will definitely translate into jumbled development – if there is any development at all.

    Like budgeting, planning is crucial to state, national and even organisational governance. Without good planning, development, assumed to be the ultimate goal of quality governance, becomes a mirage. The primary reason for planning is to take care of the future. In effect, planning is deciding in advance what to do, how to do it, when to do it, who is to do it, why do it, and how much resources are to be used.

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    In circumspectly executing these intricate governance gameplan, Governor Ahmad Aliyu stands head and shoulders above most of his peers – that is the governors’ class of 2023.

    Governor Aliyu correctly realized quite early that infrastructure is the backbone of economic growth. It improves access to basic services such as roads, bridges, clean water and electricity, creates jobs, boosts business and more. As he is wont, he embarked on very aggressive infrastructural development across board in the state.

    According to Hon. Isah Sadeeq Achida, the State APC Chairman, one of the most notable accomplishments of Governor Ahmad’s administration – what he described as “a remarkable and people-centered performance” that has positively impacted all sectors of the state – is the construction of an extensive network of roads across all the 23 local government areas of the state. He stated that both urban and rural communities have benefitted from new roads and the rehabilitation of existing ones, enhancing connectivity and promoting economic growth.

    Further according to a clearly elated Hon. Achida, “In just two years, Governor Ahmed Aliyu has ensured that no local government area is left behind. Our communities are now better connected, and the ease of movement has significantly improved for farmers, traders, and other residents.”

    In the health sector, the APC chairman noted that the administration has undertaken the construction and rehabilitation of numerous health facilities. These efforts, he said, have improved access to quality healthcare services, particularly in rural communities.

    Water supply also featured prominently in the governor’s development agenda. Hon. Achida revealed the government constructed modern water works in the headquarters of all 23 local government areas, explaining this has eased the burden of water scarcity and improved sanitation across the state.

    He also highlighted education and religious infrastructure were also highlighted in the scorecard, disclosing that several schools have been built or rehabilitated to provide a more conducive learning environment for students. In addition, congregational mosques in various parts of the state have received attention, which is in line with the administration’s commitment to promoting religious and moral values.

    It’s not disputable that Sokoto is a conservative society. Thinking out of the box in a highly conservative milieu surely presents its challenges but doing otherwise will surely diminish the best of Governor Ahmed Aliyu’s efforts. The youthful governor has taken up this challenge because he recognizes that the 21st Century can only align with progressive thinkers and not slackers.

    But while a happy Achida spoke in generalities, more specific data would serve to underlie the scope, sweep and depth of Governor Aliyu’s remarkable achievements just within two years of assuming executive office as the boss.

    It’s noteworthy that beyond Sokoto metropolis, Governor Aliyu’s administration has prioritized rural road connectivity quite aware that the majority of Sokoto State’s populace reside in rural areas. Strategic rural roads, such as the Huchi-Gidan Kamba-Lugu junction, Wurno-Kwargaba-Sabongari, and Goronyo-Kirare roads, have been rehabilitated to facilitate the movement of goods and services.

    In total, the Department of Rural Feeder Roads has constructed and rehabilitated approximately 101.65 kilometers of rural feeder roads across the state, including the 3.6-kilometer Tangaza-Zabarmawar Yahaya Town road and the 4-kilometer Dingyadi-Rumbuki road in Bodinga Local Government Area. These projects have improved access to markets, boosted agricultural productivity, and enhanced social interactions in rural communities.

    The perennial water scarcity in Sokoto was also a key focus area. Residents of the state were subjected to acute shortages and reliance on expensive, often unsafe, water sources. But Governor Aliyu would have none of that. His administration has so far made significant strides in addressing the challenge through a ₦14.1 billion water project aimed at reviving and completing six township water schemes.

    These were water schemes initiated by the administration of Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko but ignored between 2015 and 2023. The water schemes are located in Tamaje, Old Airport, Gagi, Mana, Runjin Sambo, and Ruga Liman and have a combined capacity of 40 million gallons of water per day.

    To the joy of the people, on June 23, Aliyu commissioned the Old Airport Water Scheme, which would guarantee some three million gallons of water daily. This marks a significant milestone in the governor’s determined efforts to end water scarcity in the state. Speaking at the commissioning, Governor Aliyu described the project as “promise fulfilled.”

    He clarified his administration inherited a collapsed water supply system in the state powered by obsolete equipment and absence of treatment chemicals. To address these issues, Aliyu said that his government replaced outdated equipment, secured alternative power sources for the state water board, and ensured a steady supply of clean water to Sokoto and its environs. There is more.

    Sokoto State’s 2025 budget of “Transformation and Infrastructural Sustainability,” notching N526,882,142,484.39 is already consolidating achievements of the 2024 budget. The Sokoto State 2025 budget has a recurrent expenditure of N176,295,602,130.14 billion and a whopping N349,386,540,354.25 billion for capital expenditure, a 34:66 percent recurrent to capital ratio. As in the 2024 budget which gave education over 30 per cent, next year’s budget also unapologetically prioritises education.

    According to the Commissioner for Information and Orientation in the State, Hon. Sambo Bello Danchadi, “Some key areas of focus for the 2025 budget include: Education: with 25% allocation; devoting substantial portion of the state’s budget to education is a significant commitment to improving the sector. This move will help address infrastructural deficits, fund educational programs, and ensure the effective delivery of teaching and learning.

    “By surpassing UNESCO’s recommended benchmark of 15-20%, the administration is demonstrating its priority for education, which is critical to achieving sustainable development.”

    From the basic to tertiary levels in the state, the governor’s premium on education is obvious from the re-accreditation of several courses in its tertiary institutions and the massive construction of schools, renovation of dilapidated buildings, provision of furniture, and instructional materials, the prompt payment of examination fees for students writing the West African Examinations Council (WAEC) and National Examinations Council (NECO) examinations, and the payment of outstanding scholarships for students undergoing various degree programmes.

    Governor Ahmed Aliyu’s vision for educational transformation is mirrored in various specific interventions. His APC-led administration has prioritized education as a cornerstone of societal progress.

    A significant highlight of his tenure is the intervention for 88 Sokoto State medical students affected by the crisis in Sudan. Rather than allowing these future healthcare professionals to languish in uncertainty, his administration facilitated their transfer to Usmanu Danfodiyo University Medical College, ensuring their education remained uninterrupted. This bold initiative underscores his administration’s commitment to nurturing human capital and fostering resilience in the face of challenges.

    Moreover, the government has invested heavily in educational infrastructure and teacher training programmes. By creating enabling environment for both students and educators, the administration is building foundation for a more enlightened and competitive youth population in Sokoto State.

    It is no secret that over 800,000 children in the state have been enrolled into basic education schools, marking a drastic increase in the number of enrolments into public primary schools and attributes the increased enrolment to the efforts of the state governor to improve education infrastructure across the state.

    A deserving recipient of ‘The SUN Governor of the Year,” the newspaper’s Board of Editors succinctly summarized Governor Aliyu’s development trajectory: “You came to office as governor in 2023 with a 9-Point Smart Agenda designed to lift Sokoto to higher grounds. Your target was to install the right infrastructure that can spur visible and measurable improvements in the key social and economic areas, like education, healthcare, agriculture, water supply, security, youth empowerment, local government autonomy and religious affairs. In less than two years of your assumption of office, you have changed the narrative in Sokoto, having done much towards the transformation of the state.

    Indeed, Sokoto State means business guided by a leader who governs with focus and empathy.

  • Ribadu: Of progress and agents of distraction

    Ribadu: Of progress and agents of distraction

    By Khalid Mahmud

    For years, Nigeria’s security architecture was like an orchestra without a conductor—each agency playing its own tune, each refusing to follow a shared path. The military, police, DSS, and paramilitary outfits operated in silos, hoarding intelligence and guarding jurisdiction like jealous gatekeepers. It was a house with too many doors and no master key. The result was confusion, inefficiency, and too often, bloodshed. Terrorists thrived in this vacuum, kidnappers exploited the disjointed response mechanisms, and communities bore the brunt of institutional dysfunction.

    The turning point came in 2023. The appointment of Mallam Nuhu Ribadu as National Security Adviser marked the beginning of a subtle yet seismic shift in how Nigeria approached internal security. While others predicted political aspirations and conjured hypotheticals about 2027, Ribadu got to work. His style was not flamboyant; he didn’t dominate headlines.

    Ribadu’s history as former EFCC head gave him more than anti-corruption credentials—it earned him moral authority. This proved essential in restoring trust between rival agencies. His leadership was rooted in respect, not fear; in unity, not hierarchy. And the effect was immediate.

    Agencies that once refused to share intelligence began to collaborate. Military and police commands operated with mutual purpose. The DSS moved from the shadows into alignment with broader national efforts. Nigeria’s fragmented security architecture was being stitched back together—deliberately, strategically, and without ego.

    This shift wasn’t cosmetic. It translated into real-world victories that began to change the national narrative. Within the first 18 months of President Tinubu’s administration and Ribadu’s stewardship, over 13,500 terrorists and criminals were neutralized, while more than 17,000 suspects were arrested across various theaters.

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    In the Northeast, particularly Borno State, the heartland of Boko Haram, 102,000 insurgents and their families surrendered. This mass capitulation wasn’t accidental—it was the result of combined pressure, both military and psychological, backed by soft-power interventions. Over 11,000 weapons were recovered, significantly weakening insurgent capability and sending a clear message that the tide was turning.

    In the North-West—Zamfara, Kaduna, Katsina—states once gripped by kidnapping and banditry, more than 11,000 kidnapped victims were rescued through joint operations. These missions were no longer hampered by poor coordination. They were surgical, timely, and built on real-time intelligence sharing. Notably, the elimination of notorious bandit kingpin Ali Kachalla marked a psychological and tactical victory that had eluded security forces for years.

    The Niger Delta, long plagued by oil theft and environmental degradation, saw one of the most aggressive anti-crude theft campaigns in decades. In just over a year, 1,978 illegal refineries were dismantled, along with 3,849 dug-out pits and more than 3,700 cooking ovens. This crackdown didn’t just secure infrastructure—it revived the economy.

    Nigeria’s daily crude oil production, which had plummeted to under one million barrels in 2022, surged to 1.8 million barrels by mid-2025. Oil operations in Ogoniland also resumed under this new, secure atmosphere.

    In the Southeast, where separatist agitators had declared disruptive “sit-at-home” orders. More than 50 police stations abandoned due to threats have been reopened. The population, long skeptical of state authority, is regaining faith in the institutions meant to protect them.

    All of this progress stems from one core change: unity. For the first time in over a decade, Nigeria’s security agencies are operating not only together, but as one. The previous era of turf wars and information hoarding is giving way to a culture of synergy. The NSA’s office has transformed from a passive observer into a dynamic coordination hub.

    This transformation did not happen by accident. It is the product of Ribadu’s strategic vision. He recognized early that Nigeria’s greatest security threat was not just the armed gunman in the bush but the bureaucratic silence between agencies. He understood that technology without trust would fail, and firepower without coordination would falter. His eight-pillar strategy, though not shouted from rooftops, touches all aspects of modern security—from intelligence sharing and joint operations to cyber forensics and institutional reform.

    Under Ribadu’s guidance, Nigeria has frozen dozens of cryptocurrency accounts linked to terror financing and begun developing one of the country’s most advanced cyber-forensics labs in Abuja. These moves signify a decisive leap from reactive counterterrorism to anticipatory governance.

    Yet, amid these gains, distractions persist. Rumors about Ribadu’s potential 2027 ambitions—gubernatorial or vice-presidential—have surfaced. These speculations, pushed by political actors and amplified by opportunistic commentators, are not only baseless but dangerous. They risk derailing momentum at a time when Nigeria can least afford it. Who benefits from a weakened NSA? Not the rural farmer in Zamfara or the schoolgirl in Borno. The real beneficiaries are the same elements that profited during the era of confusion—the enemies of a coherent security strategy.

    It is important, therefore, to separate noise from necessity. Ribadu is not running a political campaign. He is running a national security campaign. His mission is to dismantle silos, build bridges, and bring coherence to a system long teetering on dysfunction. While others speculate, he strategizes. While critics draft op-eds, he’s rebuilding trust between institutions that once refused to speak.

    To understand the magnitude of this achievement, one must remember how broken the system once was. Senior officers used to bypass one another, field commanders acted without clear mandates, and multiple agencies responded to the same incident without coordination. The result was not just inefficiency—it was carnage. Attacks that could have been averted with timely intelligence became mass tragedies. Communities became cemeteries of unlearned lessons.

    But that is changing. Slowly, yes. Imperfectly, of course. But undeniably. Today, there is communication across commands. Strategic alignment between the DSS and military. Police operations are no longer undermined by other agencies acting in parallel. The symphony is still tuning itself, but it is no longer noise—it is beginning to sound like music.

    In a country as complex as Nigeria, no security solution is perfect. Threats are evolving, and the road ahead is long. But for the first time in a long time, Nigeria is facing these challenges not with fragmentation, but with focus. Not with bravado, but with strategy.

    Ultimately, the true measure of Ribadu’s impact is not in media mentions or political forecasts. It is in the confidence of field officers who now know their intelligence will be acted on. It is in the relief of communities that can sleep without fear. It is in the quiet dignity of a government putting national interest above institutional ego.

    Critics will come. So will speculation. But Nigeria’s security architecture is finally learning to stand upright. Let us not tear it down just as it begins to hold.

    Mahmud writes from Jabi, Abuja

  • Of Aregbesola’s hypocritical musings and Tinubuphobia

    Of Aregbesola’s hypocritical musings and Tinubuphobia

    By Mobolaji Sanusi

    “A grateful dog is better than an ungrateful man” – Anonymous

    Finally, the cat of political treachery from far away Osun State has been let out of the bag. Speculation that has become reality stares us all in the face. Not a conjecture anymore that Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, former Osun state governor and erstwhile Minister of Interior is no longer President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s ally.

    Nigerians, irrespective of class stratification can associate with any political party of choice. This is because the constitution guarantees right to freedom of association.

    This is why the consolidated decamping to African Democratic Congress (ADC), by especially political bigwigs in the near comatose Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and other lightweight political parties’ leaders cannot be faulted. At least for the sake of constitutional democracy that allows for plurality of ideas.

    The roll call of these power disillusioned politicians, viewed on paper, is alluring, but when empirically scrutinized, is an association of strange bed fellows, out only to hoodwink the people into believing that they have something better than what the incumbent President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, is presently offering.

    Virtually all of these decamping politicians have been in power before with no remarkable achievements of what they did for states and nation. These are politicians that are bereft of no known ideological direction or inclination. From Atiku Abubakar, David Mark, Sule Lamido, Nasir el’Rufai to the rest of them, their attainments in life could not easily be attributed to any noticeable ideological inclinations. Few of them had glorious professional careers accentuated by sheer providence and nothing more. Their current posturing is nothing but sheer hypocrisy!

    This is where Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola’s acceptance speech at the recent meeting of ADC raises serious dusts akin to political deceits than genuine political motives. For instance, until Aregbesola met Tinubu, no known career paths or genuine ideological bents can be ascribed to him.

    He became Tinubu’s adherent simply because of his orchestral skill for political mobilization and subsequent loyalty in delivering extraneous assignments given him by the current president of Nigeria.

    In Lagos state politics where he once thrived, Aregbesola was the de facto political leader and Tinubu, de jure. At that time, once anyone offend Aregbesola, that person automatically incurred Tinubu’s wrath. Nothing political is cast in stone or becomes final until Aregbesola told Tinubu so.

    To Aregbesola at that time, Tinubu can never go wrong: Not because of any known ideological leaning but simply because his bread is buttered by the current president.

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    Tinubu made Aregbesola something from nothing. He appointed him commissioner for works when he assumed office as governor of Lagos State; later he sent him to Osun state to contest for the governorship seat of that state-at a *huge financial cost*. When he went to Osun and out of trust in Aregbesola, Tinubu ensured no substantive works commissioner was appointed during former governor Babatunde Raji Fashola’s first term in office. Engr. Ganiyu Johnson, who was permanent secretary under Aregbesola as commissioner and by then retired was returned as Special Adviser, Works during that tenure. That was how powerful Tinubu made Aregbesola to be at that time.

    Also, while Aregbesola was serving as Osun state governor, he was still the political oracle nominating candidates for positions from outside Lagos. Public officers in the centre of excellence, appointed and elected travelled weekly to Osogbo to take instructions from Aregbesola. At that time, the only known ideology to Aregbesola was TINUBUISM.

    No wonder that any true omoluabi and right thinking people were consternated to see him talk about party ideology in his acceptance speech during his nomination as national scribe of ADC, far away from what Tinubu currently represents in the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Curiously, Aregbesola has suddenly emerged as a prominent member of the National Opposition Coalition Group against his mentor and political benefactor, Tinubu. Where’s the omoluabi that Aregbesola espouses to epitomize so much?

    Aregbesola without any whiff of conscience deceptively told his ADC audience that “a political  party is not a platform for opportunism. It is not a mere vehicle to power for the few, nor a tool for personal ambition.” Yet, he took opportunistic advantage of Tinubu’s party/benevolence to become a commissioner, governor and later minister. He used Tinubu’s name and platform to achieve his personal ambition and yet could shamelessly be seen pontificating the contrary.

    According to him, “A political party, in its truest form, is a living institution built on values, guided by ideals, and accountable to the people it seeks to serve.” Aregbesola is known for having little or no regard for party values, ideals and accountability when his personal preference/interest is at stake. Conscientious people in the Lagos political circles can attest to this fact.

    He applauded South Africa’s 113 year old African National Congress (ANC) even when he has scant tolerance for what ANC stands for. For example, he highlights that ANC  “is impeccable in its credibility as a model of supremacy of party over its creation (government and popularly elected officials) have seen what a party grounded in ideology, principle, and people-centered struggle can achieve.” He noted that the ANC  was not perfect but “stands  for something….forged in resistance, sharpened by vision, and led by men and women who believe in justice, dignity, equality, inclusivity of all interests and true freedom….It has character. It has soul. It is therefore a true platform for the expression of their aspirations.” What a man of precept rather than example is this Aregbesola who was a political brute while holding sway in Lagos. With politicians like him masquerading as true democrats to the world, no political party in this country can attain ANC’s enviable heights.

    He also curiously declared: “Sadly, in Nigeria today, we cannot say the same about many of our political parties. Our political landscape is plagued by parties that lack ideological depth. They are empty shells, merging and splitting, not over policy or principle, but over power and personality. There is little regard for the people, and even less for the country. That is not the kind of party we must be. That is not the kind of party I will serve.”

    Again. It is doubtful if Aregbesola understands what political party justice, principle, fairness, ideological depth, soul and character mean because we still recollect that as a sturdy member of the Tinubu political dynasty, he was known for outright imposition of candidates without respect for internal democracy or other party members’ feelings. A lot of political bigwigs in Lagos got elected into positions, some secured appointments simply because they know Aregbesola and not Tinubu. That was how powerful he then was in Lagos politics. The man Aregbesola as de facto leader in his Bourdillon Heydays was a political law unto himself in the Tinubu political clan that he is laughably and futilely trying to bring down now.

    How can a man with Aregbesola’s opportunistic political background be saying that he now intends to “work to build a party that has a clear ideological compass; a party that is absolutely committed to the people, rooted in democratic values, rule of law, social justice, accountability, transparency and national development. A party that listens and works for the people, not only during elections, but every single day.” Isn’t this a ruse by a Tinubu over-pampered politician who having gotten to an enviable political heights now feels the best option for him to move forward is to denigrate his political roots and mentor.

    We know that Aregbesola is originally an hater of his now espoused virtues of: Internal democracy; transparent intra-party competition; effective party structure functioning and genuine inclusivity. His much touted exposure to political international best practices in party organization, administration, and ethics in his cited countries like South Africa, Sweden, Chile and Kenya did not reflect in the way he governed Osun state for eight years. Where’s the discipline, order, clarity of purpose, and effective service to the people of Osun when he governed them?

    So Aregbesola can speak of security and supports for real policies to keep our communities safe when as minister of interior, insecurity and chaos through kidnappings and killings reigned supreme. What new ideas does he have in this regard that his new found ADC can implement?

    Aregbesola has removed the garb of Omoluabi and now adorns that of ‘dansiki’ of mockery. No justification can explain his association with Tinubu’s political detractors except to confirm that he has discreetly been one of them for a long without notice.

    Aregbesola that benefitted a million fold from Tinubu can no longer claim to be an omoluabi. There are still so many ‘Aregbesolas’ milling round the president and masquerading as Tinubu’s friends today. The president needs to be careful.

    Finally, my reading through Aregbesola’s acceptance epistle as ADC’s protem national secretary is riddled with embedded and unpardonable espousal of hypocritical cliches and downrightly disgusting self glorification that diminishes Tinubu’s role in who he has become today. There’s no doubt that Ogbeni Aregbesola is ungrateful to Tinubu’s sacrifice and tireless efforts on him.

    • Sanusi is Managing Partner at AMS Reliable Solicitors, Ikeja. Lagos State.

  • Middle East: When will the wars end?

    Middle East: When will the wars end?

    The Middle East has been a hotbed of conflict for decades, with wars and skirmishes erupting over issues like land, borders and rights. Over the decades, the region has become a complex web of alliances, rivalries, and power struggles, with global powers like the United States, the UK, France, China and Russia pursuing their own interests and agendas. Regional players like Qatar and Turkey have also been vying for influence, with some making efforts to broker peace deals.

    The recent escalation between Israel and Iran has only brought the region to a boiling point, again drawing in global powers. In this volatile landscape, the question of when the wars will end is complex; it is rooted in deep-seated historical and cultural tensions shaped by colonialism, imperialism and arbitrary borders drawn by Western powers.

    To understand the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, it’s essential to examine their historical origins. A historical analysis is necessary to contextualize the multitude of conflicts plaguing the region today and determine the factors perpetuating this cycle of violence. The region’s complex politics have roots stretching back centuries, predating the Ottoman Empire and the fall of Constantinople, which marked significant turning points.

    Right now, and, unlike the era of the Egyptian President Abdel Gamal Nasser, when pan-Arabism fostered regional unity, the Middle East today is characterized by fragmentation. The potent Sheikhs and Emirs, who give priority to their grip on power and strategic alliances with the US, view Iran as a threat to their interests. As such, they are unlikely to support their neighbour, which exemplifies the enduring relevance of the divide-and-rule framework in contemporary Middle Eastern geopolitics.

    The Iranian issue lays bare the West’s hypocrisy and duplicity. Put bluntly, the roots of today’s conflicts can be traced back to the August 19, 1953 coup that ousted Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh, who championed national sovereignty and resource control. Ironically, his efforts to reclaim control over Iran’s resources could be seen as an earlier iteration of ‘Make Iran Great Again,’ long before the phrase became a catchphrase in a different context. With Mossadegh successfully ousted from power, the US subsequently initiated Iran’s nuclear programme under the Shah’s puppet regime.

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    Given this history, the US and its allies’ calls for the dismantling of Iran’s nuclear programme ring hollow. The critical question to ask is: who started it in the first place? Nonetheless, the enduring nature of these conflicts is tied to unresolved issues, particularly resource control and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which requires a two-state solution. As Dwight D. Eisenhower presciently warned in his January 17, 1961 farewell address as the 34th president of the United States, perpetual conflict serves the interests of the military-industrial complex. Of course, it highlights the need for a more nuanced approach to geopolitics.

    The Arab-Israeli War (1948)! The Suez Crisis (1956)! The Six-Day War (1967)! The Yom Kippur War (1973)! The Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988)! The Gulf War (1990-1991)! The Iraq War (2003-2011)! The Syrian Civil War (2011-present)! The Yemen Civil War (2015-present)! The recurring Israeli-Gaza conflicts! The Israel-Iran conflict, which has seen periods of escalation and ceasefire! But when will the wars end and when will the Middle East heave a sigh of relief?

    Again – and realistically, too – lasting peace in the Middle East seems as elusive as a mirage in the desert. The conflicts are as complex as the region’s geopolitics, and quick fixes are about as effective as a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. Diplomatic efforts, like the latest ceasefire brokered by the US, offer temporary reprieves, but it’s like putting a lid on a boiling pot. The pressure is still there!

    A durable peace requires more than just diplomatic Band-Aids; it demands a deep understanding of the region’s tangled history, politics and cultures. Until the powers-that-be give precedence to dialogue, cooperation, and mutual understanding over their own interests, the Middle East will remain a perpetual battleground, fuelling the military-industrial complex’s eternal hunger for conflict.

    The Israel-Iran conflict offers valuable lessons for Africa and Nigeria. One key takeaway is the importance of handling complex geopolitical relationships and maintaining strategic alliances. Africa and Nigeria can learn from Israel’s experience in building strong alliances and leveraging diplomatic relationships to advance national interests.

    The conflict also highlights the need for national security and investment in security infrastructure to protect against external threats. Furthermore, economic resilience and diversification are crucial for stability and prosperity. Israel’s thriving economy, built despite significant security challenges, is a testament to the importance of innovation and investment in human capital.

    Diplomacy and dialogue are essential in resolving disputes, as demonstrated by various diplomatic efforts to address the conflict. Africa and Nigeria can benefit from prioritizing diplomatic engagement and regional cooperation to address security and economic challenges. Moreover, regional stability and cooperation are vital for promoting economic development and combating terrorism, as evident from the impact of the conflict on the Middle East.

    To conclude, the conflict’s global implications stress the need for African nations to manage global power dynamics effectively and build strategic partnerships to advance national interests. In this context, it is noteworthy that both the US War Powers Resolution and Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution (Section 5(4)) provide checks and balances on executive power, promoting accountability and responsible decision-making in matters of war and national security.

  • Tola Adeniyi: A life of words and wisdom

    Tola Adeniyi: A life of words and wisdom

    “Wisdom is the supreme virtue, for it is the source of all other virtues.” – Epicurus.

    As we reflect on the life and legacy of Tola Adeniyi, a man whose words have inspired and challenged generations, we are reminded of the power of journalism and literature to shape our understanding of the world and our place within it. On the occasion of his 80th birthday, we honour not only his remarkable life but also the enduring impact of his work on our collective consciousness.

    Adeniyi’s life story, if adapted into a biopic, would be a blockbuster. His journey as a proven professional encapsulates and reflects the social history of Nigerian journalism’s evolution from rudimentary beginnings to a sophisticated analytical framework.

    Complimenting this development, any history of the transformation of journalism in Nigeria must focus on the intervention of people like Tola Adeniyi. His analysis enthused tens of thousands and became a must-read. The Akogun I of Ijebuland and Jagun Oodua Adimula II of Ile-Ife actively enlightened many minds and played a fundamental role in elevating the discussion to a new level. This was quite an achievement and represents a major breakthrough.

    Given the international acclaim of Nigeria’s media today, it’s fitting to acknowledge the contributions of pioneers like Tola Adeniyi, whose analytical content and illuminating style have set a high standard. No doubt, their interventions have elevated standards, changed media perception, and contributed to the overall good. Indeed, they’ve played a crucial role in promoting democratic values.

    In an article titled ‘Tola Adeniyi is a brand’, I wrote that his most remarkable trait is his extraordinary and legendary brilliance. I still stand by this assessment. If we’re to imagine a parallel universe where facts and fiction blur, Tola Adeniyi would undoubtedly be a king, ruling with the class and elegance that has defined his career.

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    On a day like this, the best birthday gift for Tola Adeniyi would be to put together that blockbuster biopic.

    May the wisdom of the ages continue to guide him, and may his pen remain mightier than the sword, inspiring generations to come!

    May his legacy be a testimony to the power of knowledge, courage and conviction, and may his life’s work continue to illuminate the path for others!

    Happy Birthday to a decisive figure in our contemporary social history!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in our time!

  • NNPC: Cut Ojulari and new board members some slacks

    NNPC: Cut Ojulari and new board members some slacks

    By Bamidele Atoyebi

    As public chatter intensifies over trillions supposedly unaccounted for in the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd), it is crucial to separate political fiction from professional fact. 

    The recent controversy surrounding alleged missing funds has stirred unnecessary public hysteria, much of it founded on misinformation and political undertones. Headlines of NNPC being “indebted to the tune of ₦100 trillion” or “mismanaging ₦200 trillion” are not only sensationalist but risk undermining the efforts of a newly constituted board that hasn’t spent up to four months in office.

    It is essential to state the facts clearly: the new board of NNPC, including the Group Chief Executive Officer, Bayo Ojulari, and other respected professionals, was inaugurated in April 2025. These individuals’ true technocrats in every sense have not had sufficient time to be held accountable for alleged financial irregularities that date far back into previous administrations.

    If indeed there are credible claims of mismanagement or missing funds as loosely suggested, then the right approach is to invite former board members, especially Mele Kyari and Chief Pius Akinyelure and his team, who presided over NNPC during the period in question. This is basic accountability logic. It is not only misleading but unjust to turn a spotlight of suspicion on a board that barely has its boots laced.

    We must ask: Who is sponsoring this media campaign? What are the motivations behind pushing a narrative that deliberately ignores the chronology of appointments, responsibilities, and timelines? Why is the Senate not backing its claims with a transparent financial review instead of throwing figures into the public space without substantiation?

    The answer lies in the growing discomfort among certain entrenched interests some may even call them “village people” who do not want Nigeria to make progress. They recognize the threat that capable and uncompromised leadership poses to the old order of impunity and mediocrity. They see the fresh wind of technocratic leadership at NNPC as a direct challenge to the status quo, and so, they attack it.

    What is particularly commendable about this new NNPC board is not only its professionalism but the unprecedented transparency it has brought. Ojulari, a seasoned engineer with decades of experience from Shell and Renaissance Africa Energy, is already redefining standards. Within weeks of assuming office, he authorized the release of April’s operational and financial data, the first move of its kind in the company’s history. Revenues were posted at ₦5.89 trillion, with a profit-after-tax of ₦748 billion, clearly reported for public scrutiny.

    Ojulari is not just leading he’s setting a new bar for what technocratic leadership should look like in Nigeria’s public enterprises. His reputation for operational brilliance and ethical leadership precedes him, and he is now leveraging that pedigree to reposition NNPC as a global energy player rooted in transparency, local content development, and investment confidence. As the engine of this transformation, he is restoring credibility and competitiveness to a company long mired in opacity.

    But he is not working alone. The current board is filled with highly experienced and competent professionals who bring with them decades of impactful service in the energy industry.

    Ahmadu Musa Kida, the board’s Non-Executive chairman, brings over three decades of upstream oil expertise, having served as deputy MD of TotalEnergies Deepwater Services. He is also a trained petroleum engineer with international credentials and has championed local capacity building while leading key offshore projects. His strategic and people-focused leadership is a great asset to the board.

    Babs Omotowa, former MD/CEO of Nigeria LNG, under whose leadership the company generated over $40 billion in revenue and remitted $22 billion to the federal government. He led landmark projects like the acquisition of LNG vessels and the Bonny Bodo road development. A global voice in the energy space, Omotowa also served on international boards, driving Nigeria’s environmental and transparency agenda globally.

    Also on the board is Engr. Yusuf Usman, a quiet titan whose leadership and achievements in Nigeria’s gas infrastructure are widely acknowledged. Starting his career at Shell before joining NNPC in 1993, he played leading roles in critical infrastructure projects such as the Calabar Ajaokuta pipeline and the OB3 gas pipeline both vital to Nigeria’s domestic gas supply strategy. As Chief Operating Officer for Gas & Power, he championed policies that doubled Nigeria’s domestic gas footprint. His reforms in procurement and contracting saved the country billions and introduced strategic clarity and fiscal discipline. Usman remains the only high-level executive from the controversial Diezani era never summoned by anti-graft agencies, a mark of unassailable integrity.

    Together, these board members represent a coalition of excellence visionaries in gas commercialization, infrastructure development, corporate finance, project execution, and policy reform. Their collective background in multinationals, indigenous operations, and public governance is unmatched in the history of NNPC.

    It’s also worth noting that the credibility of these individuals has never been in doubt. Among them are those who, despite serving in turbulent times, emerged without any blemish, untainted by corruption, and trusted by both public and private stakeholders.

    Ojulari himself is no stranger to transformation. As Managing Director of Shell Nigeria Exploration and Production Company (SNEPCo), he led the Bonga deep-water asset to peak performance, increasing output by 20% and reducing costs by over 30%. His engineering acumen and leadership won the Bonga FPSO several accolades, including “Asset of the Year.” Post-Shell, he continued his legacy at Renaissance Africa Energy, where he steered a groundbreaking $2.4 billion indigenous acquisition of Shell’s onshore assets, making a strong case for Nigerian control in the energy sector.

    Together, Ojulari and his fellow board members are charting a course that reflects President Tinubu’s confidence in their ability to reform the oil and gas sector. Their plans are ambitious yet strategic: boosting oil production to 2 million barrels per day by 2027, hitting 3 million barrels by 2030, and attracting upwards of $60 billion in investments within five years. Add to this the roadmap for revitalizing Nigeria’s refining capacity and expanding gas infrastructure, and it becomes clear: the board isn’t asleep at the wheel they are racing to get Nigeria back on track.

    Let it be said clearly: this is the first time in Nigeria’s oil history that a team of seasoned professionals, not political appointees, has been given the reins of NNPC. That in itself is a step in the right direction. Instead of unwarranted criticism and phantom allegations, what they need is support, patience, and the space to implement long-overdue reforms.

    Nigeria has lost enough time and resources to distractions. The Senate and other political actors must rise above opportunistic politics. They should support these new NNPC leaders, not sabotage them. A true national interest conversation would focus on reform metrics, deliverables, and transparent financial reviews, not vague accusations aimed at derailing progress.

    This board is capable. The president knows it. The industry knows it. The Nigerian people should come to know it, too.

    It’s time to cut Ojulari, Yusuf Usman, and the entire new NNPC board some slacks and let them work.

     Bamidele is the Convenor of the BAT Ideological group and a news publisher. He sent this message from Abuja.