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  •  Putin-Trump Summit: Tightrope to “peace agreement”

     Putin-Trump Summit: Tightrope to “peace agreement”

    • By Charles Onunaiju                                 

    Whether it was a “listening exercise” or just a probe in to the mind of the Russian leader as the U.S President Donald Trump  tried to explain his just-concluded meeting with the Russian leader, President Vladimir Putin in Alaska,  it has turned out both “productive” and “constructive” as the two leaders variously described it. Despite that other bilateral issues featured in the summit of the two heads of state, it was largely the Ukraine conflict which is the most vicious and biggest war in Europe since the Second World War which has drawn two brotherly neighbours into a fratricidal armed confrontation that was the major focus. President Trump who had held out a modest expectation of mere ceasefire between the belligerents prior to the summit now look forward to a “peace agreement”, while President Putin  who emphasized going to the roots of the conflict held out concrete hope of settlement that would ensure inclusive and durable security architecture for Europe and the rest of the world. What most critics described as a summit that delivered little or nothing was actually not supposed to give direction to anywhere except to define a road map that would lead to somewhere and that it did, by giving effect to broader consultations among all stakeholders. The idea that the summit would have delivered a ceasefire as touted by many Western media and analysts is actually presumptuous because any such decision between Russia and U.S without Ukraine at the table would have been widely and rightly regarded as inappropriate and may not be binding on Ukraine.

    Major European powers – Germany, United Kingdom, France, Poland along with the European Union (E.U) which have by excessive partisanship literally bordering on Russo-phobia played themselves out of any meaningful roles in settling what is a majorly an European affair. Even when the inauguration of President Trump signalled some visible thaw in Washington/Moscow relations and made known his interest in a wider NATO- Russia detente, European capitals and the their bureaucracy in Brussels, except for Hungary and Slovakia maintained an icy posture of extreme belligerency towards Russia even with the full knowledge of their limited military capacity to face down Moscow without Washington.

    Prior to the Alaska summit, Moscow had sought to cool the rising smoke of angst in Europe by simply insisting that her major intention at the Alaska meeting is to repair bilateral relations with the United States of America, and if accomplishing that, would also consist in discussions about how to end the conflict with Ukraine, it is ready and prepared for it. After all, Russia and the U.S have had a long chequered history of bilateral cooperation and even confrontation, having established diplomatic relations in 1809 and in 1867,  Tsarist Russia sold Alaska to the United States, after Moscow considered its Alaska colony too outlandishly distant, having been known as the “Siberia of Siberia”.

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    The war in Ukraine, which Moscow still calls special military operation, has become more attritional with Ukraine, despite multi-billion dollar supplies in military hardware, and other aid to Kiev. The European leaders, with very few exceptions maintained a strict policy of arming Ukraine for as long as it takes with the aim of inflicting “strategic defeat” on Russia, a goal they shared with the previous U.S administration of former president, Joe Biden.

    This geo-political obsession and gamble of seeking to inflict strategic defeat on Russia torpedoed the then prospective negotiated settlement of the conflict in Istanbul, Turkey just barely four months after it broke out. Documents outlining consensus on terms of settlement were reportedly ready for signing by the representatives of both parties, when the former British Prime minister, Boris Johnson reportedly showed up in Kiev and asked Ukraine to just “fight”. The two delegations returned empty handed from Istanbul and the rest is history but one soaked in blood, tears and destructions.

    The first sign that “inflicting strategic defeat “on Russia would not be, a walk in the park was the dramatic and near total failure of the over-hyped Ukraine’s counter offensive in the summer of 2023.  While NATO capitals, and especially London, Berlin and Paris were coldly gloating about the then, imminent denouement that Moscow faced with the orchestrated counter offensive, Moscow took out time to construct its famous dragon teeth, reportedly the longest fortress of trenches ever known in war history.

    When the counter offensive eventually happened, American Bradley and Abrams tanks, British challenger tanks and even the overhyped German leopard main battle tanks did nothing to change frontline equations thereby rendering the counter offensive one of history’s colossal failure in modern warfare.

    Despite extensive planning, heavy mobilization of resources, technical and manpower support with unprecedented deployment of some of the best military hard and soft wares available to individual NATO states, the failure of the counter offensives did not inform a reconsideration of strategy. Rather, the chatter became even louder, among major European NATO states of standing with Ukraine for as long as it takes and in providing weapons and other sabotage materials designed to bring Moscow to its knees.

    Meanwhile, Moscow rapidly adjusted to the reality of prolonged NATO proxy war which includes setting its economy on a war footing, unprecedented production of war materials, especially assorted drones and shells. In the face of what it considers potential existential threats to her national security or even survival, Moscow reviewed her nuclear doctrine, indicating that an existential threat from a non-nuclear state – backed by nuclear states can elicit a nuclear response, clearly lowering the threshold for triggering the thermos-nuclear catastrophe.

    In November last year, Moscow unleashed the then unknown missile strike at Ukrainian city of Dnipro in what was described as unusual, triggering explosion that lasted for three hours. Ukrainian officials reportedly said that it bore all the hallmarks of Inter-continental Ballistic Missiles (ICBM). Soon after, the Russian leader, in a TV address said that Russia had launched a “new conventional Intermediate Range Missile with the code name –Oreshink meaning hazel tree in Russian. According to the Russian leader, the weapon travelled a speed of 2.5-3km per second (10 times the speed of sound) and added that there are currently no ways of counteracting this weapon”.

    In the midst of all these, Ukraine faced challenges of manpower mobilization, desertion in its military ranks, yet key European NATO states maintained the stance of inflicting strategic defeat on Russia despite unfolding battlefield realities.

    European leaders invested so heavily in the geo-political gamble of weakening Russia through either punishing sanctions or outright military defeat with none of these approaching anything near fruition. Moscow has consistently made a case that NATO incursion into her neighbourhood constitute a flagrant threat to her national security and yet these complaints were routinely ignored or even mocked in Europe, especially when the U.S was footing the bill.

    The reality which has caused so much stir and anxiety in Europe is that Washington is taking the lead now, not as before in the project to strategically defeat Russia, but in consultation with Moscow on the prospect for a negotiated settlement of the conflict in Ukraine. If the European leaders are happy to cede leadership to Washington in confrontation with Moscow, it surprises many, why they are aghast at the exercise of such leadership in favour of cooperation with Moscow.

    The exploratory meeting in Alaska between President Trump and his Russian counterpart was not expected to be one magic wand that would turn around three and half years conflict but can actually set the framework for broader consultation and substantive negotiations with relevant parties. President Trump is perhaps more realistic that it is time to do away with the geo-political fantasy of militarily defeating Russia in the battle field and his initiative may have been inspired by the battlefield reality where Ukraine performance has been abysmal despite billions of dollars of military assistance .

    As Alaska relates to the historical confluence of the Russian Federation and the United States of America, it has signalled a new starting point for bilateral cooperation between Moscow and Washington and even offering the groundwork for ending Europe’s most vicious war, since World War II.

    •Onunaiju is a foreign affairs commentator based in Abuja

  • Sokoto: A note on Tambuwal’s wild effusions

    Sokoto: A note on Tambuwal’s wild effusions

    • By Musa Kabiru

    When I read the comments attributed to the former governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, during a recent African Democratic Congress (ADC) rally in Sokoto, I couldn’t but laugh. That statement perfectly describes the wild thrashings of a drowning man. I mean, unless Tambuwal truly believes that the brains of everyone in Sokoto have been wiped clean by some memory-eating virus, he can’t seriously expect us to believe that he, the same man that spent eight years reversing the progress of previous administrations and leaving failure in his wake, has suddenly found the magic formula to “undo APC misgovernance.”

    This is the same Tambuwal who exited power just two years ago, leaving behind a record that still haunts the people of Sokoto. The scars are fresh. Eight years of water scarcity. Eight years of broken promises. Eight years in which basic governance was sacrificed on the altar of political gamesmanship. If for nothing else, the water crisis alone should be enough reason for him to bury his head in shame rather than parade himself as a saviour-in-waiting.

    Workers in Sokoto remember Tambuwal very well; they remember him as the worst governor in the state’s history when it comes to staff welfare. By the time he left office, months of salaries were unpaid. Pensioners, men and women who had served the state faithfully, were abandoned. Gratuities went unsettled. Public servants endured hardship after hardship under his watch.

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    So, one must ask: Is Tambuwal now returning to undo the progress that Governor Ahmad Aliyu has made in less than two years? Progress like ending the water scarcity, improving staff welfare, clearing years of unpaid pensions and gratuities, upgrading infrastructure, revamping education and healthcare, and rehabilitating roads, many of which he has been seen posing on for photographs? Exactly what “misgovernance” does he want to come and correct?

    Tambuwal has tried to recast himself as a victim, referencing his recent encounter with the EFCC and the Sokoto State Commission of Inquiry set up to probe his time in office. He dismisses these investigations as a political witch-hunt. But here’s the question: if you insist you are not a witch, why fear the hunt? Witches are hunted for the good of the community. If your hands are clean, why resist scrutiny?

    The truth is that Tambuwal is a victim only of his own actions and inactions. No amount of pity-seeking or emotional rhetoric can rewrite the facts. The people of Sokoto were the real victims. Eight years of hardship, neglect, and empty promises. So, the least he could do, even if just in appreciation of the fact that the people voted him twice, is spare them further trauma by refraining from throwing around hollow political slogans or using his minions to heat up the polity.

    In his ADC rally speech, Tambuwal alluded to two paradigms in Nigeria: those aligned with the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration and those with Nigerians. Well, in Sokoto, the paradigms are far simpler: those committed to the progress under the Aliyu administration and those who drove the state into the ground but are now trying to recast history. Everything else is political mischief, dressed up as concern for the people.

    Ironically, Tambuwal himself has admitted that both his administration’s record and the current government’s achievements are in the public domain. Since he invited comparison, let me oblige him. Where Sokoto residents once bought a jerry-can of water at premium prices, taps now run freely. Where his much-publicised N3 billion dualisation of the Sokoto Gate–Shuni Road project remained audio despite an outrageous N514 million-per-kilometre cost claim, Aliyu has built and completed visible, functional roads. Again, let’s not forget that Tambuwal has been caught posing on them for photos. Should we even start on housing? The evidence speaks for itself.

    Perhaps the one thing Tambuwal underestimated when he decided to mount this ADC platform was the power of memory. No one forgets a water crisis. People may overlook political rhetoric, but they will never forget the years of queuing for water, of paying exorbitant prices for a basic necessity. Certainly not in this age where the internet archives everything, making it is impossible to bury the reality of those eight years.

    And this is not a matter of partisan bias. Even before Governor Aliyu had a track record to show, Sokoto voters had already rejected Tambuwal and his allies. That was before they experienced the difference a responsive administration can make. And now that the progress is visible, one wonders how Tambuwal’s ADC hopes to convince the people of Sokoto to take back their troublesome, barren wife.

    Ultimately, Tambuwal’s recent outburst is less about governance and more about political survival. Having switched parties and platforms multiple times over the years, there appears to be a need for him to constantly project himself as politically relevant to remain in the game. The ADC rally provided him that stage, but speeches, no matter how fiery and laden with half-truths, cannot erase his eight-year record.

    Talk is cheap, yes. The constitution grants him the right to speak. But rights come with responsibility, and in politics, credibility is currency. Tambuwal has squandered his. Sokoto has moved on. Aliyu’s administration is tackling the very issues Tambuwal left unresolved—water, infrastructure, salaries, pensions, and more. That is the progress the people can see, touch, and measure.

    Tambuwal can try to rebrand himself like all of the failed politicians in ADC are doing, but the people of Sokoto remember. They remember the unpaid salaries. They remember the pensioners abandoned to their fate. They remember the water crisis. And they will not trade progress for the same political mischief that left them in ruins and they certainly won’t kowtow to the wild effusions of a drowning politician.

    •Kabiru writes from Abuja

  • Beyond Ayinde, Emmanson’s reprieve

    Beyond Ayinde, Emmanson’s reprieve

    Federal government’s reprieve for popular Fuji musician, Wasiu Ayinde Marshall and Comfort Emmanson for their unruly conduct while boarding the aircraft to their respective destinations, must have come to many as a huge surprise.

    Given the circumstance the pardon came, it struck as a hurried intervention to resolve allegations of selective justice arising from the handling of the two embarrassing incidents. It is not surprising that the reprieve has since divided opinion across the board. What were the issues?

    Ayinde and Emmanson were in two separate incidents involved in unruly conducts while travelling to Lagos from Abuja and Calabar respectively through different flights. The Fuji musician’s case arose from his refusal to surrender a flask suspected to contain alcohol while boarding a flight to Lagos.

    Under pressure from the airline staff, he allegedly splashed the contents of the flask on some of the staff including the pilot who came down from the cockpit when the incident was disrupting flight take-off. As the aircraft was about to taxi off leaving Ayinde behind, he quickly moved to the front of the plane to prevent it from take-off which posed serious security risk both to his life, the plane and its passengers.

    His conduct led to public condemnation even as the pilot was not spared for attempting to move the aircraft while the musician and some other airport staff were still standing in front of the plane. The Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) subsequently placed a six-month no-fly list on Ayinde and lodged a complaint with the Inspector-General of the Police (IGP). The pilot and the first officer of the flight were not spared as their licenses were equally suspended.

    Before the dust raised by the musician’s behaviour settled, another serious security breach involving a female passenger in another airline flying to Lagos occurred. This time, one Comfort Emmanson who allegedly refused to switch off her phone as the flight was taxing to take-off was at the centre of the fracas. Reports had it that on refusing to switch off her phone after pleas from the cabin attendant, a passenger sitting close-by had to snatch the phone and switched it off.

    Events took another turn on arrival at Lagos airport as Emmanson allegedly attacked the cabin crew inside the aircraft. As the situation deteriorated, posing serious danger to the aircraft, the crew called for reinforcement from those on ground who rushed into the plane and forcefully dragged down Emmanson in circumstances that exposed her body indecently.

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    The scene at the tarmac was really riotous as the lady virtually attacked anyone that tried to restrain her. It did no good to the image of the country.

    She was immediately taken into custody and subsequently arraigned at a Magistrate Court. Her inability to fulfil her bail conditions landed her at the Kirikiri custodial centre same day. The airline also placed her on a permanent travel ban.

    But the swiftness s with which Emmanson was arraigned in court and remanded in custodial centre, quickly elicited accusations of selective justice. This was especially so, given that Ayinde who was involved in an earlier breach of airport security and misconduct was allowed to go home free. Faced with this allegation, the NCAA was to explain that they had reported the Fuji musician’s case to the IGP as they lacked the powers to prosecute such offenders. They further explained that it was the airline Emmanson boarded that took her matter to court and not NCAA.

    That was the setting when the Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Festus Keyamo announced the discontinuation of the prosecution of the two suspects. The minister said in a statement that he conferred with Ibom Airline to withdraw the complaint against Emmanson and the leadership of the Airline Operators of Nigeria (AON) and got their agreement to lift the life ban on her.

    In the same vein, the NCAA is to reduce the flight ban on Ayinde to one month even as “FAAN will also work with the music star with a view to engaging him as an ambassador for proper airport security protocol going forward”, Keyamo said. He also directed the restoration of the licenses of the pilot and first officer of the VALUEJET Airline after a period of one-month ban.

    The minister rationalised the decisions on compassionate grounds even as he warned “government will never pander to base sentiments, politically motivated views or warped legal opinions when clear encroachment of our laws are involved”. It is not clear whom these warnings are directed to.

    But the government had been accused of selective application of justice given the seeming different standards in the handling of the two unruly behaviours. Before the minister’s intervention and subsequent reprieve for the duo, there had been calls for the trial of Ayinde for his unruly behaviour.

    Thus, the reprieve for Ayinde and Emmanson would appear a convenient escape route out of the contradictions raised by allegations of selective justice in the handling of the two incidents. That may well be. But the reprieve has not completely addressed that contradiction.

    These contradictions underscore the absurdity in engaging either Ayinde or Emmanson as good ambassadors for proper airport security protocols. The aphorism, you cannot give what you don’t have should be instructive in the circumstance. It is not possible to place nothing on something and expect positive outcomes. It is one thing to pardon them for their unruly conduct and another ballgame to reward misconduct.

    Such roles should be reserved for persons who have over time, exhibited exemplary behaviour in airport security protocols, if such standards of assessment exist. Rewarding misbehaviour would serve wrong messages. Even then, there are other acts of indiscipline airport staff and cabin crew contend with in their daily operations.

    Take the case of orderly disembarkation for instance. Just before an aircraft taxies to a halt, copious announcements are made on the need for passengers to disembark in orderly and responsible manner-row by row. The announcers sometimes go further to explain that the measure is to avoid loss of personal belongings associated with disorderly disembarkation. What do you get thereafter?

    As soon as the aircraft stops, some people at the back quickly leave their seats and rush towards the front in utter defiance of the security measures for which orderly and row by row exit was put in place. This writer saw this in action in an Abuja-Lagos flight on Monday August, 4, a day before the incident involving the Fuji musician occurred. And it is a regular feature in disembarkation protocols.

    In the instance cited, at least three passengers from the rear defied that security protocol to the protestations of other passengers. Those inconvenienced by the disorderly conducts grumbled aloud, others hissed even as shouts of Naija, Naija rented the air. So, it is not just enough to blame airport staff for not managing crises or misconduct effectively. The suffocating indiscipline by the citizenry is the issue to contend with.

    The message embedded in shouts of Naija, Naija speaks eloquently of the larger indiscipline and moral decay that permeate the entire fabric of our society. Crass indiscipline, disregard for rules and orderly conduct have become so pervasive that one begins to ask how we got into this mess.

     Though not entirely new, the situation appears to be getting worse by the day. Incidentally, it is difficult for any country to make reasonable progress with undisciplined and disorderly citizenry – one that breaks rules at will or seeks loopholes to sabotage well intended policies. That is the miserably position the country has found itself.

    It requires ethical and moral revolution to reverse the ruinous trend. A country ensnared in such huge moral deficits should not be seen trivialising serious acts of indiscipline bordering on brazen breach of airport security protocols. Ironically, that is the impression the proposal to make the music star an ambassador to proper airport security protocol conveys.

  • Ojulari, NNPCL and renewed hope vision

    Ojulari, NNPCL and renewed hope vision

    • By Jack Okude

    Bashir Bayo Ojulari, a mechanical engineer versed in the ecosystem of oil and gas, has spent roughly four months on the beat as Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL). And if morning shows the day, as ideally it should, then the nation’s oil and gas behemoth is in safe hands.

    NNPCL even with all the challenges in recent years is still the largest state-owned oil and gas facility in Africa. But it has been afflicted by a leadership distortion syndrome which has seen it experience high leadership turnover. A particular managing director (Shehu Ladan) served for just seven weeks. Such quicksand uncertainty at the helm of leadership in the nation’s biggest player in the oil and gas sector does not only discourage long-term planning and visioning, it sends negative signals to foreign investors and potential partners.

    Here, President Bola Tinubu deserves credit for reappointing the immediate past Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO) of NNPCL, Mele Kyari, who was an appointee of the government of President Muhammadu Buhari. Kyari with about six years to his belt as GCEO is the longest serving of them all.

    Established in 1977, and transitioned into a limited liability company in July 2022 following the enactment of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) in 2021, NNPCL has had a turnover of 20 CEOs in 48 years, an average of one CEO in 2.4 years. This is not the picture of stability. NNPCL is not the only state-owned oil company in the world. Examples of National Oil Companies (NOCs) abound and most of them are run on the chain of profitability, ensuring energy security for their respective countries.

    A quick checklist of some of the biggest in this category: Aramco (Saudi Arabia) ranked as the world’s largest oil company by revenue and market capitalisation; Petroleos de Venezuela (PdVSA) (Venezuela); China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) which operates not only in China but in many other countries; National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC); Kuwait Petroleum Corporation; and Rosneft, a Russian state-owned oil and gas company.

    It’s therefore not a misnomer for a country to run its own oil and gas corporation. What matters is efficiency in management and stability in leadership. When these two ingredients are in good mix, energy security and profitability is guaranteed. For instance, Amin Hassan Nasser is the President/CEO of Aramco, a position he has held since 2015 (10 years now). Compare with the NNPCL leadership. It means that if Aramco were a Nigerian company, it would have had at least four different CEOs within the 10 years. This is both disturbing and distressing. It is antithetical to planning, growth and innovativeness. Modern leadership thrives of innovation, short and long-term planning (envisioning), futuristic decision-making and anticipatory projection. None of this is possible when the leadership that ought to provide the compass for the organisation is swamped in uncertainties. Leadership of successful state-owned NOCs share a common trait: they are insulated from politics. The leadership is allowed to drive organisational growth through the levers of professionalism, legacy corporate governance, proven competencies, transparency, innovative wand and manifest capacity.

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    This is what NNPCL needs now. President Tinubu’s choice of Ojulari fits the purpose. A case of a man fit for the moment. Ojulari’s private sector pedigree lends him to the job and it is already showing in his early steps: firm and sure-footed. Appointed April 2, this year, he has set out to wheel NNPCL to the path of efficiency and accountability befitting the national monument. In just barely four months, his imprints across upstream partnerships, infrastructure development, energy transition, and corporate governance had been telling. They reflect in profitability, refinery rehabilitation, transparency, and employee welfare, a clear break from the past.

    Under his watch, there has been enhanced collaboration with upstream partners, improved growth in oil and gas production, and guaranteed 100 per cent pipeline availability, all of which have resulted in spike in revenue flows.

    He has instituted a neo-culture of timely cash call payments which has directly boosted operations and improved partner confidence in the oil and gas spectrum. His zero tolerance for waste policy undergirded by a demonstrative disavowal of value loss has helped to cut operational costs, inefficiencies and lethargy at all strata of operations and management value chain. This has bred an attitude of ownership, patriotism and responsibility among staffers.

    His mantra is ‘every naira must count.’ This is no mere sloganeering. It has become the normative economics that guides the processes. Cutting costs and taking hard decisions around unproductive operations have become the defining creeds that drive the enterprise called NNPCL. This transition in value-orientation among staffers is critical for enterprise turnaround. It’s in tandem with the demands of running NNPCL as a limited liability company to reflect its new status in tandem with the tenets of the PIA.

    An apostle of clean energy, under him, NNPCL has donated 35 compressed natural gas (CNG) buses to the Presidential Initiative on CNG. This gesture speaks to the global and futuristic mindset of Ojulari; and much more a genuine concern for the poor in the country. CNG vehicles are not only cleaner, they are cheaper and accessibility is on the ascendancy. A major feat achieved under Ojulari is the completion of the AKK River Niger Crossing which is a critical segment of the Ajaokuta–Kaduna–Kano gas pipeline project.

    Ojulari’s template mirrors that of the leadership of Aramco which seeks to keep production costs low, avoid waste, and infuse tech innovations into operations while not ignoring staff welfare. It bears restating that NNPCL has witnessed high production cost which was one of the reasons some IOCs exited the country. Ojulari is working to attract heavy investments into the sector especially in upstream and midstream infrastructure. With more investments and infusion of innovative technology into the NNPCL oil and gas value chain, Nigeria will witness significant increase in crude oil output, improved functionality of refineries and a wider berth in husbanding the huge gas reserves in the country.

    Ojulari cannot achieve these alone. A tech-driven professional from the private sector where he has managed successful enterprises and smartly led a high-level $2.4 billion acquisition deal of Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (SPDC) using a consortium of indigenous energy companies, he is primed for the task of keeping NNPCL on the cusp of profitability and sustainability.

    But he needs the protection of President Tinubu and cooperation of critical stakeholders in the sector. Let’s not forget that he inherited key staffers that he did not employ. The allegiance of some of these staffers may be to someone else, not to Ojulari. This may negatively affect his effective implementation of the reforms and ideas intended to reposition NNPCL. In President Tinubu’s ambitious and progressive quest to create a $1 trillion economy by 2030, the oil and gas sector must be properly managed to play its role. Ojulari understands this and going by his remarkable strides in barely four months, it’s obvious that he is the fit man for the job. He deserves to be protected from saboteurs from within the system and without.

    •Okude, a policy analyst, writes from Abuja

  • How LASU-CESAR and LASRIC are unlocking Sargassum for sustainable development

    How LASU-CESAR and LASRIC are unlocking Sargassum for sustainable development

    • By Benjamin S. Aribisala

    Government funding has long been recognised as a critical enabler of research and development, particularly in addressing complex challenges that require innovation and long-term investment. Across the world, strategic funding from public institutions has fueled transformative projects, from advancing renewable energy technologies to breakthroughs in medical science. For Nigeria, such investments are not just a means of catching up with global innovation trends but an imperative to harness local resources and expertise for sustainable development.

    In Lagos State, the government has taken a bold step toward this vision by establishing the Lagos State Science Research and Innovation Council (LASRIC). This body represents a strategic commitment to promoting research-led solutions for local challenges. One standout example of LASRIC’s impact is its partnership with Lagos State University’s Centre of Excellence for Sargassum Research (CESAR). Established in 2020, CESAR has positioned itself as a pioneer in transforming sargassum, a proliferating seaweed often seen as an environmental nuisance, into an invaluable resource for sustainable development.

    Sargassum’s presence along Nigeria’s coastline, particularly in Lagos State, has for years posed challenges for coastal communities. Fishing, an essential source of livelihood in these areas, has been severely impacted by the mass influx of sargassum, which obstructs waterways and depletes marine biodiversity. Yet, with the support of LASRIC’s funding, CESAR has demonstrated how this seaweed can be repurposed into innovative solutions that address not only environmental concerns but also economic and social needs.

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    Indeed, at the very heart of CESAR’s work is turning sargassum from a challenge into a sustainable asset. Researchers at the center have identified multiple applications for this resource, leveraging its nutrient-rich composition and fibrous structure. The development of sargassum-based animal feeds, for instance, has been a breakthrough achievement. Products such as SargaFish Feed and SargaChicken Feed provide an eco-friendly, cost-effective alternative to traditional livestock feeds. These innovations offer dual benefits: improving animal health and productivity while mitigating the ecological problems associated with sargassum’s uncontrolled spread.

    CESAR’s initiatives extend into pharmaceuticals, where sargassum-derived compounds are being explored for their potential in treating illnesses like diabetes and cancer. This line of research underscores the intersection of environmental sustainability and human health, with implications that could reshape Nigeria’s pharmaceutical industry. Additionally, the center has introduced sargassum as a raw material for sustainable construction products. Its fibers are now being used to create ceiling boards and bricks, offering a renewable alternative to nonsustainable building materials. This innovation speaks to a growing demand for ecoconscious construction and highlights the economic opportunities of scaling such ventures.

    Another area of CESAR’s work involves cosmetics. Recognizing global shifts toward organic and eco-friendly beauty products, researchers have developed skincare solutions derived from sargassum’s vitamins and bioactive compounds. This foray into the cosmetic industry not only aligns with consumer trends but also generates economic opportunities for local industries and communities involved in production.

    Indeed, the multifold significance of LASRIC’s funding cannot be overstated in this context. Beyond enabling research, it has provided CESAR with the resources to scale its innovations, secure intellectual property rights, and gain recognition at national levels. The center’s achievements were most notably highlighted at the 2023 Federal Ministry of Science, Technology, and Innovation Expo, where CESAR earned the top prize in its category. Such accolades affirm the relevance and potential of LASRIC’s investment strategy in fostering local innovation.

  • Thinking beyond the seven-year moratorium

    Thinking beyond the seven-year moratorium

    The Federal Government’s recent announcement of a seven-year moratorium on establishing new federal universities, polytechnics, and colleges of education is indeed a policy who’s time has come. Now while this policy decision ticks all the boxes, it represents only the first step in what must become a comprehensive transformation of Nigeria’s higher education system.

    Like I noted, the government’s decision appears rooted in pragmatic concerns about institutional proliferation and resource allocation. A country like Nigeria deserves more than 72 federal universities, 42 federal polytechnics, and 28 federal colleges of education, in addition to hundreds of state-owned and private institutions, however given the state of the nation we are saddled with the troubling picture of institutional redundancy and misplaced priorities.

    The revelation  that  199 universities had fewer than 100 applicants through JAMB while 34 had zero applicants does  suggest that Nigeria’s challenge is not insufficient access to higher education.

    Thus no sensible government would be comfortable with the present situation, not until the institutional capacity of the present ones is met. This assessment acknowledges a fundamental shift in Nigeria’s educational landscape – from quantity to quality concerns. The proliferation of universities without corresponding improvements in educational standards has created a system where institutional credentials matter more than educational outcomes.

    The timing of this moratorium also reflects fiscal realities. With Nigeria grappling with economic challenges, budget constraints, and competing national priorities, the government recognizes that spreading limited resources across an ever-expanding number of institutions dilutes the quality of education delivered. Each new federal institution requires substantial initial capital investment and ongoing operational funding that the federal government increasingly struggles to provide.

    Furthermore, the decision demonstrates an understanding that educational planning should be strategic rather than reactive. The establishment of universities has often been driven by political considerations rather than genuine educational needs assessment, resulting in institutions located without proper feasibility studies or adequate consideration of regional demand patterns.

    Also the issue of maintaining academic standards across an expanding university system. The rapid establishment of new institutions has often outpaced the government’s ability to ensure adequate staffing, infrastructure, and accreditation processes. By halting new establishments, the government creates space to focus on improving existing institutions rather than perpetually stretching resources thin.

    However, this reasoning, while sound in principle, assumes that the government will use this moratorium period productively to address systemic weaknesses rather than simply postponing difficult decisions about educational reform.

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    While the government’s rationale for the moratorium contains merit, stopping the establishment of new universities barely scratches the surface of Nigeria’s educational crisis. The most glaring oversight in this policy direction is the catastrophic neglect of the very foundation of quality education – our lecturers and academic staff.

    These are the men and women to whom we entrust our children and wards, the intellectual architects of Nigeria’s future leaders, yet their working conditions and welfare remain appallingly inadequate. Nigerian university lecturers endure some of the poorest working conditions among their global peers, with salaries that have been eroded by inflation, delayed payments that sometimes stretch for months, and research facilities that would be considered obsolete by international standards.

    The irony is profound and deeply troubling. We expect these educators to nurture excellence while we subject them to conditions that breed mediocrity. How can a lecturer living from hand to mouth, uncertain about their next salary payment, inspire students toward academic excellence? How can researchers produce world-class work in laboratories equipped with outdated equipment and limited funding?

    The brain drain affecting Nigerian universities directly results from this neglect. Our brightest academic minds continue to migrate to countries that value intellectual contribution and provide conducive environments for scholarly work. We are essentially exporting our intellectual capital while creating conditions that make retention of quality academics nearly impossible.

    The government’s treatment of academic staff becomes even more unconscionable when contrasted with its approach to sports personalities. Nigerian footballers and basketball players receive signing bonuses, performance incentives, and support packages that dwarf what we offer our university professors. While celebrating athletic achievement has its place, the disparity reveals misplaced national priorities.

    Football players who represent Nigeria internationally receive substantial financial rewards and recognition for their contributions to national pride. Basketball players enjoy lucrative contracts and endorsement opportunities. Meanwhile, the professors who train Nigeria’s doctors, engineers, lawyers, and future leaders struggle to afford basic necessities and often resort to multiple jobs to survive.

    This contrast sends a dangerous message about what Nigeria values. We reward physical prowess and entertainment while systematically undervaluing intellectual contribution and knowledge creation. The professor who spends decades researching solutions to Nigeria’s agricultural challenges receives a fraction of what a footballer earns for a single match. I recall sometime ago where  a sitting governor of an oil producing state rolled out the drums for a lascivious Big Brother Nigeria Star and named her the  Face of the Girl Child whereas the state had produced a First Class Law graduate in the person of Ebizi Eradiri, it took a firestorm on the internet for the governor to reverse the decision, but that is the sad state Nigeria is in.

    Such priorities are ultimately self-defeating. While sports provide temporary entertainment and national pride, education creates the foundation for sustainable development, technological advancement, and economic transformation. Countries that have successfully transitioned from developing to developed status invariably invested heavily in their educational systems and treated their academics as national treasures.

    Beyond lecturer welfare, Nigeria’s university infrastructure represents another glaring indictment of educational neglect. Many federal universities operate with facilities that would have been considered inadequate decades ago. Libraries lack current textbooks and journals, laboratories function with equipment from the colonial era, and classrooms are overcrowded and poorly maintained.

    Students in many Nigerian universities attend lectures in halls with broken windows, inadequate lighting, and poor acoustics. They conduct experiments with equipment that peers in other countries would find in museums. Internet connectivity, now essential for modern education, remains unreliable or completely absent in many institutions.

    Perhaps most critically, the neglect of university infrastructure and staff welfare has decimated Nigeria’s research capacity. Universities that should serve as engines of innovation and knowledge creation have been reduced to mere teaching institutions, and even their teaching function is compromised by inadequate resources.

    This research deficit has profound implications for Nigeria’s development trajectory. Countries advance through innovation and knowledge creation, not just by consuming knowledge produced elsewhere. Nigeria’s failure to invest in university-based research means we remain perpetual consumers of foreign knowledge and technology, unable to develop indigenous solutions to local challenges.

    The seven-year moratorium on new universities, while addressing immediate concerns about resource allocation, must be accompanied by comprehensive reforms targeting the fundamental weaknesses in Nigeria’s higher education system.

    First and most urgently, Nigeria must dramatically improve lecturer welfare. This means not only increasing salaries to internationally competitive levels but ensuring regular payment, providing research grants, and creating pathways for professional development. We must make academic careers attractive enough to retain talent and encourage excellence.

    Infrastructure development must become a national priority. Every federal university should have access to modern libraries, well-equipped laboratories, reliable internet connectivity, and comfortable learning environments. This requires substantial investment, but the returns in terms of educational quality and research output will far exceed the costs.

    Research funding must increase exponentially. Nigerian universities should receive substantial budgets for research activities, conference attendance, international collaboration, and equipment procurement. Without this investment, our universities will remain peripheral to global knowledge creation and Nigeria will continue importing solutions to problems we could solve ourselves.

    The consequences of such educational myopia would be severe and long-lasting. Nigeria’s demographic dividend – its large young population – could become a demographic disaster if we fail to provide quality education and skills development. Countries with large young populations succeed when they invest in education and training; they fail when they allow educational systems to deteriorate.

    The danger lies in treating the moratorium as an end in itself rather than the beginning of comprehensive reform. If Nigeria merely suspends new university establishment while ignoring the systemic problems plaguing existing institutions, we will emerge from this seven-year period with the same challenges amplified by years of continued neglect.

    The seven-year moratorium must mark the beginning of Nigeria’s educational transformation, not merely a pause in our educational expansion. Anything less would represent a betrayal of our national aspirations and the dreams of millions of young Nigerians who look to education as their pathway to a better future.

  • From EFCC, police cells to freedom: Tinubu broke chains of opaque FX availability

    From EFCC, police cells to freedom: Tinubu broke chains of opaque FX availability

    • By Rotimi Adewale

    Since his inauguration in 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has embarked on bold economic reforms aimed at sanitising the hitherto erratic monetary policy Somersaults in Nigeria. Central to these is the floating and unification of the naira, a decisive break from the artificial, multiple-rate FX regime that once dictated the rules. This shift has brought palpable relief especially for FX traders and businesses who were trapped in opaque practices that bred corruption, debt, and even criminal prosecutions.

    Before the reforms, Nigeria’s FX market was a dangerous place for anyone without insider access. Rates were unstable, the gap between official and parallel markets could swing by ₦300 to ₦400 in a single day, and ordinary transactions could escalate into criminal cases. Countless FX dealers, importers, and businesspeople fell into crushing debt because the naira to dollar rate changed dramatically between when a deal was agreed and when payment was made, all due to individuals fixing and influencing exchange rates on their systems. The consequences were brutal. Disputes turned into petitions, petitions turned into police or EFCC cases, and a simple transaction gone awry could mean detention, court battles, or even months in jail. It was not uncommon to visit police stations or EFCC cells and find that 70 to 80% of business-related detainees were there over FX disagreements. Trust plummeted and those with long legs and requisite connections had the day and their way.

    Under the old system, businesses seeking dollars from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) had to navigate skewed, unrealistic official rates often ₦500 or ₦600 per dollar while the parallel market quoted rates near ₦1,000. Access to official FX was virtually unattainable without undue influence. As Dr. Abdul Samad Rabiu, Chairman of BUA Cement, recounted: “Before now, I used to visit the CBN every two weeks to lobby for FX. That was the only way to survive.” This system bred distortions that not only crippled businesses but trapped countless FX dealers in crushing debt. Settlement was the order of the day while people became multi billionaires merely by having enough connections to have Locations as former CBN Governor and  present Emir of Kano, Alhaji Sanusi Lamido Sanusi once painfully observed. As rates diverged wildly and payments lagged, many became entangled in legal battles civil and criminal often landing in EFCC or police custody in disputes that began simply due to volatile rate discrepancies.

    For smaller FX dealers, the danger was even more perilous. Imagine agreeing to sell $2 million at ₦1,000 per dollar, only for the rate to spike to ₦1,300 within hours. Either the seller swallowed a huge loss, or the buyer had to pay hundreds of millions more than planned. Many chose neither and instead ran to the police, the EFCC, or the courts. In a country where law enforcement can “do beyond what they are statutorily empowered to do,” this often meant harassment, asset freezes, and prolonged detention.

    From 2009 to early 2023, these scenarios played out daily. The volatility, the sharp rate differentials, and the lack of transparency meant that debt, distrust, and detention became an occupational hazard in Nigeria’s FX trade. The market rewarded lobbying and connections, not productivity or efficiency, very opaque.

    On June 14, 2023, President Tinubu’s administration distraught with the unsavoury system, abandoned the multiple FX windows and allowed the naira to float freely adopting a “willing buyer, willing seller” framework. The naira initially dropped sharply, unifying the market and eliminating rationed FX access. The result was a transparent, market-driven FX system under which everyone accessed the same rate. Rabiu confirms: “Now, the rate you get is what everyone else gets. You go to the bank, you get FX at the market rate.”

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    This reform transcends economics, it is about restoring dignity and minimising the weaponisation of FX disputes. There is no more lobbying or favouritism. Civil and criminal cases that once sprang from simple FX disagreements have sharply reduced. The massive price gaps that triggered overnight debts are gone, and the scope for police or EFCC harassment has narrowed.

    The effects are visible in business performance. BUA Cement, once battered by FX losses, has seen its post-tax profit rise to 81 billion in Q1 2025 alone, with projections of 250 billion for the year. Abdul Samad Rabiu has credited FX reforms with easing pressure on commodity prices and stabilising operations. While inflation and cost-of-living pressures remain real challenges, the FX market no longer operates as a state-sanctioned trap.

    President Tinubu’s decision to float the naira and unify exchange rates did more than reshape financial mechanics, it liberated countless Nigerians from cycles of debt, fear, and institutional harassment and crested a level playing field for genuine foreign exchange needs. The reformed FX landscape served all on one plate, empowered honest commerce, and reduced the scope for arbitrary detention by police and EFCC entanglements. In rescuing the naira from artificial control, Tinubu also rescued Nigerians from a system where currency instability was weaponised against them In the court of public opinion, that is a liberation worth remembering.

    Yes, Tinubu broke the chain, rescued the oppressed,  set the captives free. Like the wall of Jericho that fell flat is forever remembered by the Christian faithful,  so will the the Forex merchants forever cherish president Bola Ahmed Tinubu for setting them free.

    • Adewale Spokesperson, Accountability and Policy Monitoring wrote in from Abuja
  • AI and sustainability: Reforming the reforms of education in Nigeria

    AI and sustainability: Reforming the reforms of education in Nigeria

    • By Tunji Olaopa
    • Being the 2nd Distinguished Personality Lecture of the Emmanuel Alayande University of Education, Oyo, delivered at its Oyo Campus on Monday, 11th of August, 2025)

    I will like to ask two fundamental questions that lie at the heart of this lecture. One, what happens when we situate AI at the heart of the institutional reform of the education sector in Nigeria? And two, how does that AI-inflected reform enable us to think more about the sustainability of the reform efforts? Thinking about the role and place of AI in Nigeria’s public sector reform points at both limitations and possibilities. We will begin to understand the magnitude of Nigeria’s educational dilemma once we take notice of where we are coming from. Colonization created a heterogeneous society divided along cultural, ethnic and religious lines.  After independence, the Nigerian state had to struggle with thirty years of military regime before the commencement of democratic leadership in 1999. The point therefore is that any postcolonial state, like Nigeria, that has to reckon with an educational philosophy for such a diverse society needs to be adequately prepared. The National Policy on Education (NPE) indeed, has to factor into the realization of its objectives, Nigeria’s colonial heritage, the dominance of western education, the dismal economic performance of the past years, the growing demographic factors—like gender and youth—that has steadily increased the demand for education and human capital development. Lastly, and even more important is the political direction that the centralization of education administration too Nigeria despite the fact of our diversity and the implications of Nigeria’s federal status.

    The first challenge of the NPE for me therefore is its fixation with what Paulo Freire has called the “banking” conception of education—the view that learning consists of pouring facts into the receptive and uncritical minds of the pupils and students. This is not a conception of education that can serve as the basis for a developmental education Nigeria needs to achieve her nation-building and development aspirations. In addition to this philosophical deficit in the NPE, the framework of the NPE also uncritically differentiates between the sciences and the humanities in ways that led to the discouragement of the knowledge of history and critical thinking as crucial elements that instigate in the students the balance of learning to know, learning to do and learning to live with others. This incoherent philosophical basis is therefore the reason why theory and practice, as well as expectations and outcomes, with regard to education in Nigeria are not matching up.

    The second issue is that the education sector has also been caught up in the unitary federalism that the military imposed on Nigeria’s political culture. The implication is that the federal government is then forced to take up the burden that ought to be better creatively shared or that it ought to outrightly devolve to the other tiers of the federation. It is therefore not surprising, given the current state of Nigeria’s political economy that the funding of the education sector came up as the number one issue. It is compounded by the depreciating quality and dwindling availability of facilities. There is also the lack of cogent data and statistics to back up the performance of the education sector across the states and local governments with significant analytics, policy-engaged action research, scenario planning cum prospecting and strategic policy intelligence.

    Beyond the technical issues of low teacher quality, disarticulated teacher education, lack of integrated curriculum, lack of the recognition of non-formal education, the low status of technical and vocational education and the gender imbalance. I am more concerned with the larger question involving the overall disconnection between the NPE and Nigeria’s search for an economic and governance template that will be driven by the human capital development that the education sector is supposed to initiate and galvanise. The other dimension of this deficiency is that the Nigerian education system is not grounded in entrepreneurial and skill acquisition that prepare the students for the future, except to be unfortunate pawns in the scramble for white collar jobs. In other words, Nigeria’s education system is not generating wealth, nor is creating a national culture and values of self-dependence and self-reliance in the citizenry.

    My final diagnosis has to do with the correlation between current curricula and modernizing aspirations that Nigeria needs for development. The curricular iteration of the education system in Nigeria is not matching up quick enough with the changing dynamics of the modern world. This is where artificial intelligence, the fourth industrial revolution (4IR) and the education sector intersect. The fourth industrial revolution is defined by the technological revolution, especially by telecommunication and digital technologies, that have erased the distinction we make between biological, digital and physical realms. It connects the human world with the operations of self-regulating and self-learning algorithms which all together outline an emerging knowledge society determined by significant developments from the Internet of Things and cloud computing to big data to automated machines and integrated systems. The biggest event of the 4IR is the emergence of artificial intelligence, and the total transformation of the way we look at human capacities and capabilities.

    It is straightforward to immediately see how the impact of AI on the contours of the knowledge society affects how we reflect about the educational system. The larger picture therefore is that the pathway of a country’s connection to the 4IR is through an educational system that harness and deploy artificial intelligence and the digital technologies in facilitating an improved competency and skills capacitation of human capital that will eventually form the bedrock of the evolution of developmental state. AI and the other paraphernalia of the 4IR is the focus of every policy transformation that affects the education system of many societies across the world. It involves significant variations in curriculum, from entrepreneurship and ICT to digital education and STEM.

    Quite unfortunately, the state of Nigeria’s education system reflects the state of institutional inertia that affects many of the critical sectors of the Nigerian governmental sectors, especially the public service. I should know about this given I have spent the entirety of my professional life as a public servant trying to jumpstart and drive institutional reform. Despite the many benefits of AI to the educational system, its introduction into the Nigeria context challenges our infrastructural and institutional readiness. The 4IR needs power and significant investments in infrastructure to run, in order to be able to successful and optimally innovate the teaching and learning experience of faculty and students. It is within this infrastructural gap that Nigeria’s relationship with AI is still by default. This challenge is compounded by the extent of the digital literacy—how to make the smooth and seamless transition from chalkboard to chatbot, without replicating the educational gap that has already introduced social gaps across the country, especially between north and south.    

    Going forward, the starting point of an institutional reform of the education sector is to get the basics right. And that involves, in the first place, a critical shift away from the rampant tendency to load a surplus of models, diagnosis, best practices, concepts and modelling analytics on the education system by specialists and expertise who are sometimes themselves burdened by a conception-reality disconnect that allow them to throw all sorts of “solutions” without a demonstrating deep understanding of the problem at the level of getting things done, or of a fundamental policy-engaged research and evidence-based analytics, one grounded within an interdisciplinary community of practice. To get the basic rights, in connecting education design and implementation, requires a singularly pragmatic and strategic out-of-the-box problem solving managerial acumen. This pragmatic thinking enables the government to strategically optimize the scarce resources in terms of money, men, materials, machine and method (the 5Ms) that are synchronized to achieve performance and results within a result-based change management framework. This will include the capacity to create the balance in such vital performance indicators as access, relevance, quality, standards, internal and external efficiency and effectiveness, equity, internationalisation, etc., all within a framework of action that targets modernization through artificial intelligence and its multiple benefits and advantages.

    And this unravels for us the significance of the Tinubu administration and its determination to push education to the forefront of national development, by connecting it with the 4IR. We need to first applaud the courage of approving a 7.3% (N3.52trn) budgetary allocation to education, the highest of such allocation in Nigeria’s history. And to also appreciate the forceful and pragmatic policy initiatives of the Honourable Minister for Education, Dr Morufu Tunji Alausa, in terms of the push for basic education, the revamping of Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET). The increased funding for education signals an education financing model, deepened by the Education Loan Fund, to catalyze and accelerate sustainable and inclusive national socioeconomic growth and transformation made imperative by an AI—driven transformation across all sectors.

    In terms of change management dynamics, the government must fast track this ongoing institutional reform through the following dynamics that focus on higher education as a key locus for policy and developmental initiatives.

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         The broadening of the institutional and administrative autonomy of tertiary institutions to allow for more robust objectives in their unique contexts. For instance, universities can be re-profiled in accordance with specific competences. Universities of education are different from agricultural universities or technical universities.

         It is in line with this re-profiling imperative that I have made the call for scrapping the Higher National Diploma which can then be replaced with a Bachelor of Technology degree. This constitutes a pragmatic means of ending the protracted conflict polytechnics and universities in terms of skills pricing within the Nigerian society. More fundamentally, however, this recommendation enables the articulation of an expanded curricular and pedagogical content that focuses on an AI-inflected technical education whose objective is to rejig the employability capacity of Nigerian graduates, and rectify the deficit in the human capital development framework.

         The education financing model also demands a deep rethinking that speaks to a public-private partnership in terms of how the university partners with critical stakeholders, especially industries and private enterprises in the pursuit of a functional research and development (R&D) protocol that keeps the university, and higher education, on its toes in terms of keeping sustainably abreast of the evolution of the 4IR. Public-private partnership is the key to preserving the sustainability of the education sector and its objective of an AI curriculum that the Nigerian state can harness in terms of the challenges of becoming a developmental state that is firmly inserted into the 4IR.

         Finally, universities of education, like the EAUED, have a singular role to play in partnering with the federal government and other relevant stakeholders—Teacher Registration Council of Nigeria, Nigeria Union of Teachers, etc.—to ground pathways to quality teacher education and certification in terms of qualitative professionalism. A gatekeeping model that can strengthen an elongated internship cum teaching practices patterned along the houseman-ship programme in medical training. The other critical side of that partnership is the town-and-gown initiative that display the EAUED campus as a hub of critical relationship with industries in terms of scientific fairs, tech hubs and technological innovations that impact teaching and learning.

  • Price gouging and greedflation in Nigeria: The elephant in the room

    Price gouging and greedflation in Nigeria: The elephant in the room

    • By Ademuyiwa Adebola Taofeek

    Walk into any Nigerian market today and you’ll immediately feel it. That sinking feeling when you realise the bag of rice you bought last month for N60,000 now costs N70,000. The trader shrugs and blames “economic hardship”, but you know something doesn’t add up. This is greedflation at work, and it’s the elephant in the room that nobody wants to talk about seriously.

    Nigeria’s economic troubles are real, don’t get me wrong. We’re dealing with inflation above 20%. Reduced oil revenues and security challenges that would make any economy stumble. But here’s what’s really grinding my gears: too many businesses are using these genuine problems as cover for outright exploitation. They’re not just passing on increased costs to consumers anymore. They’re deliberately inflating prices way beyond what any reasonable analysis of supply chain disruptions would justify.

    What we’re seeing isn’t just regular inflation driven by economic fundamentals. It’s greedflation, plain and simple. Companies and traders are exploiting economic uncertainty to fatten their profit margins while ordinary Nigerians suffer. And the worst part? Most people don’t even realise they’re being played.

    Price gouging has always existed, sure. But what’s happening now feels different. More systematic. More brazen. Traders openly admit to hoarding goods until prices spike. Filling stations hold back fuel supplies to create artificial scarcity, knowing desperate drivers will pay whatever they ask. Landlords in Lagos and Abuja are jacking up rent by 50% or more, simply because they can.

    Let me share a personal experience that really opened my eyes to how deep this greedflation problem goes. Few months ago, the whole country was preparing for the Sallah celebrations, and the price of tomatoes was so high that people were seriously considering alternatives. I stumbled upon a TikTok account that was ready to sell a basket of tomatoes for N25,000 plus N5,000 transport fee to Lagos from Jos. The seller was seeking more buyers so as to ship it to Lagos together, seizing the opportunity of the yearnings of the people.

    Lo and behold! I took a chance and patronised her, spending a total of N35,000 for a basket including logistics within Lagos as against the N120,000 in the popular perishable goods market in Lagos. What happened? The merchants also bought from North Central, so how come a consumer buying directly from Jos was able to save about N80,000 on a basket of tomatoes? This experience made me realise just how much middlemen are inflating prices beyond any reasonable justification.

    We have come to see it as a norm for prices of commodities to change during festivities in Nigeria. Is it an artificial phenomenon or the law of demand and supply? After my experience, I asked some simple questions on my X account, but people who were either ignorant or beneficiaries of greedflation came hard on me, questioning my knowledge of economics. My understanding was that farmers are the biggest victims while middlemen cart away with most profits, all in the name of burden of risk.

    Another experience I had running a restaurant in Lagos eventually led me out of the business entirely. Food business requires constant supply of goods like pepper, tomatoes, livestock products like meat, fish and eggs. These, in all sincerity, determine the viability of your business. I saw firsthand how greedflation and sharp price changes send entrepreneurs out of business in Nigeria. A typical scenario: you buy a basket of tomatoes at Mile 12 market for N12,000 on Monday, you go back on Wednesday, it’s N19,500. You can’t tweak your menu to accommodate the price change, but the middleman selling pepper, tomatoes and other items can conveniently force you to pay. You keep running negative till you are able to change your menu, if you survive that long.

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    The housing market is even worse. In cities like Port Harcourt, Lagos, and Abuja, landlords have basically declared open season on tenants. There are no meaningful rent control laws, so they’re free to increase prices arbitrarily. Young professionals are forced to choose between paying extortionate rent or moving back in with their parents. Families are squeezed out of neighbourhoods they’ve lived in for years.

    But here’s the thing that really gets to me: this isn’t happening in a vacuum. The regulatory agencies that are supposed to protect consumers often seem overwhelmed by the scale of the problem. Whether they lack resources, technical capacity, or political backing, the result is the same. Exploitative pricing continues largely unchecked.

    And let’s be honest about the data problem. How can you prove price manipulation when nobody’s keeping proper track of what things should actually cost? We don’t have real-time market monitoring systems. We don’t have transparent pricing mechanisms. This information gap gives unscrupulous traders all the room they need to operate.

    Then there’s the corruption angle, which we all know exists but nobody wants to address head-on. Market cartels in pharmaceuticals, food distribution, and oil products don’t just happen by accident. They require coordination, and often, they require looking the other way from officials who should be stopping them.

    What makes this particularly cruel is how it hits the most vulnerable Nigerians hardest. If you’re wealthy, a 50% increase in food prices is annoying but manageable. If you’re already struggling to feed your family, that same increase can mean choosing between food and medicine, or between school fees and rent. The poor are bearing the brunt of other people’s greed.

    I’ve watched families cut back on everything, not because of genuine scarcity, but because traders are artificially inflating prices. Children are pulled out of school. Medical treatments are postponed. Basic nutrition suffers. All so that some traders can maximise their profits during a crisis.

    This erosion of trust goes deeper than just economics. When people realise that their government can’t or won’t protect them from exploitation, they lose faith in institutions altogether. Black markets flourish. Informal networks become more important than official channels. Society fractures along lines of those who can afford inflated prices and those who can’t.

    From a business perspective, this kind of price instability is toxic for legitimate investment. How do you plan a business when prices are being manipulated rather than determined by actual market conditions? Foreign investors notice this stuff. Local entrepreneurs get discouraged. The whole economy suffers when prices lose their connection to reality.

    So what can actually be done about this elephant in the room? First, we need regulatory agencies with real teeth. Not just the authority to investigate price manipulation, but the resources and political backing to actually do something about it. Real-time monitoring systems that can flag suspicious pricing patterns before they become entrenched.

    Competition policy needs a complete overhaul. Break up these cartels and monopolies that enable systematic price manipulation. Encourage local production and distribution networks that can provide genuine alternatives to dominant players. When consumers have real choices, exploitative pricing becomes much harder to sustain.

    Transparency could be a game-changer here. Imagine digital platforms that track and publish average market prices in real-time. Consumers would know immediately when they’re being gouged. Regulators would have the data they need to spot manipulation. Market pressure for fair pricing would increase dramatically.

    We also need to get serious about educating people. Many Nigerians don’t realise when they’re being exploited because they assume all price increases are inevitable. Public awareness campaigns should teach people to recognise gouging and provide clear channels for reporting it. An informed public is much harder to exploit.

    Protecting whistleblowers and supporting investigative journalism could expose the networks that enable systematic exploitation. These practices thrive in darkness. Shine some light on them through media investigations and public exposure, and suddenly they become much less attractive to perpetrators.

    But here’s what frustrates me most: we keep focusing on macroeconomic indicators while ignoring this elephant stomping around the room. Yes, Nigeria has structural economic challenges that will take years to fix. But greedflation is adding an entirely unnecessary layer of hardship right now. Today. While we’re debating fiscal policy and monetary instruments, ordinary people are being systematically robbed.

    This isn’t some abstract economic concept. It’s theft, dressed up in the language of market forces. It’s wealthy individuals and corporations profiting from the desperation of millions. And until we name it clearly and address it directly, it will continue to function as a hidden tax on Nigeria’s most vulnerable citizens.

    The choice is simple, really. We can keep pretending that all price increases are just natural consequences of economic difficulties. Or we can acknowledge that some people are exploiting those difficulties for personal gain, and we can do something about it. The evidence is right there in our markets, in our fuel stations, in our neighbourhoods. The elephant isn’t hiding anymore. The question is whether we’re finally ready to address it.

    · Ademuyiwa, a public affairs commentator, writes from Abuja

  • Super Falcons: Justifiable rewards

    Super Falcons: Justifiable rewards

    • By Kehinde Nubi

    I have followed with some bemusement the raging debate which in the main amounted to criticism of the substantial rewards given to the Super Falcons by the federal government. Not a few people have questioned the logic behind lavishing so much gifts on ‘mere’ footballers, especially considering the ‘sacrifices’ made daily by soldiers and the law enforcement officers, professors, doctors and nurses, and other essential societal contributors. This scepticism, while understandable in a society grappling with numerous systemic challenges, misses the point. The specific nature of global sporting excellence is a truly exceptional domain. It is also important to recognise that the argument often overlooks the broader socioeconomic impact of such sporting achievements, which ripple beyond the pitch and deeply affect national morale, unity, and international perception.

    I believe that this objection is primarily because some may not appreciate the value and uniqueness of extraordinary talent, which, for me, overlooks the crucial distinctions between global representation/recognition and what I will term general service. The Super Falcons’ triumph is not merely a football victory but a historic landmark carved on the global sporting map. The visibility of this team has showcased Nigeria’s capacity to rival the best globally, and fosters a sense of pride that transcends social and ethnic divides.

    In this particular instance, the Super Falcons represent the pinnacle of football talent in Nigeria – less than 25 athletes out of hundreds of millions, and this, by the way, applies to all our sporting heroes. To get to the point of wearing national colours on the world stage goes beyond hard work or formal education; it requires innate prodigious talent, relentless discipline, exceptional physical fitness, and exceptional mental fortitude. This achievement rivals, if not surpasses the global odds for some of humanity’s most coveted prizes. We need to understand that these young women competed not merely for personal glory but as the bearers of Nigeria’s national identity. They inspired millions of their compatriots and united a diverse country, at least for a while. The symbolism of these athletes as ambassadors for peace, progress, and national solidarity cannot be overstated.

    We need to understand clearly that recognising the Super Falcons victory and rewarding them likewise, does not diminish the critical importance of teachers, soldiers, policemen, doctors, nurses, or professors, etc., and their noble contributions to society. These roles are admittedly fundamental to Nigeria’s social fabric and deserve adequate, sustainable rewards and appreciation. However, while immensely valuable, these professions do not operate on the same level of rarity or global benchmarking. They involve thousands or millions of dedicated individuals, each performing indispensable but more accessible functions at the population level. The comparison often made between these professions and sportsmen and women fails to consider that while some forms of service are continuous and foundational, success, when it comes to sports, requires rare talent and resilience under global scrutiny, a combination not common to any other field.

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    The Super Falcons competed with the world’s elite athletes, subject to unforgiving international scrutiny and pressure. This implies a high level of stress, commitment, and sacrifice. The magnitude of this responsibility on these women is enormous.

    Globally, exceptional achievements command exceptional rewards. Examples of this include prestigious awards like the Nobel Prize or the Pulitzer Prize, which focus on a select few – sometimes only one recipient – whose skill and impact are way above the norm. The substantial monetary rewards attached to these honours are rarely contested because they acknowledge rare, boundary-pushing contributions that advance humanity. Achievements in sports on a world stage operate in a similar vein. I really think that our national conscience ought to evolve to embrace celebrating exceptionalism in exceptional ways, even if it challenges the traditional idea of merit and reward.

    We mustn’t forget that in international sports, athletes who succeed on stages like the World Cup or Olympics generally receive huge financial and symbolic rewards. These incentives reflect not only the rarity and difficulty of their achievements but also their nations’ desire to foster and incentivise ongoing global excellence. Beyond individual gains, these rewards serve as strategic national tools that promote tourism, inspire youth engagement in sports, and open international opportunities for partnerships and investments. The economic spin-offs linked to such achievements can be significant and long-lasting, benefiting multiple sectors beyond sports alone.

    Rewarding the Super Falcons is more than an act of generosity; it is a strategic investment in nurturing future talent pipelines and sustaining national pride. Such recognition provides tangible proof that elite global achievement deserves respect and serves as a powerful motivator for emerging athletes. In a country with systemic challenges, these incentives are critical to unlocking potential. They also help combat the brain drain phenomenon in sports, where talented individuals are tempted to represent other countries for better opportunities. National rewards affirm that Nigeria values and honours its home-grown heroes, encouraging retention and pride.

    Furthermore, honouring women’s sporting achievements sends a strong message about gender equity and empowerment. The Super Falcons’ rewards underscore the potential for female empowerment in all sectors. It is a critical step toward dismantling systemic discrimination and opening equal opportunities.

    So, for those of our compatriots comparing athletes’ rewards to those of soldiers or educators, I dare say that such comparison, while well-meaning, applies incompatible value systems. Soldiers, teachers, and similar professions operate largely under a steady-state, service-driven reward framework, essential for national stability and development. Elite sports achievement, in contrast, is occasional, fiercely competitive, and globally visible, necessitating a distinct valuation system. It is comparable to recognising world-class innovators, artists, or scientists, who are rewarded for extraordinary breakthroughs rather than steady service. Each paradigm requires a tailored response to reward and recognition, acknowledging the fundamental differences in function, risk, and societal impact.

    What I see here is a subtle transfer of aggression of sorts. Instead of raging at the Nigerian state for not enhancing support, salaries, and career development for soldiers, teachers, policemen, professors, and other essential workers, and recognising their indispensable roles. This is especially annoying when some executive and legislative folks regularly conspire to loot the budget, collude to hide the misappropriations, connive to bypass oversight, and concoct false reports to mislead the public. The same people making noise about these rewards being excessive will return their ‘criminal’ leaders in elections. This cycle of misplaced energy detracts from constructive advocacy and allows entrenched corruption and mismanagement to persist unchallenged. It reflects a broader societal challenge – of focusing criticism not on systemic reform, but on symbolic issues that divert attention from root causes.

    In conclusion, I am of the firm belief that we must continue to acknowledge the vital contributions of athletes to Nigeria’s diplomatic and cultural capital, and should continue to reward them appropriately for their outstanding achievements. There is, in fact, a moral imperative to recognise true excellence wherever it arises. To compete on the global stage and dominate the rest of the world, knowing that all the participating countries sent their best talents, demands rewards, not just to honour the achievement, but their dedication, sacrifice, and exceptional skill. The Super Falcons’ victory is both a testament and a challenge to the nation to deepen its commitment toward nurturing excellence, not in isolation but as part of an integrated national development agenda.

    This is not to say that Nigeria should not ensure sustained recognition of continuous service such as that of soldiers and other essential contributors to Nigerian societal development. There should be in place, a global-standard social security system to take care of Nigerians, especially in their old age.

    The rewards given to the Super Falcons, as far as I am concerned, reflect the rarity of their achievement, the symbolic significance of global representation, and the broad national benefits they confer. To continue to win and compete globally, Nigeria must continue to reward exceptional world-class talents. Without this commitment, the country risks mediocrity in both accomplishment and the manner in which it values greatness. Nigerians should, in my opinion, support the celebration of excellence in a ‘big way’, including the gifts, the likes of which triggered this controversy, thus inspiring generations to come.

    •Nubi is a Lagos-based lawyer