The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • As Pope Francis goes home today

    As Pope Francis goes home today

    As the world pays its respects, the ‘exequies’, or papal funeral rites, for Pope Francis are underway at the Vatican. The Pope continued the humility of his earthly journey by insisting he not be buried in the pomp and grandiosity of Saint Peter’s Basilica where many of his predecessors lie.  Instead, he had expressed a desire to be buried in Santa Maria Maggiore. This choice reflects his devotion to Mary and the Church. It emphasizes his commitment to simplicity and service.

    The late Pope’s wishes extended beyond his burial location. He also opted against embalming, embracing mortality; chose a simple casket, symbolizing solidarity with the poor; and requested a modest grave, embodying servant-leadership. The Vicar of Christ requested that his tombstone bear only a simple inscription: “Franciscus”, signifying his humility and desire to be remembered not for his titles or achievements, but for his name and his identity as a servant of the Lord.

    To be honest, the passing of the Holy Father comes at a significant moment for the world. We are in a turbulent era! There are wars as well as rumours of wars, including the far-fetched possibility of World War III! Besides, the climate change issue is becoming more pronounced! With the exception of President Donald Trump, those denying the punitive effect of the consequences of the depletion of the ozone layer are reluctantly in the view of damning evidence revising their position on climate change.

    Pope Francis’ instructive choice of name reflects his commitment to addressing inequality, paying homage to Saint Francis of Assisi, a champion of the poor. This nod to Saint Francis echoes the philosophical underpinnings of Christian Democracy, which emphasizes social justice and human dignity. Influential thinkers like R.H. Tawney, a British Christian socialist, have shaped this movement.

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    Tawney’s work, particularly ‘Religion and the Rise of Capitalism’, speaks to the role of faith in promoting social change and advocating for greater access to education, healthcare, housing and social welfare. This Christian democratic ethos has inspired social change promoters across Europe, Scandinavia and beyond, reflecting a broader commitment to reducing inequality and promoting human well-being.

    Pope Francis’ background in Latin America’s Liberation Theology Movement reflects his commitment to social justice and challenging inequality. This movement, which emerged as a response to the region’s socio-economic disparities, courageously confronted military dictatorships and advocated for the poor. The Liberation Theology Movement’s emphasis on the preferential option for the poor resonated with many Roman Catholic priests, who often faced persecution and violence for their involvement. Indeed, dozens of priests were killed or disappeared due to their activism.

    The Liberation Theology Movement revitalized global interest in Christian values. It inspired conversions and renewed devotion. One good example is former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, whose conversion to Catholicism reflects the movement’s influence in re-emphasizing Christianity’s founding ethos. This revival, marked by leaders like Pope Saint John Paul II and Pope Francis, who risked their lives to challenge inequality and dictatorship, represents a significant moment in modern Christianity. Indeed, the liberation Theology Movement played the kind of roles that in different ways our own National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) and the earlier anti-colonial nationalist movements across Africa played in another era. They must be given kudos for this!

    As Pope, Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio continued his steadfast commitment to combating inequality and oppression. In a very determined way, he pursued interfaith dialogue and cooperation, seeking to end religious hostilities and promote understanding among diverse faiths. This mission, rooted in Christianity’s fundamental principles of human dignity and solidarity, must not only be sustained but also intensified. Christianity must go back to its fundamental roots based on the search for the edification of humanity through bridging the gap of opportunities in the society and looking for peace where there is discord.

    In my article ‘Lessons from the Dead’, published in a national daily on Monday, January 26, 1998, I emphasized the importance of leaders understanding and empathizing with the people they serve. I wrote, “A good leader must ascertain people’s sentiments and identify himself with them in life and in struggle.” I also noted that “The dead are not to blame … for dying. Rather, their lives and times should teach those who are yet to die some lessons.” This perspective is exemplified in the lives of Pope Francis and Mother Teresa of Calcutta. Guided by strong faith and spiritual conviction, they demonstrated that true fulfillment lies in prioritizing the needs of others, thereby motivating countless individuals to adopt similar values of service, empathy, and kindness.

    Beyond the sorrow of passing, the life and times of the Bishop of Rome offer valuable lessons for everyone. The Servant of the Servants of God trusted in God’s guidance, and avoided hasty decisions. In a gesture both practical and religious, the departed Primate of Italy and Sovereign of the Vatican City State was a sweet hope for the overlooked and the voiceless. His dedication to serving the poor and marginalized showcased the importance of compassion and empathy. Even where and when ‘Never again’ failed, His Holiness showed balance and showed fairness! He also contributed to the revival of Christianity and he should be praised for it.

    Pope Francis’ efforts to revive the philosophical foundations of Catholicism offer a compelling counterpoint to the prosperity gospel movement, which has contributed to Christianity’s decline in some quarters. This phenomenon is reminiscent of the historical context that gave rise to the Labour Party in the UK. While the party emerged from the trade union movement and socialist groups, the Methodist roots of some key figures, such as Keir Hardie, played a role in shaping the party’s values. It was their work that led to Free Education and the best Health Services the world had ever seen.

    Christian socialism has also played a significant role in shaping the welfare states of Nordic and Scandinavian countries. The Christian socialist movement’s emphasis on social justice and equality has influenced policy and practice in these nations. For instance, the Beveridge Report, which advocated for comprehensive social welfare, inspired the manifestos of various African political parties, including Nigeria’s Action Group, Ghana’s Convention People’s Party and India’s Congress Party. These parties’ commitment to social justice and equality serves as a powerful tool for contemporary policymakers.

    Gaza! Ukraine! Even the escalating trade wars! Since the Pope has no battalions, he can only appeal to the consciences of leaders. But then, had the world heeded the Supreme Pontiff’s admonitions and sought peace instead of disharmony, the world would have been a better place to live in. Had the political establishment, with their military and commercial backers, not been dismissing the counsel of leaders like the ebullient, vivacious and zestful priest, we wouldn’t have had to keep measuring victory over terrorism by the number of body bags and economic losses. And who’s gaining from that?

    Sudan! Congo DRC! Even banditry, kidnapping terrorism! Africa faces profound challenges, with inequality and lack of opportunities fueling social and economic crises. For God’s sake, why won’t we have 152 people killed in a space of 10 days when we are not creating jobs? Why must we continue to witness such devastation when the solution is clear: bridging the gap between the haves and have-nots? Without addressing these disparities, violence and instability will persist!

    To quote the prayer of Saint Francis of Assisi, “Where there is discord, let us seek harmony; where there is error, let us seek truth.” This beautiful prayer, which inspired the beautifully-departed Pope, offers a timeless message of reconciliation and understanding that transcends denominational boundaries.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, rest the souls of Pope Francis and all the faithful departed!

  • Humpty Dumpty PDP

    Humpty Dumpty PDP

    To laugh or to cry — the Titanic PDP sink in Delta?  No shred of doubt: nothing like it before in Nigeria: a state ruling party of 26 years, uprooting itself and throwing itself at the federal ruling party!

    The APC is, of course, upbeat and happy.  The PDP, miserable — and rightly so, though many of its bitter members, in coming days, would gripe with sour grapes.

    But the political party system?  Not so upbeat. Defections — into any side — is the partisan equivalent of rubbing Peter to pay Paul.  Such hardly powers organic growth, talk less of development, the only way the party system can deepen Nigeria’s democracy.

    PDP current Delta debacle!  What past crimes might the PDP have committed to bring such upon itself?

    As usual, no tears from Hardball — but just a grim lesson, from history, to the APC too.  During the PDP halcyon days of power, President Olusegun Obasanjo did not blink how he subverted opposition parties.

    He suborned the All People’s Party (APP) national chairman as political adviser, at a time APP was the leading opposition party in numbers, if not in sheer dynamism.  That was clearly the forte of the smaller but much more vibrant Alliance for Democracy (AD).  In no time APP ended in PDP’s great tummy!

    For daring to make such a row, AD’s fate was corporate death.  After 2003, with PDP poaching some of its National and state assembly legislators, and sending five out of its six South West governors to political Golgotha, AD progressively could not even win sole council chair elections anywhere!

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    Is that the putative fate now staring PDP in the face?  Not the best of times!  Still, it’s Karma serving the former federal ruling party the cold breakfast it had, with cold relish, served others!

    Which is why the APC itself — now all flush with new flesh — must learn from PDP’s pitfall.  Crowing over opposition flank come to swell its ranks is no wiser than the old folly of excited screeches, while PDP subverted others.  Karma’s gate is ever wide open!

    The only way to slam shut that gate, and cut the cycle of Karma, is the present ruling party committing  itself anew to the wellbeing of the people.  In truth, mortar for mortar, it has chalked off more accomplishments in 10 years than PDP did in 16.  But such are the present challenges it must work overtime to lift the people.

    No sympathy for PDP for ending up in own dug pit.  But APC must avoid such a future pit too.  Let the people be the exclusive kings and queens of its policies and programmes.

    Meanwhile, can all of the king’s horses and all the king’s men put the PDP Humpty Dumpty together again?

  • A lament for modesty in the age of nudity

    A lament for modesty in the age of nudity

    Sir: The concept of a well-raised, respectable person, Omoluabi, isn’t unique to Yoruba culture. The Igbo speak of Omenani, and in Hausa, there’s Kyakkyawan Hali or Mutum Nagari, terms that all honour virtue, dignity, and character. In every corner of our heritage, modesty was not just expected; it was taught, modelled, and enforced.

    It breaks my heart to witness how nudity has crept into our society; not quietly, but boldly, parading as a trend. What is even more painful is how many have either joined the wave or turned a blind eye. I find myself asking again and again: What happened to our culture?

    Our mothers and fathers were once role models, guardians of moral values, teachers of good behaviour to their children and even others in the community. When a child erred, they corrected with love but firmness. Today, many of them have not just abandoned that duty; they’ve joined in the rot. Some now applaud, enable, and even imitate the very indecency they once condemned. It would be less tragic if it stopped at indifference. But now, we see parents standing shoulder to shoulder with their children in immodesty.

    Girls now flaunt their bodies without shame. Dressed, but naked. Cleavages displayed like accessories, thighs exposed in see-through garments, and privacy turned into public spectacle. What has become of us, the so-called mentors, the elders, the moral compass of our youth? It seems we are all drowning in silence or complicity.

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    Nudity has become the new norm. Private parts are no longer private, and speaking out against this is now a punishable offence in the court of public opinion. Say something, and you are labelled a prude, an enemy of progress or even old-fashioned.

    I recall a disturbing tale from a wedding ceremony. A young woman on the bridal train leapt to catch the bouquet, and in the process, her entire breast spilled from her blouse and she wasn’t even flustered. That’s how deep the rot has set.

    But all hope is not lost. Some mothers still choose to mother. On a radio show, a woman shared how she refused to get off at her own bus stop just to follow a girl who was dressed indecently. The young lady’s skirt was nothing more than a mesh that left her completely exposed. That mother stepped in, spoke up, chastised her, gave her a piece of her mind on her choice of outfit. She stood for dignity. That, right there, is what true womanhood looks like.

    Should we keep hiding under the banner of “freedom of expression/dressing” while decency dies a slow death?

    •Adebola Karamah Shogbuyi, PhD,<karamahshogbuyi1@gmail.com>

  • Middle Belt and a legacy that must be reclaimed

    Middle Belt and a legacy that must be reclaimed

    Sir: Long before the idea of Nigeria was imagined, even before the empires of Oyo and Sokoto laid claim to greatness, the lands around the Niger-Benue Confluence Valley were home to a proud and resilient people. Fed by the fertile silts of two great rivers, the valley was a sanctuary of early civilization—a confluence not just of waters, but of peoples, cultures, and power.

    In this rich, forest-savannah belt that we now call the Middle Belt, the laws of survival were simple and brutal: to endure, one had to be strong. And from this crucible, the Idoma, Tiv, Jukun, Tangale,  Igala, Ebira, Nupe, Igede, Chamba  and other ethnic groups emerged—not as passive inhabitants, but as builders of complex societies, fierce warriors, and guardians of ancestral traditions.

    The world rarely remembers that before the Sokoto Caliphate or the colonial crown, the Niger-Benue Valley hosted some of West Africa’s most advanced cultures.

    By the 10th century, the region had birthed influential indigenous states. The Igala Kingdom rose along the banks of the Niger at Idah. To the east, the Jukun Confederacy established the formidable Kwararafa Empire—a multi-ethnic alliance so powerful it once launched expeditions into Kano, Katsina, and Zaria. Further west, the Nupe built city-states around Bida, skillfully blending culture and commerce.

    Despite the rise of the Oyo Empire to the southwest and the Hausa city-states to the north, these peoples maintained relative independence. They traded, negotiated, and fought when they had to—but they refused to be absorbed. Their societies were diverse and often decentralized, but united in one regard: they were fiercely protective of their land, their autonomy, and their culture.

    Then came Usman dan Fodio’s jihad in 1804. As the Sokoto Caliphate expanded southward, many northern emirates fell. But the peoples of the Confluence Valley resisted. The Tiv fought bitterly. The Jukun leveraged diplomacy. The Igala navigated alliance and autonomy. Even where Islam spread, it never erased indigenous identity. These were not passive bystanders in history—they were actors, strategists, and survivors.

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    Colonial conquest in the early 20th century introduced another layer of erasure. British indirect rule co-opted external leaders as “native authorities,” undermining the region’s traditional structures. Yet the Middle Belt remained restless. In the 1950s, Joseph Tarka and the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) stood up against northern domination and southern neglect, advocating for regional self-determination within Nigeria’s federal structure.

    Since 1960, the region has known more blood than progress. From the Civil War to military regimes, from ethno-religious riots to herder-farmer conflicts, the Middle Belt has become synonymous with violence and displacement. Despite their strategic centrality, the peoples of this region have found themselves caught in the crossfire—both literally and politically.

    Today, the once proud and cohesive identities of the Niger-Benue peoples are fraying. The name “Middle Belt,” once a badge of autonomy, has become a euphemism for marginalization. Once feared and respected, the region now bleeds silently. Massacres in Benue, terror in Plateau, kidnappings in Kogi, and land grabs in Nasarawa have become common headlines. Yet the national response remains muted.

    Why has the region that gave birth to so much history becomes so invisible? The answer lies in a mix of political betrayal, religious manipulation, and cultural erasure. Fragmented along ethnic and religious lines, their voices are often used during elections but silenced during governance. Development is sparse. Infrastructure is decaying. Hope is waning. But history teaches us that this region is not destined to disappear.

    To reclaim their place, the peoples of the Niger-Benue Valley must rediscover the strength that once made them formidable. Their history—rich, multi-ethnic, and resilient—must be taught in schools, sung in songs, and etched into the minds of the next generation. Their leaders must rise above partisanship to forge a regional consensus—one that pushes for constitutional reforms, local resource control, and inclusive governance.

    There must be investment not only in culture revival but in self-protection. Traditional institutions and historical monuments must be restored and celebrated. A region that once produced empires cannot be reduced to a killing field.

    Lastly, justice must be demanded. No region deserves silence in the face of slaughter. If Nigeria is to be whole and just, then the Middle Belt must no longer be treated as a buffer zone—but as the beating heart of the nation.

    •Tamedo Lapoeji,<tamedo.lapoeji@gmail.com

  • Governors as CSOs: Responsibility without authority

    Governors as CSOs: Responsibility without authority

    Sir: The Nigerian Constitution (1999, as amended) does not expressly designate state governors as “Chief Security Officers” (CSO)s in legal terms, but the title has become conventional and operational. The relevant provisions include:

    Section 215(4): Subject to the provisions of this section, the governor of a state or such commissioner of the government of the state as he may authorize in that behalf may give to the Commissioner of Police of that state such lawful directions with respect to the maintenance and securing of public safety and public order within the state…”

    However, the same section limits this authority: “…Provided that before carrying out any such directions… the Commissioner of Police may request that the matter be referred to the president or such minister of the government of the federation as the president may authorize…”

     Sections 214 & 215(1): Establish the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) as a federal institution, controlled by the president through the Inspector-General of Police.

    Section 305: Only the president can declare a state of emergency. In items 45 & 68, Part I of the Second Schedule, internal security and the police are exclusive legislative matters, meaning only the National Assembly can legislate on them.

    Deficiencies in the constitutional provisions include:

    (a). Lack of operational control: Governors cannot deploy or command police forces directly. The operational command lies with the Commissioner of Police, who reports to the IGP and ultimately the president.

    (b). Bureaucratic delay in crisis response: Security decisions often require federal clearance, delaying urgent local action—as evident in Benue State’s herdsmen-farmer crises.

    (c). Accountability without authority: Governors are held responsible for security in their states but lack the tools to enforce or coordinate responses independently.

    (d). Absence of state policing structures: No constitutional provision exists for the establishment of state police.

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    Benue State has been one of the worst-hit states in Nigeria’s herder-farmer violence, often stemming from unresolved land use, migration pressures, and impunity. The Anti-Open Grazing Law (2017) enacted by the Benue State Government sought to prevent violence, but enforcement has been hampered by the lack of a state-controlled security outfit. Even when local vigilantes assist, they lack the legal and logistical cover that federal police have.

    Federal security agencies have sometimes undermined or ignored state laws (e.g., Operation Whirl Stroke’s challenges with coordinating with local leaders). The governor’s power to issue orders to the Commissioner of Police has proven ineffective due to federal override.

    Legislative recommendations to address loopholes:  The National Assembly through constitutional amendment should create a dual policing system (federal & state police), amend Sections 214–216 and the second schedule to allow states to establish their own police forces. It should retain the federal police for inter-state crimes and national threats and ensure mechanisms for coordination between federal and state police.

    It should also clarify governor’s security role.

    Also amend Section 215(4) to remove the override by the president or minister, or to define specific scenarios where federal override is justified. Define “Chief Security Officer” in operational terms—giving governors full command over security within state boundaries unless overridden under a formal emergency.

    Establish State Security Trust Funds: Allow states to establish secure funds to support their police forces, subject to National Assembly guidelines for accountability.

    State legislatures (pending national reform) can formalize local vigilante groups; establish and regulate community or regional security corps under clear laws, as was done in Amotekun (Southwest) and Ebubeagu (Southeast), while lobbying for federal recognition.

    The Benue State government in particular, can seek legislative framework for ad hoc security contrivances such as “Anyam Nyor”. They can collaborate with other states for zonal security, forge inter-state security compacts under Sections 5 and 8 of the Constitution, with federal concurrence and institutionalize civil-military liaison offices, including state-level liaison frameworks for engaging the military and police more effectively.

    The disjuncture between responsibility and authority in Nigeria’s security architecture is a constitutional defect. Benue State’s tragic security history shows how dangerous this defect can be.

    A restructured constitutional framework is essential, and while awaiting national reforms, state-based innovations like legalizing and regulating local enforcement bodies and lobbying through the Nigerian Governors’ Forum can offer temporary relief.

    •Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba, Admiralty University of Nigeria, Ibusa, Delta State.

  • A misplaced missive

    A misplaced missive

    • By Ike Willie-Nwobu

    Sir: The Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Abubakar III, recently described social media as a terrorist organization. The sweeping remarks from one of Nigeria’s most important religious leaders serves up scrutiny on a space that has become as invasive as it is inventive. However, in a country where terrorist organizations are springing up almost daily with terrorists driving communities and families to the edge, to cloth anyone or anything with the cloak of terrorism is not to be taken lightly at all.

    Since social media swept into Nigeria on the back of the digital revolution kick-started by digital communication technologies, countless lives have been changed beyond recognition. The advent and advancement of digital platforms like Facebook, X (formerly known as Twitter) have opened unprecedented channels of communication, boosting relationships and business beyond measure. In bridging communication gaps, diluting distance and disadvantage and making access possible, social media has been an improbable gift.

    But, beyond the game-changing effect of social media on business and the global economy, it is on democracy, especially on citizens’ participation in government that social media has had its greatest impact until date. Citizens who had very little access to expressing themselves through mainstream media have embraced the endless possibilities of social media to find their voice and express themselves.

    This has seen social media become a powerful meeting point for citizens who were hitherto shut out of traditional media. This has meant more participation from citizens in public life, more awareness.

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    Expectedly, given the sharp rise of access to social media, the rapid and rabid demand for accountability from citizens on their government has only increased with social media powerfully empowering people all over the world to create awareness and demand accountability and transparency from those who serve them in government.

    In a world where most governments leave much to be decided in the way they mix the poverty of their ideas with overwhelming apathy, social media has become a powerful tool.

    Why does the Sultan feel so much animosity towards social media? Would he rather Nigerians are unable to express themselves because the more traditional means of self-expression have been hijacked?  Social media is not a terrorist organization. It has done a lot of good in the world today even if it has not all been a force for good. Just as it has provided ample opportunities for people to express themselves, it has also given rise to unscrupulous elements who do not mind the disintegration of society as it is. This makes it imperative that some form of leash be kept on social media.

    But maximum care must be exercised not to make the leash too tight so as to erode the opportunities offered by the space.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,

    Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • On fresh calls for state police

    On fresh calls for state police

    • By Okechukwu Ukegbu

    Sir: Recent upsurge in killings in Plateau and Benue states have again brought the age-long clamour for a state policing arrangement to the front burner. This is Nigeria; we always forget about the crucial pains associated with the wound as soon as the wound heals. This mind-set has been our anathema, and has exposed us to our usual fire-brigade approaches in tackling critical issues, especially security.

    According to Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, the senate is working on putting a framework to the idea. Also, the agenda is expected to assume a prominent space in the National Economic Council (NEC).

    It should be recalled that during the last December meeting of the NEC, it was announced that all 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) had indicated readiness to embrace state police. Unfortunately and against the expectations of Nigerians, NEC’s February meeting – the only one so far this year – did not discuss state police – at least not on the communiqué released to the media. That is to show the level of our inconsistency and policy somersault.

    But does a state police arrangement possess the magic wand to address the security challenges? No! The factors militating against the present police structure are handy to militate against the state police arrangement, or even make it still-birth.

    Several efforts have been deployed to ensure that effective policing is instituted in Nigeria. Part of the problems of policing in the country is that the rural centres are not adequately policed and this has led to such initiative as community policing, or what in another parlance is the neighbourhood watch.

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    Policing in Nigeria has been militated against by several factors such inadequate manpower, funding, logistics problems and provision of ammunitions to help fight crime.

    Notably, the police-civilian ratio is nothing to write home about and grossly falls short of the United Nations standard. Ironically, the police, by deploying part of its limited manpower to secure Very Important Personalities (VIPs) in the society, at the end of which many become errand elements in the hand of these personalities, mostly politicians, actually end up undermining the institution.

    Indeed, inefficient policing has led to the design of several approaches to mitigate it or proffer solutions that have been elusive. We have seen several police reform efforts to address issues of training and retraining, inadequate manpower, faulty recruitment process, poor and inhuman welfare – all of which have constituted the albatross of the Nigeria Police Force. Yet, the reforms have ended up as mere paper presentations without adequate or implementable frameworks. Even the latest Police Trust Fund Act that was enacted to improve the welfare of the police and the Police Establishment Act 2020 which is seemingly an improved version of the previous legislations may end up not being implementable.

    Who says that the state police arrangement may not suffer the fate of the present police structure? Where is the guarantee of adequate funding? Who can ensure a transparent and standard recruitment process? Who can be certain that the state police structure will not be a willing tool in the hands of state governors to intimidate and harass real and perceived political opponents as witnessed in the present?

    Until these fears are allayed and the militating factors adequately addressed, the state police option will always remain a mirage and will only be realised in our imagination.

    •Okechukwu Ukegbu,

    <keshiafrica@gmail.com>

  • Electric Vehicles in Nigeria: Hype or Hope?

    Electric Vehicles in Nigeria: Hype or Hope?

    • By Babatunde Yusuf

    Sir: Over the past few years, electric vehicles (EVs) have taken the global auto industry by storm. In 2023 alone, over 14 million EVs were sold worldwide which accounts for nearly 18% of total car sales, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA). From America to China to many advanced countries and even some African countries, governments have been rolling out policies to phase out internal combustion engines and to promote cleaner alternatives. But in Nigeria, the conversation around EVs remains muted and this calls for serious concerns.

    Unlike other countries, our journey towards EVs adoption has barely begun. Although companies like Jet Motors and Stallion Group have introduced electric buses and sedans, but they’re not getting enough support which makes their market presence unyielding. Since EVs are programmed around charging, the charging infrastructure is also nearly non-existent.

    A 2022 report by the Nigerian Energy Support Programme showed that there are fewer than 10 public charging stations in the entire country, mostly concentrated in Lagos and Abuja. Imagine that for a country of over 220million population. Obviously that’s not enough to inspire consumer confidence.

    The economic argument for EVs is also challenging in Nigeria’s context. The average EV costs significantly more than the typical tokunbo (used) petrol car. Even with lower running costs, the upfront price is a barrier for most Nigerians. When over 60% of Nigerians live below the poverty line, and the average new car sells for over N15 million, the notion of buying an electric vehicle becomes implausible for the majority.

    Then there’s the issue of electricity itself. Nigeria suffers from chronic power shortages, with national grid electricity barely reaching 5,000MW for a population of over 220 million. National grid collapse, frequent blackouts and unreliable supply make the idea of charging a vehicle at home seem far-fetched. Unless grid stability improves significantly, large-scale EV usage is not feasible.

    However, there are glimmers of hope. Nigeria has some of the largest lithium deposits in Africa – the key raw material for EV batteries. If properly harnessed, this could offer a strategic entry point into the EV supply chain. Countries like Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of Congo are already leveraging their mineral wealth to attract battery manufacturers. If the federal and state governments do not act swiftly, Nigeria risks missing out.

    Moreover, the federal government did announce in 2021 the National Automotive Industry Development Plan (NAIDP) 2021–2031, which includes incentives for EV manufacturing. But implementation has been slow. There is no clear roadmap, no dedicated EV policy framework, and no tax incentives for EV buyers or assemblers. Without these, private players have little motivation to invest.

    As for the environmental argument for EVs, well, that is compelling. Nigeria’s major cities like Lagos, Port Harcourt, and Kano suffer from rising air pollution, much of it from vehicle emissions. According to the World Health Organization, Lagos alone records particulate matter – PM2.5 levels, nearly seven times higher than recommended. Reducing fossil fuel vehicles could help improve urban air quality and public health, especially among low-income communities who live close to roads and traffic hubs.

    But if Nigeria is to make the shift, the conversation must move from symbolism to substance. Pilot programs are not enough. The federal and state governments must fund charging infrastructure, offer import duty waivers on EV components, and build technical capacity for EV maintenance and assembly. This requires coordinated action across energy, transport, and industrial sectors.

    •Babatunde Yusuf,

    Canada.

  • Awaiting trial inmates

    Awaiting trial inmates

    It’s an old issue that has refused to go away. “Overcrowding, no doubt, stands out as the most pressing challenge of the NCoS,” the Acting Controller-General of the Nigerian Correctional Service (NCoS), Sylvester Nwakuche, noted during an interactive session with field officers on January 13.  He said 48,932 inmates in the country’s correctional facilities were Awaiting Trial Persons (ATPs), many of them “on non-bailable offences.”

    He unveiled his plans to tackle the problem, saying, “I intend to interface with the attorney-general of the federation and minister of justice, the inspector-general of police, and other prosecuting-agencies and critical stakeholders to fast track the trial of these inmates. This is necessary, especially those on non-bailable offences like armed robbery, murder, and others that constitute over 60 percent of awaiting trial persons (ATPs).”

    He added: “While engaging state chief executives to expedite the trial of the over 90 percent state offenders in custody, the use of non-custodial measures and early release mechanisms will be taken up with the judiciary. We will also fast-track the construction of proposed 3,000-capacity ultramodern custodial facilities and other centres across the country.”

    Notably, Segun Olowookere, who controversially spent 14 years on death row before he was recently pardoned by Osun State Governor Ademola Adeleke, drew attention to prison conditions in the country in an interview published after his release.

    He was sentenced to death and life imprisonment for conspiracy to commit armed robbery and robbery with firearms, and to three years imprisonment for stealing. But the popular narrative that he was given a death sentence for stealing fowls ultimately led to pardon by the governor.  

    He was in Ilesa prison, Osun State, “throughout the trial of the case.” After the judgment, he was moved to Ibara Prison, Abeokuta, Ogun State. He was later moved to Kirikiri Maximum Prison in Lagos, in 2016.

     According to him, “The major challenge was congestion. There were too many people inside a limited space. Because of the population, 50 inmates would occupy a room that should naturally contain a maximum of 10 people. We sleep like fishes packed in a carton because everywhere is measured for us. As an inmate, a space is measured for you to sleep because of congestion.”

    •First published January 29, 2025 

  • Baseless campaign against democracy in Africa

    Baseless campaign against democracy in Africa

     Sir: Of recent, we have seen relentless assaults against democracy by some political elites in Africa. The arrowhead of the insidious propagation is the former president of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo. Before the resurgence of this futile campaign, Obasanjo was one time a critic of multi-party democracy. He had actually proposed a one-party dictatorship in one of his books.

    No doubt, there is truth in the saying that “a leopard never changes its spot”. Nigerians might recall that when Obasanjo was elected as president in the Fourth Republic, he ruled as an autocrat. Under him, Nigerians witnessed massive human rights abuses and high profile political assassinations like the cold blooded murder of the country’s attorney general, Chief Bola Ige. Nigerians will certainly not forget how he deployed troops to destroy Zaki Biam in Benue and Odi in Bayelsa states.

    Corruption under him was pervasive. His administration squandered billions of dollars in the name of power sector reform without commensurate results.  It is on record that his Minister of Works, Tony Anenih wasted over N300 billion without fixing the roads.

    Obasanjo removed party leaders, principal officers of the National Assembly, state governors and even local government chairmen at will! The last straw was his attempt to change the constitution to perpetuate himself in power like other African dictators.

    So, given this antecedent, it should be no surprise that he is now the drum major in the anti-democracy campaign.

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    However, contrary to the sordid lies being peddled by tyrants, democracy has roots in Africa. Take for example, the Igbo pre-colonial society. They operated a democratic system to the extent that all adult males in a village had a say in decision-making. Although they didn’t have a king as in other pre-colonial societies, their system was also characterized by separation of powers. And it is not only the Igbo society; there were many societies in Africa that practiced democracy before the coming of the colonisers.

    Of particular interest is that Obasanjo has, up till this moment, failed to proffer his alternative system.

    Surely, Obasanjo could not have been sincere because he was two times Nigeria’s president and so had the opportunity to experiment his ‘better’ system.  We know of what happened with Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere and his experimentation with the Ujaama governing philosophy. Years after, Tanzanians are still asking for electoral reform, multi-party democracy and liberalized economy. No signs of the remnants of Ujaama.

    The debate about suitability of democracy to Africa merely seeks to divert attention from our collective responsibility to hold leaders and citizens accountable. After all, it is so easy to forget that it is the people that operate a system.

    •Comrade Bishir Dauda Sabuwar,Unguwa Katsina.