By 2027, Kwara State will mark 28 years of uninterrupted democratic rule since the return to civil government in 1999. In that time, the state has grown in population, political awareness, and development ambition. Yet, despite these strides, one truth remains stubbornly unresolved: Kwara North, the state’s largest geopolitical zone by landmass and a key contributor to its economy, has never produced a democratically elected governor.
This exclusion is not only a stain on the state’s democratic fabric, but a growing threat to long-term unity and equitable development.
As the next election cycle approaches, this unfinished business must move to the centre of political discourse. Not just for moral clarity, but for strategic planning, security stability, and economic equity.
Kwara State, created in 1967, is divided into three senatorial zones: North, Central, and South.
Since the start of the Fourth Republic in 1999, the governorship has rotated between Kwara Central and Kwara South.
The late Mohammed Alabi Lawal (1999–2003) hailed politically from Kwara Central, as did his successors, Bukola Saraki (2003–2011). AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, the current governor, also hails from the central region of Kwara.
Kwara South, through Senator Cornelius Adebayo (military handover era) and AbdulFatai Ahmed, has had a share. Kwara North, comprising five local government areas, Baruten, Edu, Patigi, Kaiama, and Moro, has had no elected governor. Its closest claim was Lawal, whose maternal roots were from Baruten but who identified politically with Ilorin.
This imbalance has fuelled long-standing grievances, with many in Kwara North feeling politically short-changed.
While zoning is not enshrined in Nigeria’s constitution, many states across the federation operate an unwritten rotational agreement to reflect federal character and promote fairness. Benue, Delta, Enugu, and Bauchi states have all implemented informal or formalized zoning arrangements, ensuring power moves across zones and not just within dominant ethnic or political enclaves.
Kwara’s silence on zoning has resulted in near-permanent rotation between Central and South, to the exclusion of the North. That silence now requires political courage to correct.
Beyond political arithmetic, the relevance of Kwara North to the future of the state cannot be overstated. The zone holds immense economic, agricultural, and geopolitical importance.
Geographically, Kwara North shares a direct international border with the Republic of Benin through Baruten and is adjacent to four Nigerian states: Niger, Kogi, Oyo, and Ekiti. This makes it a potential hub for cross-border trade, agricultural export, and regional security coordination.
Yet, its border towns remain poorly policed and sparsely serviced, with minimal investment in border infrastructure.
Economically, the North is the food basket of the state. The region produces much of Kwara’s rice, yam, maize, and cashew. The federal government’s agricultural intervention in Patigi and Edu through dry season farming attests to the area’s enormous potential. Yet, over 65 percent of its agricultural output reportedly goes to waste due to poor storage and processing capacity. Without political prioritization, this economic potential remains stunted.
Culturally, the region is home to diverse ethnic groups including the Nupe, Bariba, Yoruba, and Fulani communities. These cultures have coexisted for generations, yet feel invisible in the political representation of the state.
Multiple development indicators show a stark disparity between Kwara North and the rest of the state.
While Kwara Central, particularly Ilorin, has witnessed sustained investment in roads, tertiary education, and healthcare infrastructure, the North lags. In sectors such as road construction, education, healthcare, and industrial investment, Kwara North has received a disproportionately low share of state funding. In healthcare, General Hospitals in towns like Kaima have suffered decades of underfunding, with many residents relying on poorly staffed clinics or traveling several hours to Ilorin for basic treatment.
Under Governor Abdulrahaman, though, attention has now been paid to these issues. The north is now having a new face and it is catching up with other regions of the state.
The importance of Kwara North in Nigeria’s current security context cannot be ignored.
Baruten and Kaiama local government areas share porous boundaries with communities in Niger State, which have witnessed repeated banditry and kidnapping. In 2023, attacks on farmers in Gwanara took over 48 hours to elicit a meaningful state-level response. The reality is simple: a region this close to crisis zones needs direct representation at the highest level of governance.
Security coordination, investment in rural policing, and community-based intelligence networks cannot be achieved effectively without a governor who understands the local terrain and prioritizes its stability.
One of the frequent pushbacks against rotational advocacy is the claim that Kwara North lacks the political infrastructure or maturity to produce a governor. This is not supported by facts. In the 2023 general elections, Kaiama recorded over 52 percent voter turnout, while Patigi posted 49 percent, both higher than figures from parts of Ilorin West and Ilorin East.
The region accounted for a significant amount of all PVC registrations in the state during the last INEC cycle. Moreover, Kwara North has produced nationally competent individuals, including Senator Sadiq Umar, a UK-trained pharmacist and legislator. Yakubu Danladi Salihu, the current speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly is also from Baruten Local Government Area. A former speaker of the revered house, Yisa Benjamin is also from Patigi Local Government Area.
There is Jamila Bio Ibrahim, medical doctor, development specialist and politician, who formerly served as Minister of Youth among an array of appointments.
If other zones have produced governors with lesser credentials, then Kwara North cannot be dismissed on competence grounds.
Zoning, when implemented with sincerity, does not conflict with merit. Rather, it ensures that every part of a state feels a sense of ownership and participation in governance. It prevents power from being hoarded by one ethnic group or geographical zone. In plural societies like Nigeria, zoning has often stabilized the polity and reduced the risk of marginalization-induced tensions.
States that ignored these signs have paid for it.
States that embraced equitable power rotation, such as Cross River and Bauchi, have managed their diversity more effectively.
The danger of continuing along the current path is not abstract. It shows up in low school attendance in Patigi, high youth migration from Kaiama, and increasing agitations for local autonomy. When a region feels left behind, its young people become vulnerable to manipulation, radicalization, and economic exploitation.
More urgently, Kwara’s reputation as a politically peaceful state could come under strain if large populations feel they have no stake in the government of the day.
Rotating the governorship to Kwara North is not just symbolic. It is also a development strategy. A governor from the North is more likely to prioritize agro-industrial zones, border surveillance, storage facilities for farm produce, and rural roads that connect farm clusters to markets.
The cry for equity in Kwara politics is not a new one. But now, it carries a fresh urgency.
The 2027 election presents an opportunity to correct an imbalance that has lasted too long.
Supporting a candidate from Kwara North is not charity. It is strategic, overdue, and essential for building a stronger, more united state.
To ignore this moment would be to deny justice once again. And as history has shown, justice delayed too long becomes justice denied.
•Yekini writes from Ilorin, Kwara State
