The Nation Newspaper

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  • The missing links in Nigeria’s security setup

    The missing links in Nigeria’s security setup

    By Bolaji Oladimeji Kazeem

    The recent arrest of notorious armed robbery kingpin, John Samuel, in Epe, Lagos State, underscores the crucial role of surveillance in modern policing. Close Circuit Television (CCTV) footage showed Samuel shooting at victims before robbing them, proving once again how technology can make the difference between impunity and justice.

    This is not an isolated case. On January 14, 2021, CCTV cameras in Lekki captured a thief breaking into a home and carting away valuables from electronics to a car. Yet, in many parts of the country, crimes go unrecorded, unreported, and unanswered.

     Precisely, on September 23, gunmen riding 50 motorcycles attacked villages in Patigi Local Government Area of Kwara State. They killed a pregnant woman, abducted six others, and operated freely for four hours without resistance. Such incidents highlight the consequences of ungoverned spaces and delayed responses by security forces.

    Across the nation, criminals have become emboldened, ambushing security personnel and inflicting heavy losses. According to Daily Trust, at least 50 security operatives were killed in the last two weeks alone. Citizens cannot continue to live at the mercy of these attacks. Protection must extend to every Nigerian life, not just the elite.

     Why CCTV and drones matter

     Globally, CCTV installations and surveillance drones have proven vital in combating terrorism and organized crime. These technologies can deter crime by making offenders think twice when they know they are being watched. They identify suspects through recorded evidence and prevent attacks by enabling pre-emptive surveillance and swift response.

     A surveillance drone retrieves vital information from criminals hibernating in the forest, mountain, and savannah areas, and further analysis would enable seamless arrest.

    The Tactical Armoured Patrol Vehicles (TAPV) can fulfil a variety of roles, offering superior safety and blast protection for the occupants against direct and indirect weapons, mines, and improvised explosive devices to protect personnel.

     Unfortunately, Nigeria still lags. Only a handful of states—Lagos, Edo, Oyo, and Akwa Ibom—have functional Command and Control centres, and coverage is far from state-wide. Drone deployment remains inadequate, leaving criminals free to exploit unmonitored areas.

    In the present digital age, criminals are becoming increasingly sophisticated in organized crime or cyber threats and rely on false identities to operate undetected. However, identity tracking is one of the most powerful tools at the disposal of the country that can monitor and verify individuals and reduce opportunities for crime.

    To be fair, government interventions have strengthened the Nigeria Police Force in recent years. The Nigeria Police Trust Fund (NPTF) has provided over 200 Buffalo patrol vehicles, protective vests, helmets, and renovated police stations and barracks. Between 2021 and 2025, the NPF also received 328 operational vehicles, thousands of ballistic vests, 50 Sudanese horses, and advanced training for over 10,000 personnel in counter-terrorism, cybercrime, and hostage negotiation.

    The Ministry of Police Affairs has added tactical vehicles, vests, and other equipment. These efforts reflect genuine commitment—but they are not enough to match the scale of Nigeria’s security challenges.

    A mere trip through roads from Abuja to Sokoto, Lagos, and Calabar manifests the contribution of the Nigeria Police Trust Fund through the buffalo patrol vehicles on our highways in Nigeria. Also, reflecting is renovation of barracks and new pilot smart divisional police stations in Mpape–Abuja, Akaeze–Ebonyi, Ekinrin-Adde–Kogi, renovation of 57 police stations and 14 barracks across the country.

    The way forward for a meaningful change, Nigeria must:

    a. Expand CCTV coverage across states and local governments.

    b. Deploy surveillance and attack drones mounted on Tactical Armoured Patrol Vehicles (TAPVs), to enable proactive operations in forests, mountains, and highways without resorting to endless roadblocks.

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    c. Equip Divisional Police Stations with advanced gear for pre-emptive action.

    d. Integrate identity technologies such as the Nigeria Police Crime and Incident Database Centre (NPCIDB), WAPIS, and Interpol i24/7 for tracking false identities and cyber threats.

    e. Promote collective security by partnering with the federal, state, and local governments, the private sector, and citizens to install cameras in public places and areas without governance.

    As Nigeria pursues the devolution of powers to local governments, especially financial autonomy, it must accompany this with the empowerment of local government chairmen to take responsibility for security in their domains and the improvement of the capacity of Divisional Police Stations to be accountable in the discharge of their responsibilities.

    All criminals in the country must be on the run from the continuous onslaught of the well-kitted security personnel backed up with deployable surveillance and attack drones mounted on Tactical Armoured Patrol Vehicles (TAPVs) simultaneously in the states in the country to curb the migration of criminals.

     In conclusion, Nigeria has the manpower and the will, but it lacks the surveillance infrastructure to stay ahead of criminals. Investing in CCTV, drones, and modern command centres is no longer optional—it is urgent. The time has come for all tiers of government to work together, patronize local manufacturers of Tactical Armoured Patrol Vehicles, and empower our police with the tools they need to deliver Renewed Hope Policing.

    •Kazeem writes from Ministry of Police Affairs, Abuja.

  • Sommie: Who’ll save us from blood-thirsty gangsters?

    Sommie: Who’ll save us from blood-thirsty gangsters?

    By Ehi Braimah

    In the wee hours of September 29, Nigeria lost Somtochukwu Christelle Maduagwu, a talented journalist, model, lawyer and shining star during an armed robbery attack at her residence in the Kamtape area of Abuja. Sommie, as she was fondly called by family, friends, colleagues and her admirers, was a victim of an egregious and gruesome attack on residents who were helpless and had their hearts in their mouths.

    At such moments, you are afraid, worried, and not sure how violent the attackers would be. Families stay huddled together, praying and anticipating the worst-case scenario. Those fearful and traumatic moments are worse than death itself. Sommie died, not by the slow grind of economic hardship, but by the animal boldness of a blood-thirsty and murdering gang that will never know peace.

    The 29-year-old Arise TV news anchor was a multi-faceted individual who made a name for herself in various fields. Sommie who was a warm and vibrant personality did not die from bullet wounds as early reports suggested. She died because terror itself cornered her. That night, armed robbers stormed her apartment complex, moving from flat to flat like a hunting pack, stripping residents of money, phones and dignity.

    Frantic calls to the police rang unanswered. As the intruders closed in, Sommie, unsure of what would happen next, made a desperate bid to save herself. According to the latest account narrated by her obviously distressed colleague, Ojy Okpe, on The Morning Show on Arise News, she jumped from her window. The fall proved fatal.

    It was not surprising that Okpe betrayed her emotions as she recounted the events. The Arise News family was thrown into an unexpected grief and deep mourning, followed by tributes from the high and mighty which has become a tradition. These are the same people who should use their positions and access to privileges to improve the quality of our lives.

    During the programme, I sent a message to Reuben Abati, the lead anchor. “I don’t know Sommie, but her untimely death is a personal tragedy,” I told Abati. “Her dreams have been suddenly cut short, family ties broken forever. How low have we become in this country?”

    Her death is not an isolated tragedy. It is the latest entry in a grim national ledger written in blood. Nigeria is being held hostage by criminals of various hues, stalking our homes, streets and, too often, our dreams. What can we do differently as a way out of the encircling gloom of insecurity? Are state and community policing options to be considered? It looks like it is now every man for himself.

    Sommie’s story is heartbreakingly familiar. She was a lawyer by training and a journalist by conviction; a young woman who had returned from the UK not to flee Nigeria’s chaos but to help mend it as a TV news anchor, producer and reporter. She advocated for social justice, particularly on issues like gender-based violence and education reform. Studying law aligned with her passion for social justice and public service.

    Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory, was designed to be a secure centre of power and governance. Instead, the city is turning into a hunting ground for marauders.

    The FCT Police Command described the incident as “cruel and senseless” and promised to deploy tactical teams and intelligence units. Yet, words mean little when people die, and response times are counted in hours rather than in minutes.

    Residents say the robbers operated without fear of interruption. Tenants barricaded themselves indoors while help failed to arrive. A young journalist’s life ended not for lack of courage, but because the state that owed her protection was absent.

    This insecurity is no longer confined to remote villages. It stalks urban centres from Lagos to Abuja. The men who terrorise neighbourhoods are by-products of an economy that excludes millions who are poor, a collapsed education system and a healthcare and social welfare system that exists mostly on paper.

    If a 29-year-old forward-looking professional, highly educated, visible and engaged in public life cannot find safety in her own home, what hope is left for ordinary citizens? Sommie would have 30 years old on December 26.

    The beauty queen now joins a sorrowful roll-call: Okezie Nwokocha, a tech innovator shot in his sleep; Chinelo, the young emigrant whose journey to a better life was cut short, and many others whose names are reduced to mere statistics. These are not random tragedies – they are the symptoms of a failing state where the powerful offer condolences on television while families grieve in silence.

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    Nigerians can no longer rely on prayers and promises. We must demand accountability with the same force that Sommie brought to her reporting. The lorry-loads of tributes by government officials are empathetic, but they are not enough to solve our embarrassing security challenges.

    To her colleagues at Arise News, Sommie was more than a pearl and bright presenter. She was a reminder that journalism, at its best, stands against darkness, oppression, corruption, and bad leadership. A bright star was dimmed in the journalism firmament – just like that. Every form of death is painful, but Sommie was not sick. Her death is deeply painful and completely heart-breaking. Her passing leaves searing questions: Who will save us? Are we safe?

    Answers to these questions must begin with citizens insisting on protection of life and property, with communities practicing vigilance and shinning their eyes. Our political elite and those in authority must be willing to take full responsibility for security lapses and confront the blood on their hands.

    We have reported cases of kidnappers and unknown gunmen wreaking havoc across the entire length and breadth of the country, unrestrained. But it shouldn’t be so; we should feel safe at all times of the day – whether at home, in the work place or on the road.

    Sommie’s voice may be gone, but the fire she lit against impunity and bad behaviour without consequences must not die; let the glow constantly remind us of our immortality.

    •Braimah is a public relations specialist, marketing strategist and media entrepreneur.

  • Food for thought for Northern Nigeria

    Food for thought for Northern Nigeria

    By Uba Sani

    “Woe betide a society whereby their dead leaders are better than their leaders that are alive” … Dr. Yusuf Maitama Sule CFR, the Late Dan Masanin Kano, and Former Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations

    For the record, I am from Northern Nigeria, a Muslim, and a patriot of Nigeria. I am currently not a member of any political party. However, I am worried that our narratives and posturing as northerners will not change our collective situation for good unless we tell ourselves the truth and take the necessary actions.

     By the way, while I am talking about northern Nigeria, the people from other regions in Nigeria should also take my message as a mirror for their regions, so that they can also make progress. Because we all have similar tendencies.

     The Crux of the Issues.

    It is proper and very important for interest groups of northern Nigeria, like other regional, ethnic, and religious groups in Nigeria, to continue advocating for good governance and pushing for more equitable leadership and representation at the federal level, while keeping the fee of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to fire.  

     However, in my view, the issues bedeviling northern Nigeria and the actual solutions will depend on how we, the northern elites and establishment, view the issues, our sincerity of purpose, and the actions that we take to address them. The root causes of most of the challenges facing Northern Nigeria are more regional and local than federal. Therefore, we must refocus, expand our vision, and change our mindsets if there is to be any hope of redemption, growth, and development. 

    Living in denial and blaming trade will only complicate and exacerbate our situations. The combined ticking time bombs of tribalism, ethnic jingoism, religious extremism, religious bigotry, hypocrisy, poverty, jealousy and envy, greed, hatred, erosion of our core values, corruption, etc., are part of the multi-dimensional issues that we must address as our realities. Indeed, we must also accept that the issues are mostly self-inflicted, either deliberately or inadvertently.

    Consequently, political grandstanding and gaslighting will not help us but only make our matters worse. The population growth rate of northern Nigeria, the preponderance of out-of-school children, rising unemployment, youth restiveness, rising social vices, insecurity, etc., in northern Nigeria reflect our dire situation, which calls for sincere and sober reflections. Without decisive actions to contain the ugly trends rather than blaming trade, we will be doomed.

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     Some questions for all of us who are Nigerians from the northern region are as follows:

    Having produced the highest number of Presidents and Heads of State in Nigeria, and having been key stakeholders in the political evolution of this country, how many banks are owned by northern Nigerians? How many media houses are owned by northern Nigerians? How many manufacturing plants, or factories, are owned by northern Nigerians, apart from Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Alhaji Abdulsamad Isyaku Rabiu, and a few others? How many industries or factories in Nigeria are operated or managed by northern Nigerians? How many of the former State Governors of northern Nigeria have even a “pure water” factory where they have employed 10 people? How many of all former State governors of northern Nigeria, former and serving Senators, and Members of the House of Representatives are actually employing people or that actually have scholarship programs/systems whereby they are supporting children from their constituencies, with their own money, or the money they have taken from us? How many of us own or are managing (at top level) the insurance companies, and other private financial institutions, corporate organizations, apart from the Non-Executive Directorships that we are occasionally given, to give a semblance of national outlook for Companies that are owned majorly by southern Nigerians in which we have no real stake, etc.? These are the critical indicators that will tell us whether we are moving in the right direction or not. Today, most of the masses in northern Nigeria are “on their own”, with no help from the elites.

     Most times, we, the elites, only speak out loudly when it comes to issues that directly affect us or our children, but not really for the common good. How did we allow our region to slide into the abyss of over 80 million out of over 133 million multi-dimensionally poor Nigerians? Are these issues entirely the fault of a President, i.e., President Olusegun Obasanjo, President Umar Musa Yar’Adua, President Goodluck Jonathan, President Muhammadu Buhari, or the incumbent President Bola Ahmed Tinubu? Why do we have to shout all the time about issues that we are also responsible for? For example, we have a situation whereby a former northern State governor, who was a governor maybe 15 years ago, has become a glorified personal assistant to a current state governor. This speaks volumes to how we are making progress as northern Nigerians, or as Nigeria in general, because, by the way, this is not just a northern Nigeria issue.

     Certainly, if we are able to speak truths to ourselves, we may start moving in the right direction. Most of our leaders block their ears, close their eyes when they are in power, whether as Presidents, Vice Presidents, State Governors, Deputy Governors, Federal and State legislators, Judges, Chief Executives, Civil Servants, etc., but they shamelessly become “latter-day activists” when they leave office, having failed to deliver good governance during their tenures. It is time that we, the people of Northern Nigeria, start calling out such leaders.

    For the past 65 years in Nigeria, from independence to date, in every administration, northern Nigerians have been given the opportunity to lead or to serve. Whether the number is enough or not is not the issue. Recently, the late President Muhammadu Buhari was the President for eight years. How did our northern leaders, who were given the opportunities, perform? How did they change the fortunes of northern Nigeria within those eight years? Not long ago, during the tenure of President Goodluck Jonathan, most of the top government officials who were found blameful or responsible for the diversion of the funds that were appropriated and disbursed for the procurement of weapons to fight terrorism were from Northern Nigeria. They were found to be in cahoots with misappropriating money that was meant to save/ protect their people, other Nigerians, and residents from being looted, kidnapped, raped, maimed, and killed daily in thousands. What This is the height of wickedness! Shame! What did the northern elders, elites, or citizens do, or what are they doing to stop these menaces and evil tendencies of self-service?

     Currently, the two Ministers of Defense, two Ministers of Agriculture, the Coordinating Minister of Health, Minister of Information, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Transport, the National Security Adviser, etc., are from northern Nigeria. It does not matter what political party is in power at the federal level; we always have a significant share of power and the highest number of representatives in the power dynamics of Nigeria.  Therefore, what should matter is how we perform and how we utilize the opportunities.

    Self-Service OR Sincere Agitation?

    For instance, months into the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, there was agitation by the Northern elites that there was a plan by the administration to sack northerners from CBN, etc., when 70% of the children in the CBN are our children, i.e., children of the elites. What about the children of Shoe shiners or peasant farmers, etc? Are we addressing the issues of almost 70% of our public primary and secondary schools that are dilapidated, with our children that sit on bare floors, in open areas? How about the teeming Almajiris that we maltreat? Is that the responsibility of the federal government? We all know that the State governments are primarily responsible for primary and secondary schools’ education, and yet we have over 10 million children and youngsters out of school. How are we, the elites, also speaking truth to our state governors to ensure that they do the needful? So, these are the posers for us to address as Northern Nigerians.

     Moreover, 70% of the leaders from North and indeed from Southern Nigeria came from humble backgrounds. But most of them forget where they come from, only when they need their votes. The fact is that about 60 or 50 years ago, they were given opportunities by leaders like Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, etc., and yet most of them have abandoned their people. Most of them were like the Almajiris of today, and yet they were given those opportunities to excel and become leaders in their Country.  Now, all they think of is themselves and their children. Yet here we are blaming all our woes on any President who is in power.

    Therefore, I urge our political, religious, traditional leaders, top leaders, intellectuals, and the entire elites to have a moment of introspection.

    In the subsequent episode, I will continue expounding on the issues bedeviling northern Nigeria and how I think we should best address them.

  • Tinubu’s reforms: Between bitter medicine and national survival

    Tinubu’s reforms: Between bitter medicine and national survival

    By TJ Ishola

    There is a question on the lips of many Nigerians today, whispered in market stalls, muttered in traffic jams, debated in beer parlours, and sighed in private living rooms: “Is life better now than it was two years ago?”

    The instinctive answer is quick, sharp, and unanimous — no. But the danger is not in the answer itself; it is in the very question. For the question carries within it a fatal illusion — that if nothing had changed, if the nation had clung tightly to the status quo of May 2023, then life today would be as it was then. It presumes that the price of a litre of petrol would have stood still, that the cost of rice would have remained steady, and that the exchange rate would have stayed calm like a placid river. But reality is not a stagnant pond; it is a restless tide. And the Nigeria of 2023 was not a pond at all — it was a raging whirlpool pulling the nation downwards.

    A nation on the edge of ruin

    Let us peel back the calendar to those days of May 2023. The nation was like a fevered patient trembling on a hospital bed, pulse weak, breathing shallow. The economy was already gasping, the naira wheezing under the burden of reckless printing. Over N30 trillion had been conjured out of thin air, not to build, not to innovate, but simply to spend. Inflation was not creeping — it was galloping, trampling the poor first, then reaching hungrily for the middle class.

    Federal revenue was no better. Ninety-seven percent of it was devoured by debt servicing. Imagine a man earning N100 and handing N97 of it to creditors, then borrowing again at usurious rates just to pay his children’s school fees and buy garri for the house. That was Nigeria.

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    The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), once envisioned as a fountain of national wealth, had become a bottomless pit. Royalties meant for the federation account were poured into the subsidy fire. Petroleum Profit Tax, that should have funded hospitals and roads, was rerouted into the same inferno. And when even these sacrifices failed, the unimaginable occurred — the future itself was mortgaged. Barrels of oil not yet drilled were pledged as collateral, borrowed against at double-digit interest, just so the nation could continue drinking the sweet poison of subsidised petrol.

    By then, Nigeria could truly boast of no more than 200,000 unencumbered barrels of oil a day. A thin margin, thinner than a razor’s edge, hardly enough to keep the economy alive for half a year.

    Had this reckless indulgence continued, by the close of 2023 the nation would have faced its own Sri Lanka moment — citizens clutching naira notes like useless leaves, praying in vain for a single litre of fuel. Petrol stations would have been graveyards of silence, their pumps like broken ribs sticking out of a collapsed chest. Commerce would have stuttered to a halt. And all the hopes of a Dangote refinery would have been nothing more than a mirage in the desert.

    Nigeria was not on the road to comfort; it was on the brink of collapse.

    The bitter medicine

    Then came reform — like a surgeon rushing in with a scalpel, knowing the operation will be painful, but also knowing that without it the patient will surely die. Subsidy was removed. Exchange rates were adjusted. Fiscal tightening was introduced. It was bitter medicine, yes, but medicine nonetheless.

    The nation groaned. Prices rose. Families tightened their belts to the last hole. Businesses cried out. But the truth remains: this is the agony of treatment, not the convulsion of death. It is the fire of purification, not the ashes of ruin. Without reform, Nigeria would not be in harder times before better times; it would already be in hardest times with no tomorrow to speak of.

    Achievements amidst the storm

    It is easy to forget, amid the storm, that there are seeds already being planted. Infrastructure is stirring again. Roads, railways, and bridges are not built in a day, but the Lagos-Calabar coastal highway now stretches like a ribbon of hope across the map. Each kilometre laid is not just tar; it is a stitch in the torn fabric of regional development.

    The digital economy hums with new promise. Tech investments and fintech innovations are beginning to sketch the outlines of a future where Nigeria is not merely Africa’s consumer market, but its technological heartbeat.

    Foreign investment is trickling back. Those who fled in distrust are returning, cautious but curious, like birds watching the sky after a storm. Pledges of capital, promises of factories, new diplomatic engagements — these are the ripples that may one day swell into waves.

    Food security is back on the agenda. Efforts to boost local agriculture, to arm smallholder farmers with tools and credit may yet reduce the humiliating dependence on imported staples. The farmer’s hoe, sharpened with policy, could become the nation’s shield against hunger.

    These do not yet soften the bite of inflation in the market. The woman counting tomatoes still sighs. The taxi driver still winces at the pump. But the scaffolding of a stronger economy is being erected, piece by piece, even if the house is not yet habitable.

    The distraction

    And yet, while the patient struggles through recovery, some prefer to debate the doctor’s childhood. Did he attend primary school? Who were his classmates? Why has he not named them one by one? Why has he not gone to court?

    Such arguments are smoke while the house is on fire. They are shadows dancing on the wall while the real battle rages outside.

    History does not record Roosevelt’s classmates; it remembers how he steered America through the Depression. No one asks Lee Kuan Yew to name his first teacher; they remember the Singapore he built from swamp to skyline. Leadership is not a roll call of old schoolmates. It is a ledger of results.

    Certificates are paper; governance is iron. And the iron question before us is not did he attend this or that school, but is he performing or not?

    Tinubu has chosen not to waste his breath on distractions. He has fixed his gaze on the mountain ahead, rather than turning to chase every barking dog on the roadside. A mute man in the marketplace may seem weak, but sometimes silence is the loudest declaration: I am busy with what matters.

    Between anger and understanding

    Nigerians are justly angry. Anger rises from the empty wallet, from the landlord’s knock, from the hungry child. But anger, if it must burn, should burn in the right direction. It should not be misdirected at personalities, or swallowed by conspiracy theories, or squandered in nostalgia for the subsidy days. Those “cheap” days were not days of blessing; they were days of deceit, when the nation’s lifeblood was drained behind a mask of temporary relief.

    To demand their return is to beg for national suicide — a slow, sweet death disguised as comfort.

    The long road

    Nigeria today is walking through a narrow valley. The road is rough, the sun scorching and the burden heavy. Many stumble. Many curse. But the truth is stark: without reform, there would be no road at all — only a cliff edge and a plunge into ruin.

    The task of leadership is not to make today painless; it is to make tomorrow possible. Tinubu’s reforms are not a lullaby; they are a bugle call. They do not promise instant comfort; they promise survival first, stability next, prosperity later.

    We stand, therefore, between pain and progress. And while the storms roar and the journey bruises our feet, storms eventually clear the skies, and valleys eventually lead to mountaintops.

    The real question is not about certificates tucked away in some drawer of the past. The real question is simple, urgent, unromantic: is Nigeria being steered away from collapse?

    And the answer, however grudging, however painful, is yes.

    • Ishola writes from United Kingdom.

  • Nigeria at 65: From sovereignty to global influence

    Nigeria at 65: From sovereignty to global influence

    By Ademola Oshodi

    On October 1, 1960, the Union Jack was lowered and the green-white-green rose for the first time at Tafawa Balewa Square. That moment marked Nigeria’s entry into self-rule. Sixty-five years later, the flag still waves, but the meaning of independence continues to evolve. The challenge before us is not whether Nigeria is free, but whether that freedom is being translated into prosperity, stability, and global influence. Independence at 65 calls for converting resilience into leadership and collective ambition into measurable progress.

    Nigeria has grown into Africa’s most populous country, with more than 220 million citizens, projected to exceed 400 million by 2050. One in every 20 people on earth will soon be Nigerian. This scale already carries global weight. Nollywood and Afrobeats dominate global culture, while the diaspora sent home more than $20.93 billion in 2024, boosting foreign reserves to $40.19 billion and producing a balance of payments surplus of $6.83 billion. In some years, remittances have outpaced foreign direct investment. These flows of talent, capital, and creativity reflect a nation with deep reserves of possibility.

    The world Nigeria faces today is not the world of 1960. Independence once meant reclaiming political control. In 2025, it requires the ability to compete and negotiate in a global order shaped by shifting power blocs, climate pressures, and technological disruption. The task is to convert size into strategy, proximity into power, and diaspora into deal-flow. Nigeria must use its scale to set agendas in ECOWAS and the African Union, while engaging as an equal with partners across the Atlantic, Europe, Asia, and the Gulf.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has already moved in this direction. His leadership at the ECOWAS Summit and his presence at platforms such as the G20 and BRICS reflect a commitment to positioning Nigeria as both a regional anchor and a global player. Independence today requires the confidence to diversify financing, build resilient supply chains, and capture greater value from trade, energy, and technology. That calls for patient capital, functioning markets, and disciplined execution.

    Reforms already underway lay the groundwork. The removal of the petrol subsidy in 2023 corrected a distortion that consumed close to two percent of GDP annually. According to the World Bank, that percentage was larger than the country’s combined spending on health and education. Redirecting those resources allows investment in infrastructure, social protection, and fiscal stability. Exchange rate unification and reforms in the foreign exchange market have restored transparency, while monetary tightening through 2024 slowed inflation. The September rate cut, the first in five years, reflected renewed confidence in price stability and created certainty for investors.

    Energy, infrastructure, and trade form the backbone of renewal. Nigeria’s over 200 trillion cubic feet of proven gas reserves can power industries and households while advancing Africa’s energy transition. The Electricity Act empowers states and private investors to drive competition in power generation and distribution. Infrastructure upgrades are reducing costs, opening markets, and linking communities, while public-private partnerships are delivering modern roads, rail lines, and airports.

    Trade integration holds even greater promise. The African Continental Free Trade Area could lift 30 million Africans out of poverty by 2035, according to the World Bank. Nigeria’s path lies in efficient ports, modernised customs, and functional transport networks that make Lagos, Kano, and Port Harcourt continental trade hubs.

    Security remains the foundation of all progress. Safe highways and secure communities attract investment and restore confidence. Nigeria’s security strategy must strengthen local intelligence, mobility, and accountability, while using technology to anticipate threats. Stability creates the breathing space for reforms to take root, while jobs and enterprise address the long-term causes of insecurity.

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    Nigeria’s greatest strength remains its people. The median age of 18 signals a youthful population capable of transforming the economy if given the right tools. The administration has prioritised job creation through MSME support, digital innovation, and vocational training. The Nigeria Start-up Act and targeted youth programmes are helping to channel creativity into enterprise. Over 90 percent of Nigerians work in the informal sector. Expanding access to finance, encouraging formalisation, and integrating small enterprises into value chains can turn daily hustle into sustainable business.

    The diaspora multiplies Nigeria’s influence. Beyond remittances, doctors, engineers, entrepreneurs, and artists project Nigerian excellence globally. The proposed $10 billion Diaspora Fund aims to channel these inflows into infrastructure, healthcare, education, and SMEs, turning remittances into engines of national transformation.

    Independence today must also be understood in terms of interdependence. Sovereignty is no longer measured by isolation but by how effectively a nation translates domestic strength into diplomatic capital. Nigeria has taken up this role. At BRICS, it voiced Africa’s demand for fairer terms in global trade and finance. In ECOWAS, it continues to argue for regional unity as the strongest defence against coups and authoritarian backsliding. At the United Nations, it has pressed for Africa’s right to permanent representation on the Security Council. These engagements demonstrate that Nigeria’s independence is sustained through active global participation.

    At 65, Nigeria stands at a turning point. The promise of independence was always to build a strong, democratic, and inclusive nation. That promise remains alive. Nigeria’s democracy, despite its imperfections, endures as a regional anchor in West Africa, where military takeovers in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have unsettled stability. A democratic Nigeria signals that popular legitimacy, not force of arms, is the path to stability in Africa.

    Independence Day is a reminder of what was won in 1960 and what must be achieved in the decades ahead. The future requires a Nigeria that powers its industries, creates opportunities for its youth, and projects leadership across Africa and the world. Reforms at home, energy for growth, trade networks that connect to markets and diplomacy that commands respect are the tools for achieving this future.

    Nigeria at 65 carries the responsibility of turning sovereignty into prosperity and interdependence into influence. The flag that rose at Tafawa Balewa Square remains a symbol of freedom. The challenge now is to ensure that freedom produces a nation that is secure, prosperous, and globally respected.

    •Oshodi is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Foreign Affairs and Protocol.

  • Between Amazon, Meta and Nigeria

    Between Amazon, Meta and Nigeria

    • By Solomon Oloruntoba

    It was with mixed feelings that I received the recent report of a heavy fine imposed on Amazon over a business practice infraction. After a two-year legal tango, the American online shopping giant was ordered by a U.S. court to pay a historic $2.5 billion settlement with the Federal Trade Commission (FTC).

    Amazon was accused in 2023 of tricking consumers into signing up for its Prime subscription service and then made it hard to cancel.

    It was established that Amazon used sophisticated subscription traps designed to manipulate consumers into enrolling in Prime, and then made it exceedingly hard for consumers to end their subscription.

    For this, Amazon is required to pay a $1 billion civil penalty and provide another $1.5 billion in refunds to an estimated 35 million customers that were “harmed by their deceptive Prime enrolment practices”.

    Not only did Amazon obey, it quickly unveiled remedial steps it was taking to be compliant with FTC rules. These include “clear and conspicuous disclosures” about the terms of Prime during enrolment process and the “easy ways” to cancel the programme.

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    For me, what is quite striking is the willingness shown by Amazon to obey the judgement and make restitution without any drama. Its response is consistent with the usual practice of corporates in the U.S. which clearly demonstrates a submission to the rule of law. This is unlike what happens elsewhere, particularly in Africa where these big corporate players behave like outlaws and often resort to all manner of dirty tactics to either stall or compromise judicial process in their respective country of operation. Sadly, they often engage indigenous lawyers without any form of patriotism to undermine their own fatherland.

    The example of Amazon only reminds of the contrast of Meta found guilty of corporate atrocities in a place like Nigeria. With its footprints and fingerprints in many courts across the world, Meta can, in fact, rightly be described today as a serial international offender, often motivated by a carnal desire to maximise profit at the expense of the law.

    Only in April here in Nigeria, many will recall that Meta was found guilty of heinous breaches including trading with the personal data of millions of unsuspecting Nigerians who use their platforms — Facebook and WhatsApp. The case was brought against them by Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC), Nigeria’s equivalent of U.S. FTC.

    The fine imposed on Meta in April by the Nigerian tribunal was $220m, with June set as deadline for payment to the federal government.

    Earlier in 2024, FCCPC had imposed the fine after due forensic investigation. But typically, Meta thumbed its nose in contempt. It filed an appeal at the tribunal. It took a whole year for the tribunal to review FCCPC’ argument and Meta’s defence before upholding the former.

    But no sooner had the judgement been delivered than Meta arrogantly threatened to quit Nigeria, as if it was doing its Nigerian clients a favour. Of course, everyone knew it was all a bluff of a corporate Shylock caught pants down. Apparently realising how futile that was, Meta later resorted to the usual tactic to stall the wheel of justice: file a notice of appeal. Sadly, six months later, we have not heard anything about the case again.

    But this is not how Meta behaves back home in America. In 2024, it was fined $1.4b in Texas for the same offence it was asked to pay a “chicken feed” of $220m in Nigeria by FCCPC. The Texas court established that Meta had unlawfully collected and used facial recognition data from millions of Texans without their consent, violating the state’s Capture or Use of Biometric Identifier Act (CUBI).

    Elsewhere in Europe, it was also asked to pay $1.3 billion for violating E.U. Data Privacy Rules. In India, South Korea, France and Australia, Meta had faced varying penalties for similar breaches.

    But note: wherever it was founded guilty of market abuse outside Africa, Meta promptly obeyed the order to make restitution. It never resorted to the cheap blackmail of threatening to exit those countries.

    It is the reason I believe every patriotic and proud Nigerian should be outraged by this seeming apartheid policy by Meta. In the 70s, 80s and early 90s, Nigerians didn’t take kindly with the Apartheid policy in South Africa. No justification, therefore, to stomach a similar insult by Meta. Good enough, there are viable alternatives now promoted by the Chinese. If Meta is not ready to play by the rules set by regulatory authorities in Nigeria like they do in other jurisdictions, they should pack their bags and go where their shenanigans will be tolerated.

    •Oloruntoba, a public affairs analyst, writes from Lagos.

  • Irony of ignorance in defence of democracy

    Irony of ignorance in defence of democracy

    • By Oseloka H. Obaze

    Nigeria is 65. She struggled for her independence, but never fought for it.  That has made all the difference in her appreciation of her nationalism, unity and democracy.  Also, Nigeria fought a civil war to stay united, but because the agonizing consequences of that war were not equally felt, the appreciation of the war’s underpinning value varies.

    The choice of Nigeria becoming a democracy was not one made by Nigerians. It was a convenient and not-so-hard choice made on their behalf by colonial masters.  As surmised by one writer, “Nigeria is a nation that insists on playing in the theatre of democracy, while the script is being written elsewhere.” Nigeria’s present ethnic composition, defaults respectively to the feudal, monarchical, and republican system. If Nigeria was predicated purely on linguistic and ethnic considerations, there would have been, perhaps, five nations: Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, Ijaw, and Fulani.  Other smaller ethnicities might have also qualified as confederations. Efik-Ibibio would be one such nomenclature.

    Because some things only happen in Nigeria, the nation is what it is, by expedient experimental foreign design.  That is the stark reality. A corollary, is that in Nigeria, the defence of democracy or lack thereof, is quite often driven her fractured nature, systemic ethnic biases and by the ever-present irony of ignorance. Oftentimes, these ironies border on political idiocy.  Nigeria is a perfect case study of a nation that has experienced colonial rule, self-rule, authoritarianism, military anti-politics and a dual subset of participatory democracy; as a parliamentary system and now, a presidential system.

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    The debate about Nigeria’s trajectory as a united nation has always been animated. Historically, Nigeria has tethered on the brink, but hardly ever reaching the tipping point. The presumptive basis for consolidated nation building has been dissected in all forms and manner, usually under the rubric of restructuring.  Not even the Aristotelian dictate that emphasizes equality amongst equals and proportionality amongst the unequal seems to have helped.

    As a nation of over 250 languages, with many ethnic groups and a surfeit of minorities, the dominant Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo tribes (WAZOBIA), have held the leadership sway since her independence in 1960. Yet, as unlikely as it seemed, by a twist of natural attrition and constitutional fiat, a member of a minority tribe, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, fortuitously led the nation as president in the Fourth Republic.

    Yet, discussing past, present, and future of democracy in Nigeria inevitably yields mixed results. Why? Because Nigerians covet democracy, but seem incapable of living up to its ideals. Some now even consider the military era, as more constructive, productive and cost-effective in developmental terms. Perhaps, democracy in Nigeria calls for putting new eyes on old ideas and controversies that hobble the nation.

    The practice of democracy in Nigeria tends to negate the concept “of government predicated on the principle that power should be vested in the people.” Also, democracy for Nigerians is no longer predicated on political beliefs as much as it’s driven by ethnic and social identities. Such identity paradox creates unending dissonance in democratic politics and governance. By extension, it amplifies Nigeria’s “growing distrust of and frustration with democracy.”  But then, Nigeria is not by any means the only nation where democracy has caused hyper-divisions in her political landscape.

    A recent op-ed I wrote elicited the following rebuttal from an octogenarian, who was born in pre-independent Nigeria, lived in Biafra and served in her army, and consequently served as a career Nigerian Foreign Service Officer, rising to the rank of ambassador.  His words:  “If this Nigeria doesn’t die, a rebirth of a new Nigeria might be a hoax.”  His perspective is Biblical and Botanical.

    Biblically, we read about destroying the temple and rebuilding it in three days, which for believers, is epitomized by the consequent death and rise of Jesus Christ.  Botanically, seeds die in order to regenerate and germinate and bring forth new plants and growth.  Another interlocutor asked: “How will Nigeria not die or be saved when Nigerians are afraid to die or even make sacrifices for the sake of saving her.” 

    These observations are beyond rhetoric. The debate about Nigeria’s fate and future tends to be schizophrenic: blunt and dodgy at the same time. Nigerians covet democracy but are unwilling to make sacrifices that underpin its efficacy, robustness and survival.

    The desirable quest for a New Nigeria is aimed at amplifying and consolidating her democracy, with its consequential rights, liberties and equality for all. The defence of democracy in Nigeria is all about finding common cause and equity in an egalitarian society.  Ironically, that quest is frequently subsumed and subjugated by the notion that democracy works well, only when a certain ethnicity is in charge. As such, various ethnicities are fixated on the notion that Nigeria only work well, if not better, under their leadership. Again, such ironical thoughts negate the fundamental notion that democracy is the government of the people by the people. Such ironies are born of ignorance or primordial considerations. 

    Meanwhile, governance experts have adduced three kinds of democracy: “Constitutional democracy – governed by a constitution. Defensive democracy – a democracy that limits some rights and freedoms in order to protect its existence. Deliberative democracy – in which authentic deliberation, not only voting, is central to legitimate decision making.”  Nigeria has dabbled, I believe, in the first two and now seeks to find her grounding in deliberative democracy. General Ibrahim Babangida unwittingly, foisted a defensive democracy on Nigeria, with a restricted two-party system inclined “a little bit to the left, and a little bit to the right.” That system flopped, courtesy of its originating dubious intent.

    Still, it should matter little, who leads a nation in a true and vibrant democracy, if the leaders abide strictly to the rule of law, and give primacy to respecting the constitution, its dictates and legitimate decision-making processes.  One of the beauties of democracy, is the holding of periodic, genuine and credible elections, in which the citizens decide who should rule them.  Voting and transparently electing who should rule in accordance with the extant laws, is a form of defence for any democracy.  Inherent in that process, is what ought to be the unfettered ability to vote out bad and underperforming leaders. Ironically, out of ignorance, miseducation, poor orientation, or blinkered bigotry, Nigeria’s voting population continue to default to ethnic considerations or financial inducement and other set of ironies predicated on ignorance.

    A major challenge dogging Nigeria’s present day democracy is the seeming inability of her leaders to abide by constitutional dictates and legitimate decision making processes.  Not only are constitutional rights eroded routinely, the pillars of any true democracy, the separation of powers are also holistically ignored. Above all, the core principle of making the people’s vote count has never been accorded priority, despite existing laws to that effect. It is this reality that has led to the endless quest for restructuring and electoral reform.

    However, because the culture of impunity and sectionalism has eaten every reform and restructuring strategy (apologies to Peter Drucker), change has remained elusive. It is the culture eating strategy that has technically, emasculated political opposition and weakened national democratic institutions. Today, Nigeria is not only insecure, physically, fiscally and psychologically, the nation is progressively on a lawless boil. This is what makes Nigeria an “undemocratic democracy.”

    Some Nigerians now advocate for a return to the parliamentary system. Their thesis is that the system ensures proportional representation in government based on votes won.  The objective is to overcome the prevailing myth of representation that is essentially lineal and skewed unapologetically in favour of the winning party. The attraction of this proposition, beyond its cost-effectiveness, is that it ensures opposition’s concerted role within and outside the government.  But it does not ensure the fealty of the system’s operators within and outside the corridors of power. It is this nexus between political idiocy and irony of ignorance, which quite often are fungible that compounds the lack of political will and shirking of sacrifices required for true nation building.

    Whereas our democracy has advanced in numerical years, it is stultified in concrete terms and still operationally nascent.  As such, Nigeria’s unchangeable past will consequentially instruct and define her unknowable future. Meanwhile, democracy is hard work.  We have to work hard at it.  But we can’t do so with the present cadre of political leaders, who are not only short-sighted, but utterly indifferent to the fundamentals ethos that undergird any sustainable democracy. Happy Independence!

    •Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

  • Ibadan – For President Tinubu, a homecoming and a resound of history

    Ibadan – For President Tinubu, a homecoming and a resound of history

    • By Sunday Dare

    On Friday, last week, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu turned his gaze south-westward to the sprawling city of Ibadan. Over two years since his assumption of office, this would be the president’s first berth in Ibadan, the political and spiritual capital of the Yoruba nation. Just as Kaduna spoke to his national reach the week before, Ibadan speaks to his Southwest base. It is a return not merely to a city, but to a crucible of Yoruba identity, politics, and destiny.

    Ibadan is no ordinary city. It is the heartbeat of Yoruba politics and identity, a vast urban sprawl steeped in tradition, intellect, and culture. Here, history drips from every corner — from Mapo Hall, where nationalist firebrands once roused the masses, to Cocoa House, the towering emblem of the Western Region’s prosperity and vision.

    Ibadan was the capital of the old Western Region, the epicentre of progressive leadership from where Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his contemporaries presided over the affairs of the region with revolutionary zeal and pioneered free education, agricultural revolutions, and industrial transformation. To the Yoruba, Ibadan is both fortress and fountain — a city where politics is born, nurtured, and projected onto the national stage.

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    It is into this arena of weighty symbolism that the president arrived to witness the crowning of Senator Rasheed Adewolu Ladoja as the 44th Olubadan of Ibadanland. The Olubadan stool is unlike any other in Yorubaland — a uniquely structured succession line that embodies the Yoruba love of order, merit, and patience. That Tinubu stood in solidarity with the people at such a sacred moment is itself a reaffirmation of his bond with tradition and with the Yoruba nation.

    In Ibadan, tradition met power. Serving Southwest governors showed up from Oyo, Ekiti, Osun and Ondo. Former governors and political heavy weights also showed up. The Sultan of Sokoto and very prominent Yoruba first class monarchs from the Alaafin to the Soun and of course Oba Elegushi of Lagos.

    Politics without bitterness: Tinubu and Ladoja

    The crowning of Rasheed Ladoja as Olubadan carries a personal resonance for President Tinubu. Two decades ago, when then President Olusegun Obasanjo orchestrated Ladoja’s illegal impeachment in 2003, using only a handful of lawmakers, it was Tinubu — then governor of Lagos — who stood against that brazen assault on democracy.

    Ladoja, hounded from his office by Obasanjo and denied justice, found sanctuary in Lagos. President Tinubu not only gave him refuge but also lent him the courage and political cover to resist. Against the odds, with President Tinubu’s backing, Ladoja fought his way back through the courts, and the judiciary eventually restored him to power.

    This bond, forged in the fire of political persecution and resilience, now finds symbolic closure in Ibadan. Tinubu did not arrive merely as president; he arrived as an old ally, standing with the Olubadan Ladoja on the day of his ultimate elevation to the Olubadan throne.

    At the event on Friday at the historic Mapo hall, President Tinubu made remarkable revelation reminiscent of the Abeokuta ‘Emilokan’ declaration. He described the ascension of Oba Ladoja to the throne of his forebears as another ‘emilokan’ moment. The message was not lost. Just as the comparison was obvious. His journey to be Olubadan took him 33 years to climb on the long succession ladder just like the President’s journey to the Presidency: the fight for democracy, the sacrifices, the people he built, the many twists and turns and eventually now, the Presidency.

    Ibadan was also significant on the coronation day. From the hills of Mapo, President Tinubu delivered a powerful political message of renewed hope. “Today, I am honoured to bring the cheering news that our economy has turned around and there is now light at the end of the tunnel…” Coming from the Commander-in-Chief, the man who knows and calls the shots, it was an important message. It was a validation of the reforms mantra of this administration and the positive impacts of the reforms.

    The political capital of the Yoruba Nation

    Ibadan represents more than just politics; it is spirit and identity. It has produced poets, warriors, intellectuals, and statesmen whose reach extended far beyond Yoruba land. In every era, Ibadan has stood as the Yoruba voice in Nigeria’s political orchestra. From the days of Adegoke Adelabu’s fiery “penkelemesi” populism to the statesmanship of Lam Adesina and the reformist zeal of governors like Ladoja himself, Ibadan has set the rhythm of Yoruba political expression.

    President Tinubu’s presence at the coronation of Olubadan therefore carried the weight of cultural affirmation. It told a people that their heritage matters at the highest levels of power, and that the leader of the nation stands not above tradition, but within it.

    Politics of bridges, not walls

    Like Kaduna in the north, Ibadan has been the crucible of alignments and re-alignments in the southwest. It was here that old rivalries found resolution and fresh alliances were born, shaping the destiny of the Yoruba within the federation. The president’s return to this theatre of history is a reminder that politics is not about conquest but connection; not about drawing lines, but building bridges.

    For the Yoruba political elite, Tinubu’s presence is validation — proof that the son of Lagos remains attuned to the heartbeat of his cultural kin, even as he governs the entire federation. For ordinary Ibadan people, it is a reassurance that their president, despite the burdens of national office, has not forgotten the city that remains the Yoruba axis of history and destiny.

    The city of Ibadan was on lock down.  The streets lined with excited Oyo citizens and Nigerians welcoming and cheering on President Tinubu. To Mr. President, Oyo State Resounded Loud and Clear- “Ekaabo o”.

    Ibadan’s genius has always been its ability to marry tradition with progress, culture with politics, history with modernity. Its monarchy is as revered as its intellectual traditions. Its politics, though fiercely competitive, has often found equilibrium in Yoruba solidarity. President Tinubu’s visit, then, was not just ceremonial. It is a subtle but profound embrace of this heritage — a signal that his politics remains grounded in the values of loyalty, patience, and cultural continuity that the Yoruba hold dear.

    The significance of the moment

    In Kaduna, Tinubu broke myths and dissolved doubts, receiving resounding political validation. In Ibadan, he affirmed cultural solidarity, paid homage to tradition, and consolidated his role as both President of Nigeria and a proud son of the Yoruba nation. The crowning of Rasheed Ladoja as Olubadan provided the perfect canvas for this: a celebration of continuity, loyalty, and unity.

    And just as Kaduna reminded Nigeria of northern political sophistication, Ibadan offered the world a lesson in Yoruba resilience, heritage, and leadership. In Ibadan, loyalty met tradition, politics embraced culture, and history came full circle. And in that convergence, Tinubu’s leadership was reaffirmed once more — not by force of power, but by the enduring power of friendship, loyalty, sacrifice and heritage.

    •Dare (CON) is Special Adviser to the President on Media and Public Communication.

  • Nigeria at 65: A nation tested and triumphant

    Nigeria at 65: A nation tested and triumphant

    • By Mohammed Idris

    A lot has changed since our 64th Independence Day anniversary, a year ago—and positively so. Nigeria today is better positioned for enduring economic growth and prosperity than it has been in a long time.

    In this piece, I would like to highlight the progress we have made as a nation over the past year.

    External reserves have grown from $37 billion to $42 billion. The Naira has gained about 6 percent against the US dollar since a year ago. Headline inflation, which stood at 32.7 percent a year ago, has fallen to 20 percent and is still declining. The Central Bank has just cut interest rates for the first time in five years, reflecting rising confidence in macroeconomic stability. In June 2025, the International Air Transport Association (IATA) affirmed that “Nigeria [is] no longer on the list” of countries where airline funds are blocked from repatriation.

    Four landmark tax bills have been passed—the single largest fiscal reform in our recent history. On the strength of reforms that have grown revenues and blocked leakages, we have achieved the unprecedented feat of hitting the federal revenue target for the 12 months of 2025 in August—five months ahead of schedule.

    In infrastructure, the presidential legacy projects have moved from fledgling ideas to visible, tangible wonders—mile after mile of imposing concrete roads stretching through communities from Lekki to Calabar to Enugu to Akwanga to Sokoto, and more. Across the country, state-of-the-art cancer centers, electricity substations, MSME hubs, student loans, cash transfers, and new Regional Development Commissions are impacting the lives of the Nigerian people.

    In oil and gas, we have seen the conclusion of the historic IOC divestments, ushering in a new chapter of indigenous strength and capacity in our energy industry. We have also welcomed a $5 billion FID from Shell—in the Bonga North deepwater project—alongside several new gas supply agreements that will transform the LNG market both domestically and for export.

    Many notorious terrorist and bandit leaders who were actively unleashing violence a year ago have been neutralised or are now in captivity, while our security agencies continue to score improvements in both capacity and synergy.

    In sports, our women’s national teams made history: the Super Falcons with their Mission X triumph, and the D’Tigress with their Mission V success—five consecutive AfroBasket titles.

    The past year has also brought Grammys, Guinness World Records, and our first official selection ever for the Cannes Film Festival—a testament to Nigerian grit and cultural genius.

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    The period has also seen several Nigerians elected or appointed into key international organisations, including the Vice Presidency of the International Association for Ports and Harbours; Vice Chairmanship of the International Telecommunication Union Council; Chairmanship of the World Customs Organisation Council; and the Executive Directorship of the WHO’s Health Emergencies Programme, among others.

    Nigeria is now the AU’s Digital Trade Champion, and the designated provider of strategic sea support services to the Union, through the Nigerian Navy. And in January 2025, we attained the status of a BRICS partner country.

    In the first half of 2025, Nigeria-China trade surged to $15.48 billion, a 34.7 percent increase compared to the same period in 2024. This comes almost exactly a year after our bilateral relations with China were upgraded to a comprehensive strategic partnership at the 2024 Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).

    There is indeed much to celebrate, affirming President Tinubu’s uplifting charge to the nation on October 1, 2024: “While it is tempting to focus on what has been left undone and where we have stumbled as a nation, we must never lose sight of how far we have come in forging and holding our country together.”

    Today, as we turn 65 and begin our 66th year as an independent nation, every word of that charge rings true. The road has been challenging, but the rewards have been real, and we have forged a bold path toward the light, just as the President promised.

    At 65, a person is considered a senior citizen—typically retired from active service. But for a nation, 65 years of independence is not a long time; it is correct to say this is ‘morning yet on creation day’ for us. That said, we are no longer the traumatised 39-year-old that took tentative steps into democracy in 1999.

    We have grown wiser, made mistakes, and learned from many of them. We have come to understand, by experience, what Winston Churchill meant when he said that “democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried.” We will never allow this democratic journey to be undermined.

    Twenty-five years into this historic Fourth Republic, Nigeria has at its helm a bold and experienced reformer—one unafraid to take hard but necessary decisions for the country’s future; and with a vision to deliver a trillion dollar economy by 2030.

    We are able to look ahead to the coming year with great hope and confidence that we are on the right path, moving in the right direction. In the next few weeks, preparations for the 2026 budget will gain momentum, with all hands on deck to deliver a budget that truly works for the people. And in January, the new tax laws will take effect, opening a new chapter of economic dynamism.

    In his 2024 Independence Day address, President Tinubu urged: “I urge you to believe in our nation’s promise. The road ahead may be challenging, but we will forge a path toward a brighter future with your support.”

    Looking at how the past 12 months have validated these powerful words—a challenging road that nonetheless opens up endless possibilities for growth, prosperity, and progress—I have no doubt whatsoever about the greatness that lies ahead as we begin the count down to our 66th Independence anniversary.

    •Idris is the Minister of Information and National Orientation.

  • Why technology must play a bigger role in health access

    Why technology must play a bigger role in health access

    By Olayinka Ayeni

    Health care and information technology are often spoken about as if they belong to separate worlds. One is about doctors, hospitals, and patients. The other is about servers, data, and networks. Yet in today’s world, the two cannot survive apart.

    From booking appointments to storing records and delivering results, technology is no longer optional; it is the backbone of modern healthcare. In Nigeria, the separation between these two worlds is still stark. Patients continue to wait in long queues for records that could be accessed in seconds. Hospitals often rely on folders stacked high in cabinets, while doctors sometimes lack the information they need because files are misplaced or incomplete.

    At the same time, Nigeria has one of the fastest-growing technology sectors in Africa. Millions of people use mobile apps for banking, communication, and shopping. But in healthcare, the use of IT remains limited. The gap is visible in the daily experiences of ordinary Nigerians. A man in Kano managing hypertension may visit three different facilities, each with its own file, none connected to the other.

    A mother in Port Harcourt may repeat laboratory tests simply because previous results are not available. A student in Lagos may present a paper report that employers or schools doubt, because there is no easy way to verify it. These are not problems of medicine but of systems, and systems are the domain of information technology. Globally, the connection between IT and health is not new. In the United States, electronic health records are the standard. In India, mobile platforms allow patients to access prescriptions and test results instantly. In Rwanda and Kenya, technology is used to notify patients about results or to support community health workers in the field.

    These examples show that when IT is integrated into healthcare, patients benefit, providers save time, and governments gain reliable data for planning. Nigeria has begun to experiment with electronic systems in some hospitals and private clinics. But the adoption remains scattered and uneven. In many cases, systems work in isolation. Records do not travel with the patient. Labs and hospitals often operate separately. Patients themselves rarely have access beyond the paper they are given.

    Read Also: Akume: Nigeria’s 65th independence anniversary a time for reflection, renewal

    The result is duplication, waste, and frustration. The question is not whether technology belongs in healthcare—it does—but how Nigeria will bridge the gap. The banking sector provides a useful lesson. Two decades ago, banks operated with paper ledgers and long delays. Today, customers check balances and transfer money in seconds using their phones. This leap did not happen because of banking reforms alone; it happened because IT became central to financial services.

    Healthcare requires the same urgency. Bridging IT and health is not only about efficiency. It is also about trust. In a system that depends on paper, records can be forged or altered, creating room for doubt. Technology can strengthen credibility by ensuring that records are secure, verifiable, and consistent. Patients deserve confidence that their health information will not disappear with a misplaced folder or be questioned when presented for school, work, or travel. Of course, challenges exist. Power supply, connectivity, and the cost of infrastructure cannot be ignored.

    But these are the same barriers Nigeria has overcome in other sectors. The spread of mobile banking, the growth of e-commerce, and the rise of digital payments all prove that where there is demand and commitment, solutions follow. Healthcare should not remain the last frontier of outdated processes.

    IT professionals have a role to play here. Doctors and nurses are experts in treatment, but technology requires its own expertise. The bridge between these two worlds must be built by collaboration: health professionals defining needs, and IT experts designing systems that make those needs possible. Neither side can succeed alone. Patients also have a role.

    Just as Nigerians embraced mobile banking and messaging apps, they will adapt to new ways of accessing health information. In fact, demand often drives change faster than policy. When people expect faster, safer, and more reliable access, providers will be pressured to respond. Nigeria has transformed before. The introduction of the Bank Verification Number reshaped financial services. The arrival of mobile telephony opened communication to millions.

    A similar transformation is possible in healthcare, if IT is placed at the centre rather than the side-lines. Healthcare is not just about hospitals. It is about information accurate, timely, and available when needed. Without technology, information is lost, delayed, or doubted. With technology, it becomes a foundation for better treatment, better planning, and better outcomes. Bridging IT and healthcare is no longer a choice; it is a necessity. The health of Nigerians depends on it.

    •Ayeni is an IT consultant and founder of Digital Health Systems Limited. He writes via ola.ayeni@mylabscope.com