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Coalition: Too many unknowns
- By Ray Ekpu
There are several things that I hold strong views about. But today I will name just three of them. One, I believe that Nigeria must be a united country to be stable and progressive. That is why I do not, cannot, will not support any movement for the bifurcation or trifurcation of Nigeria. All those who call themselves separatists, who want to have Nigeria split into several countries will never find me in their corner. I believe that a big Nigeria is better than a small Nigeria. That is part of the reason that China and India are resilient today. They have a large population and land mass to help them weather the storms, political storms, economic storms and climate storms. But I want a united Nigeria that works for everyone, that works for fairness, equity and justice for all.

Two, I believe in the rotation of power between north and south. If rotation works, the country will work. God in His infinite wisdom gave different assets to different regions of Nigeria. If crude oil and gas were found within the territory occupied by the majority tribes, Nigeria would have split a long time ago. They would have used their majority power to perfect injustice against the minority tribes. But God placed these assets largely in the minority tribes so that Nigeria can remain united. That is my belief. And even though I am from the Niger Delta region, I have never in my 51 years of journalism practice advocated that the people of that region should own the oil and gas assets 100%. That would not make for a united country. But some selfish politicians have said that since they have the numbers, they should hold on to power for ever because democracy is a game of numbers. My answer to that is if you hold on to power, don’t you think other people can also hold on to what they have because power is infact divisible.

Three, I believe that Nigeria’s democracy will only be largely stable and progressive if we evolve into a two-party entity basically. Being a two-party entity does not mean there will be no other parties but a situation where we have scores of parties is rubbish; rubbish because they will never have the ability to achieve anything or to make any significant contribution to the evolution of our democracy. So the conversation about the ruling APC growing into a near behemoth and posing the possibility of becoming the only dominant party in the country is an important conversation.

Read Also: We cannot defeat Tinubu in 2027 divided, says Edo PDP

However, the emergence of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as a coalition that seeks, according to its proponents, to “rescue Nigeria from bad governance” is something of interest to those who wish to see two formidable parties in the country. This is not the first time that the ADC has been chosen as a rallying canopy to seek to overthrow a sitting government. In 2018, former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, had packaged what he called the Coalition for Nigeria Movement (CNM) to challenge the President Muhammadu Buhari government in the 2019 general election. It failed to unseat Buhari who won a second term as president. The present coalition which seeks to defeat President Bola Tinubu in 2027 seems to be an imitation of what happened in 2013 when Tinubu, leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria (CAN), stitched together four parties namely ACN, CPC, ANPP and a faction of APGA to form the APC. That coalition led to the defeat of Goodluck Jonathan in the 2015 election. That became the first time that a sitting government at the centre would be defeated in an election by an opposition party. The fellows responsible for the ADC coalition apparently believe than an encore is possible and that the Tinubu government can be defeated in 2027. If Tinubu is defeated in 2027, it would mean that Nigeria is, once again, becoming a democracy with two strong parties.

Let us look at the faces and facts behind the ADC coalition. The most prominent proponents are former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, Labour Party presidential candidate in 2023 election, Peter Obi, former Senate President, David Mark, former Osun State governor, Rauf Aregbesola, former governor of Rivers State and former Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai and former governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Tambuwal. All of them had been in positions of power in the states or centre either as vice president, governor, minister or senator. That is why some analysts describe them as “old wine in new bottles.” Some critics feel that they had enormous opportunities in those positions they occupied over the years to make significant transformational contributions to Nigeria’s development. They belonged to either of the two parties, PDP and APC which have ruled Nigeria since 1999. If Nigeria is in a state where rescue is needed today, shouldn’t they bear part of the blame? They should. The other question would be when they were in positions of authority, what did they do to ensure that Nigeria did not sink into a hole, that warrants its being dug out of the hole today?

Since none of them is a new face in governance, since all of them had played important parts in governance in the past, what is the level of credibility that they have when they say that they are here on a rescue mission from bad governance?

Did this bad governance start only in the last two years that all of them have been out of power? In any case, when they were in power, can their achievements be regarded as overwhelmingly justifiable or justifiably overwhelming?

Or is there any visible evidence that they have turned a new leaf that will enhance their performance if Nigerians decide to vote for them in 2027? Nigerians would like to know if they are truly agents of change. Did they cause a review of the 1999 Constitution to be made, an issue that Nigerians have called for since 1999? Did they cause the economy to grow? Did we make by their effort, money from solid minerals that are exploited in the 774 local government areas by illegal miners?

What improvements did they bring about in agriculture so that we do not continue to import ship loads of food or stay hungry? Did they succeed in getting Nigeria to bring on board new measures to stem the growing tide of insecurity in various parts of the country? What contributions did they make towards the drastic reduction of poverty and unemployment in the country? As people who had played significant parts in the governance of the country, they have a trust deficit to deal with. It is not simply a matter of wanting to remove Tinubu. It is not simply a matter of criticizing Tinubu. That is the easy part. The important part is for them to convince us with facts and figures, with solid verifiable evidence that they have an alternative policy option that can rescue Nigeria on several developmental fronts. It is not simply a matter of rhetoric. That is the big challenge that they must overcome, the challenge of believability.

They come from basically PDP which is in tatters, the LP which has problems and some of them are APC rebels. If they come from parties that have not been able to manage successfully the crises in their parties, how can they convince Nigerians that they are well equipped to run a country which is a bigger entity effectively, efficiently? That is a challenge they have.

Most of the prominent persons in the group want to become president of Nigeria. They need pure magic to be able to manage these conflicting ambitions so that the group can maintain sanity and work towards its goal. And only one person can be Nigeria’s president at a time. Will these ambitions of the principal promoters not be a hindrance to the successful prosecution of their agenda? That is something they must work on if they want Nigerians to trust them.

Finally, Nigeria needs two strong parties for its democracy to work efficiently and to make the government transparent and accountable to the people. Will the ADC be the new messiah, the medium that will take us to Eldorado? I don’t know.
July 15, 2025
Transforming Nigeria through real estate development

By Jide Ogundoro

From its first day in office, the present administration has not minced words that its number one priority is to build a Nigeria where every business would thrive, where prosperity would be felt in every community, and where every citizen would enjoy a life of dignity and opportunity. The president has been using every opportunity to reassure Nigerians on this, and to reaffirm his administration’s commitment to transforming Nigeria’s economy from its age-long status of “potential to pragmatic” through the execution of tangible, people-centred projects across the country. Nigeria, he said, should not remain perpetually potentially great. A pivot point I would say.

To achieve the transformation agenda of his administration, the president embarked on restructuring and re-engineering of the economy, with bold and strategic decisions geared towards diversification of the economy through industrialization, agriculture, mining, manufacturing among others, with steps taken to enhance infrastructure and to create enabling environment, such that would attract investments, promote entrepreneurship, and deliver inclusive growth and sustainable development.

Who would say Nigeria’s economy doesn’t require urgent and critical restructuring anyway? In the early 1960s, African nations, including Nigeria, were given a better outlook of economic development than their Asian counterparts. Fast forward to 65 years later, the differing outcome is there to see and compare. After independence, we took different pathways of development from the countries of Asia. Nigeria got stuck in mono-economy, relying almost absolutely on crude oil for income, abandoned other critical sectors of the economy, such as agriculture, agro-allied industry, tourism and manufacturing, while corruption ravaged the entire system, crippled growth and development. Somebody wrote that the 21st century belong to Asia, while we are wobbling and groping in unending circle of backwardness, under-development and poverty, with its attending consequences in Nigeria.

This is the narrative the government has committed itself to change. Given the enormous and growing scale of its development challenges, especially against the backdrop of rising poverty, insecurity and fragility, it has become urgent to accelerate Nigeria’s development progress, otherwise we would remain trapped as the undeveloped and poverty capital of the world.

Starting with the removal of fuel subsidy, unification of exchange rates, other bold and strategic reforms, the government has shown unwavering commitment to implementing policies that would change Nigeria’s economic trajectory. And I think we are making some progress in the country’s ongoing path of economic reforms. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) in a recent report (Article IV consultation on the Nigeria’s economic health and policies) while projecting 3.4% growth in 2025, acknowledged that the country’s economic reforms have significantly helped to improve micro-economic stability.

In as much as the programmes being implemented to transform the nation’s landscape are commendable, I however intend to propose a shift in mind-set. I would suggest to government to recognize the benefits of redefining Nigeria’s economic narrative, and transforming Nigeria through real estate development.

Building more houses will transform the economy because it will generate more work; that is why more investment in housing and infrastructure should be given consideration and commitment. Real estate sector offer compelling opportunities for development in its diverse areas of, residential, commercial, office, and hospitality, to mention a few. With a favourable investment climate and a government that is committed to infrastructure development, Nigeria is poised to become a significant hub for real estate investment in the years to come. Investors have Nigeria’s dynamic economy and expanding urban landscape to capitalize on.

Read Also: Buhari served Nigeria with integrity, deep love for his people — First Lady

In the more developed countries of Europe, America and other developed climes, whenever they have challenges in the economy, what the government does is to invest massively in real estate, and infrastructure. The reason is simple; investments in these areas enhance job creation, stimulate economic activities that ensure the citizens have reliable source of income and means of livelihood. And when people have secured means of livelihood, they will be empowered to pay tax, which is injected back into the system, and used to refinance the economy. Businesses thrive on the back of that, and you have multiplier effects, the circle goes on, economic and national transformation is either triggers off or revitalized. I suggest we go this route, otherwise we might have to endure a fairly long, and painful journey to our desired transformed nation.

Nigeria’s housing deficit is put at 28 million units. It could be more than that, considering the number of graduates being turned out by the universities and other tertiary institutions, and the fact that this army of young Nigerians would need accommodation to settle down for the next phase of their lives. Many Nigerians, particularly those in the low end are in dire need of decent and affordable accommodation. What about the littering of the urban space with slums and ghettos, a complex social phenomenon that reflects deeper structural problems such as poverty, marginalization and exclusion? Lagos is a city of two halves: money dripping in the corridors of corporate offices, and stagnant water dripping in the slums that are home to over 20 million.

What about the rapidly expanding population, particularly in urban centres, which has created a significant demand for affordable housing! The import of this is that housing deficit offers a huge opportunity for investment and development. Developers should key into this challenge and construct high-quality yet affordable residential units. They are well-positioned for success.

Demand for modern, well-located office spaces in Nigeria’s burgeoning economy is high, fuelled by the presence of multinational corporations and the growth of local businesses. The vibrant middle class increasingly seek diverse and attractive retail experiences, not just shopping; the tourism sector is on an upward trajectory, attracting domestic and international visitors. All of these offer promising investment opportunities.

Despite the huge opportunities and potential in the real estate sector, and its potential, Nigeria has not really explored this veritable tool for national economic transformation. It is not surprising that real estate has remained flat in the last two years in terms of its contributions to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), single digit growth, while other countries in Nigeria’s category, recorded two digits contribution to the GDP. Going forward, government need to have comprehensive conversation with professionals and stakeholders in the sector, particularly estate surveyors and valuers on how to turn the economy around, bench-marking the real estate sector

•ESV Ogundoro is an estate surveyor and valuer

July 14, 2025
Coalition of men of yesterday

By Olabode Lucas

In recent days, the buzzword in the political space in Nigeria is the word ‘coalition’. This is as a result of the coming together of some prominent politicians who claim that they are disillusioned with the present political situation in the country and are bent on taking political power from the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC) in the coming elections in 2027. They vow to send back President Tinubu from Aso Rock to his base in Lagos. These politicians in order to achieve their political aims are operating in a coalition, first under the unregistered African Democratic Alliance (ADA), and now under the registered African Democratic Congress (ADC).

These prominent politicians include Atiku Abubakar, David Mark, John Odigie Oyegun, Rotimi Amaechi, Rauf Aregbesola, Nasir El-Rufai, Peter Obi, Sule Lamido, Aminu Tambuwal and other political heavyweights who are implacably opposed to the APC and the government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Looking at the antecedents of the people in this coalition, one cannot but describe the coalition as one made up of men of yesterday, as virtually all of them have occupied one high position or the other in the past. Atiku Abubakar was the vice president of this country for eight years (1999-2007). David Mark was equally the president of the Senate for eight uninterrupted years while others had been governors or top political office holders.

My dictionary describes ‘coalition’ as ‘a temporary group or union of organizations usually formed for a particular advantage’. The present coalition under the aegis of ADC is formed for nothing more than the acquisition of power in 2027. Formation of a coalition of political parties is not unique to Nigeria. For example in the United Kingdom in 2021, the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party formed a coalition government and even in our country, from 1954 to 1966, the NCNC and NPC formed a coalition government to rule Nigeria at the federal level.

Read Also: Buhari sacrificed his life for Nigeria’s unity, says Sanwo-Olu

Although the Nigerian Youth Movement, founded in 1934 by Eyo Ita could be regarded as the first multi-ethnic organization in Nigeria, the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons (later Citizens) formed in 1944 was certainly the first political party formed from a broad-based coalition of various interest groups which included cultural associations, nationalist parties, labour unions and religious organisations. At its inception, the NCNC had Herbert Macaulay as the president and leader, Ven (Dr,) J. Olumide Lucas as the vice president and Dr, Nnamdi Azikiwe as the secretary. In the leadership, the labour unions were represented by the fiery Michael Imoudu, popularly known as Labour Leader No. 1. The aim of the newly formed party was to provide a veritable platform to fight for independence of Nigeria from British colonial rule. The party survived from 1944 to 1966 when the military took over political power in Nigeria and dissolved all the political parties. In its 22 years of existence, the party was in the forefront for the agitation of Nigeria’s independence. From 1952 to 1966, it was the government party in the Eastern Region and formidable opposition party in the Western Region from the same 1952 to 1963. From 1954 to 1966, it formed a coalition government with Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) at the federal level.

Another notable coalition of parties that came out in Nigeria was during the political strife that characterized the political scene in the early 60s which eventually led to the coup of January 1966. During the Action Group crisis of 1962, the party was split into two warring factions. One faction was under the leader of the party, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, while the other faction was under the deputy leader, Chief S. L. Akintola. The Awolowo’s faction of the party teamed up with the NCNC after the party had been decimated in the West to form nationally, the United People Grand Alliance (UPGA). The Nigeria National Democratic Party (NNDP), under Akintola subsequently teamed up with the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) to form Nigeria National Alliance (NNA). The coalition of parties subsequently squared up to contest the 1964 federal election. The election was marred by massive irregularities and the controversies over the election consequently threatened the corporate existence of the country. However, the leaders of the country eventually reached a compromise to form a broad-based government at the federal level. The NCNC joined the NPC and the NNDP in this government and left its coalition partner, the Action Group high and dry in the opposition. The crisis generated by this electoral malfeasance in 1964 hastened the country’s march to inglorious military rule in January 1966.

Read Also: He sacrificed his life for Nigeria’s unity, says Sanwo-Olu

The ungodly annulment of June 12 1993 presidential election led to the formation of a pro-democratic group called National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). The coalition was formed for the revalidation of the results of the freest election in the country’s history and won by Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola. The coalition also wanted the military to give up power and restore democratic rule in the country. The group included notable Nigerians such as Wole Soyinka, Bola Tinubu, Dan Suleiman, John Odigie-Oyegun, Abraham Adesanya, Ayo Adebanjo, Ndubuisi Kanu, Kayode Fayemi Alani Akinrinade, Arthur Nwankwo of Eastern Mandate Group and many others who showed courage in the face of tyranny of the military exemplified by the malevolent Sani Abacha. It was a pan Nigeria pressure group which operated within and outside Nigeria. The struggle was grim and bitter, and the fiendish Abacha left no stone unturned to liquidate members of this patriotic group until he himself expired on June 8, 1997. His death consequently led to a series of actions which culminated in 1999 to the democratic dispensation we are having now in the country.

Recently President Tinubu honoured some of the members of NADECO for the roles they played in the enthronement of democracy in our country. The coalition was the finest example on how Nigeria could come together to fight despotism, dictatorship and bad government.

Another landmark coalition that has profound effect on our political trajectory was the one put up by Ahmed Bola Tinubu, our present president in 2013. The coalition involved mainly the opposition parties to the government of the PDP at the federal level. The parties involved in the coalition were, the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) led by Tinubu with its stronghold in the Southwest, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) led by Muhammadu Buhari with stronghold in the North, a breakaway faction of PDP with sprinkle of followership all over the country and a faction of All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) in the Southeast. The coalition of parties named All Progressive Congress, (APC) was put together in February 2013 and it was able to dislodge the ruling PDP from power at the 2015 presidential election. This was unique because this was the first time an opposition party will take over rein of government from an incumbent party in government in our country. This coalition was the platform used in making Buhari president after three failed attempts. The party formed at that time is still in power with the election of President Tinubu in 2023.

The country has also witnessed a coalition of trade unions to press for better wages and improved conditions of service. In 1963, the main trade unions in the country, United Labour Congress (ULC) led by H.P. Adebola, the Nigerian Trade Union Congress (NTUC) led by the Fiery Wahab Goodluck, Labour Unity Front (LUC) led by the veteran trade unionist, Michael Imoudu and Nigeria Workers Council (NWC) came together to form Joint Action Committee (JAC) to successfully press the Tafawa Balewa federal government to grant wage increase to the workers. By coming together the unions were able to thwart the divide and rule policy of the government to get what they wanted from the government of the day. It was a golden and finest hour of trade unionism in Nigeria because unity of purpose was rare among trade unions in Nigeria before this time.

The division among the trade unions in Nigeria persisted until the military administration of Olusegun Obasanjo, when in 1978 all the trade unions came under one umbrella called Nigerian Trade Union Congress with 42 industrial unions.

In view of the ongoing gale of defections of opposition members to the ruling party, the APC, many Nigerians are apprehensive that Nigeria would soon turn to a one-party state. Multiplicity of parties is essential for the growth of democracy anywhere democratic form of government is practiced. We need at least a strong opposition party for democracy to thrive in this country. Time will tell whether the newly refurbished ADC with many heavy weight politicians of yesterday would be able to fulfil this role and also be strong enough to dislodge APC from power in 2027 as APC did to PDP in 2015.

•Professor Lucas writes from Old Bodija, Ibadan

July 14, 2025
Youth resilience in a fragile economy
SIR: Nigeria’s youth are growing up in a country weighed down by economic instability, rising inflation, political uncertainty, and widespread insecurity. Yet despite these harsh realities, they continue to push back, refusing to be buried under the weight of a system that has repeatedly failed them.

With over 70% of the population under the age of 30, the Nigerian youth are not just a demographic fact. They are a force. But this force operates in a country where job opportunities are scarce, education is underfunded, and the cost of living keeps rising. Many graduates roam the streets for years without employment. Even those with jobs often earn salaries that barely cover transportation and food, let alone rent or savings.

In response to these struggles, many young people are turning to alternative paths. The digital economy has become a lifeline, and platforms like YouTube, TikTok, and X are being used for work, advocacy, education, and influence. Self-taught developers, content creators, and freelancers are building new careers from scratch, often with little to no support from the government or traditional institutions.

Read Also: NDDC releases N5b for women, youths empowerment

At the same time, there’s a growing political awareness. Across social media, campuses, and community spaces, young Nigerians are organizing, speaking out, and demanding better governance. They are increasingly asking tough questions, mobilizing around issues that affect their daily lives, and refusing to be silenced by fear or frustration.

Still, the journey is tough. Youth-led initiatives often face resistance, intimidation, and a lack of institutional support. Many of the country’s leaders remain disconnected from the realities of young people. But that hasn’t stopped this generation from getting involved in politics, leading social change, and creating their own opportunities to make an impact.

From small business owners in rural areas to young creatives and tech enthusiasts in urban centres, Nigerian youth are showing resilience, courage, and a strong desire to reshape their country. They are not waiting for handouts or hoping for miracles. They are building, learning, and leading with what little they have.

The economy may be fragile and the leadership uncertain, but the determination of Nigeria’s youth remains strong. And in that, there is still hope for the kind of change that can move the country forward.
- Muhammad Umar Shehu, Gombe.
July 11, 2025
ECOWAS’ unrealized dreams at 50
SIR: While West African leaders were popping champagne at the luxurious Eko Hotel to mark the golden jubilee of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a petty trader was making his way from Lagos to Abidjan, the capital of Côte d’Ivoire. His journey wasn’t adorned with the fanfare of officialdom. It was marred by extortion, harassment, and needless delays which is an all-too-familiar ordeal for countless West Africans trying to move across supposedly open borders within the region.

Despite carrying valid travel documents, this trader was compelled to “settle” immigration and customs officers at nearly every checkpoint. At each national boundary, the promise of free movement, enshrined in the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, was replaced with the grim reality of bribes demanded in the name of unofficial “entry stamps.” His journey, just like those of many farmers, drivers, women traders, and youth represents the stark contradiction between the dream of ECOWAS and the lived experiences of its citizens.

ECOWAS was founded in 1975 with bold aspirations: to foster economic integration, ensure free movement of people and goods, and build regional solidarity. Fifty years on, its record remains mixed, and in many critical areas, disappointing. Yes, there have been commendable strides, such as the introduction of the ECOWAS passport, conflict mediation efforts, and common external tariff frameworks. But the deeper economic integration that would truly empower ordinary citizens is still largely a mirage.

Today, intra-regional trade in West Africa remains abysmally low, accounting for just 10–15% of total trade, according to the African Development Bank (AfDB) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). In its West Africa Economic Outlook 2020, AfDB noted that “intra-regional trade in West Africa remains relatively low… due largely to poor infrastructure, tariff and non-tariff barriers, and weak implementation of regional agreements.” UNECA echoes similar concerns, showing that ECOWAS lags behind other African regions in realizing the benefits of regional commerce.

Why is this so? Because real trade is not just about policies on paper, but about roads that work, borders that function seamlessly, and officials that serve rather than extort. In short, it is about political will and implementation.

The small trader’s journey underscores a bigger point: if ECOWAS doesn’t work, then the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) may remain a beautiful idea on paper. ECOWAS was supposed to be the building block, a prototype for African integration. If we cannot make free movement and trade work within 15 countries, how can we hope to do it across 54?

The real tragedy is that the dreams of ECOWAS were never abstract. They were practical and attainable. A region where goods and people move freely. Where a young entrepreneur in Ghana could seamlessly export services to Nigeria. Where a farmer in Burkina Faso could access markets in Senegal without facing 20 checkpoints in a 600km stretch. Where regional infrastructure would be harmonized to fuel production and commerce, not just consumption.

Read Also: ECOWAS Bank approves $100m for Lagos-Calabar coastal highway

Instead, what we have today is a region fragmented by national interests, plagued by insecurity, burdened by bureaucracy, and hindered by the very institutions meant to advance integration. Leadership summits filled with protocol and celebration will not mask the failures of implementation. It is not time to toast. It is time to reckon.

ECOWAS leaders must wake up. The dreams of integration must be revived, not with empty declarations, but with decisive actions. We must dismantle artificial and illegal checkpoints that stifle movement. There must be a full implementation of the ECOWAS Trade Liberalization Scheme (ETLS). We must invest in cross-border infrastructure like rail, road, and digital corridors. Streamlining of customs and immigration procedures to favour trade, not rent-seeking should be a priority. And above all, hold national and regional institutions accountable for the promises they make.

Regional integration is not a luxury; it is a necessity. In a world of increasingly fragmented global trade and shifting geopolitical alliances, West Africa cannot afford to remain disjointed. The region’s youth are hungry for opportunity. Its entrepreneurs are bursting with potential. Its farmers are ready to scale. But without genuine regional cooperation, all that promise remains locked behind borders, both physical and bureaucratic.

ECOWAS at 50 should not be remembered as a missed milestone. It should be the inflection point for change. The real celebration will come when the petty trader can make his journey, not through bribes and barriers, but through a seamless corridor of opportunity, one that reflects the original dream of West African unity.

Until then, the dream remains unrealized.
- Samuel O. Adeyemi, Lagos
July 11, 2025
Lies and embellished Biafra stories
SIR: We are familiar with the fact that truth is the first casualty of war. The Nigerian civil war is not an exception in this regard. For some reasons, the proponents of Biafra still want us to believe that they have the monopoly of the truth. The truth is that Nigeria did not declare war on Biafra. It was Biafra that declared war on Nigeria.

Yakubu Gowon was a very reluctant warrior. He didn’t want brothers to spill brothers’ blood. He tried everything including granting a lot of concessions to Ojukwu in order to avoid the war. He was a man of peace. The proponents of Biafra always hang on to Aburi as if there was nothing happening in Nigeria before Aburi. It is very disturbing to see people so clear-eyed about Aburi but amnestic about what led to Aburi.

If the Igbos had declared Biafra and stayed in their enclave, the story of Nigeria would have been different. After they declared Biafra, they invaded the Midwest Region and deposed Governor David Ejoor and appointed a Biafran as governor. The people of the Midwest Region saw hell and mayhem during the three months that the Biafrans occupied the Midwest. They conscripted people into the Biafran Army, raided banks and killed those who refused to join Biafra. It was on their way to Ore that they were pushed back by federal troops that were hurriedly assembled. Aburi was supposed to be a place for cessation of hostilities. No one sent Gowon to Aburi to rewrite the Nigerian constitution that was overthrown by the Igbo officers. That Aburi was the beginning and the end of Igbo bellicosity is a big lie. They have told this lie over and over that they are beginning to see it as the truth and they have wrapped this lie with all kinds of mythology.

Why Aburi? This place was chosen because Ojukwu said he was not safe in any place in Nigeria. Fair enough. If Ojukwu had insisted on return to the status quo ante, maybe things would’ve been different. If you look at the body language of Ojukwu and Gowon during those meetings, you could see that Gowon was very pliant. He was ready to do anything to avoid that war. It was Ojukwu who came with battery of lawyers and made impossible demands. The Igbos forgot that we had a constitution that guaranteed regional autonomy that was abrogated by Aguiyi-Ironsi who also abolished the regions and introduced the unitary system that started Nigeria on this perilous path.

Read Also: Radio Biafra: Court admits transmitter allegedly smuggled into Nigeria by Kanu

I am always amazed when Southeast people refuse to acknowledge the role they played in ushering Nigeria to our present hell. Ojukwu studied history at Oxford. He must have known what befall a people who lose wars. Instead of negotiating for ceasefire in Aburi, he came with a team of lawyers to rewrite a constitution of Nigeria in another land. We had a constitution which was overthrown in a coup by Igbo officers. Why is it difficult for the Igbos to understand that Ojukwu had no means to enforce any agreement?

This is the core issue that the Biafrans have refused to understand to this day. I have always said these actors were very young. It is not out of place to ascribe some of their actions to youthful exuberance. The more I read about Aburi, the more I find out that Ojukwu was more interested in headlines and his Oxford credentials which were impressive and were highly blown in foreign newspapers. The foreigners were not going to fight his war. What Ojukwu and his lawyers demanded at Aburi were not anything within the power of Gowon. All the things Ojukwu asked for could only have been addressed in a parliament of the Nigerian people. There was no parliament. Those who were in the know when Gowon returned made it clear to Gowon that what he negotiated with Ojukwu were not within his powers. All attempts to make the Igbos to understand that what Ojukwu got from Aburi is not tenable and will not be accepted by the rest of Nigeria fell on deaf ears – hence the Mantra, “On Aburi We Stand”.

I repeat: no one sent two soldiers to another country to rewrite the Nigerian constitution. Nigerians refused to succumb to this blackmail by the Igbos. In any case, there were other negotiations. There was Arusha and there was Kampala. Biafra had no legitimacy and wherewithal to enforce their one-sided accord. The rest is history. The myopia of the Biafra is a deliberate affliction. Let us move forward.
- Dr Austin A. Orette, Houston, Texas, United States
July 11, 2025
Nigeria’s youth mental health crisis in numbers
- By Umezurike Emeka Taye
Nigeria is battling a silent but deadly epidemic that is ravaging its youths and this is an escalating crisis of mental and psychological illnesses and imbalances which have been exacerbated by drug abuse that has largely remained in the shadows. From the streets of urban and rural settlements in Nigeria to secondary school classrooms and university campuses, young Nigerians, both male and female are grappling and struggling with a surge in depression, anxiety, trauma, addiction, and suicide, often with little to no support.

Statistics paint a sad picture. The World Health Organization estimates that one in every five Nigerians suffers from a mental health disorder of some kind, and the burden is increasingly falling on the country’s youth. A study in Enugu State reported that 30.7 percent of secondary school students showed signs of depression, while 36.4 percent experienced anxiety disorders. Even more alarming, 8.4 percent of these students admitted to having suicidal thoughts. Among university students, similar patterns have emerged. Research conducted in southwestern Nigeria revealed that 14.9 percent of undergraduates experienced mild anxiety, 10.4 percent had moderate symptoms, and nearly two percent were severely anxious. Depression was also prevalent, with 16 percent of students ranging from mildly to severely affect.

However, poor mental health is only part of the equation. In recent years, Nigeria’s streets have been flooded with dangerous, foreign, local and sometimes home-brewed drugs that have become especially popular among teenagers, university students and young adults. Young people are abusing potent strains of cannabis, commonly referred to as “Canadian loud,” mpkuru miri which is an Igbo slang term for crystal methamphetamine, commonly known as crystal meth or simply meth, alongside concoctions such as “skushies,” a dangerous mixture of soft drinks or alcohol laced with cannabis, tramadol, codeine, and rohypnol. Others turn to “Colorado,” a synthetic cannabinoid known for triggering acute hallucinations and psychosis; “monkey tail,” a locally brewed mix of ogogoro (local gin) and cannabis or opioids such as “gutter water,” a murky cocktail of sedatives and narcotics; and “gegemu,” a fermented herbal substance that can be laced with psychoactive agents and other psychoactive agents and chemicals too numerous to identify.

The UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates that over 14.3 million Nigerians aged 15 to 64 have used drugs, with cannabis being the most abused substance. In urban and semi-urban areas, around 20 percent of young people report having experimented with drugs, and over 10 percent are habitual users. Owing to the large population which Nigeria has, these statistics or percentages no matter how small point to a large number of individuals being identified as users and abusers of these psychoactive substances. These drugs have been linked to a growing wave of drug-induced psychosis, suicidal behaviour, rape, imprisonment, physical assault, thuggery, truancy, academic decline, and violent outbursts, particularly among young users in secondary and tertiary institutions as well as on the streets in major cities, towns and villages around the country.

Despite the magnitude of the crisis, the country’s mental health infrastructure remains in poor state. The Association of Psychiatrists in Nigeria (APN) recently raised alarm over the shortage of trained mental health professionals. According to APN President, Professor Taiwo Obindo, fewer than 200 psychiatrists are available to serve Nigeria’s population of more than 200 million. This is roughly a ratio of one psychiatrist to a million Nigerians. This is not acceptable and concrete steps have to be taken to reverse this trend. While speaking at the 55th annual conference of the association in Ilorin, Professor Obindo, called the situation a national emergency and urged immediate government intervention. There is need to invest in education, infrastructure and remuneration in other to improve the statistics in this area. There is urgent need for the Association of Psychiatrists in Nigeria (APN) to work closely with the National Universities Commission (NUC) to provide and expand accreditation and training of psychiatrists in Nigeria.

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Amidst this scarcity, technology is emerging as a potential lifeline. One innovative effort is Awadoc, a digital health platform launched by renowned medical influencer Dr. Chinonso Egemba, popularly known as Aproko Doctor. Awadoc leverages WhatsApp and AI-powered tools to help users identify symptoms, consult licensed doctors, and access medications. Though primarily a general health platform, Awadoc is increasingly seen as a model for how telemedicine can address mental health needs, especially in underserved communities.

Other mental health specific platforms, such as MindMentor, Mentally Aware Nigeria Initiative (MANI), and She Writes Woman’s Safe Place Nigeria, are also making significant strides. These initiatives offer virtual therapy, peer support, mental health education, and crisis intervention all accessible via smartphones.

For many young Nigerians, especially those fearful of stigma or unable to afford therapy, such digital tools provide a private and empowering pathway to recovery. Yet these innovations are not without challenges. Many rural communities lack reliable internet access, and data costs remain prohibitive for many users. Moreover, there is no comprehensive national policy to scale these digital interventions, increase the awareness of people on the availability of these interventions or integrate them into school systems.

Experts emphasize that mental health awareness must begin at the grassroots. Schools and institutions at all levels must incorporate mental health education into their curricula, employ trained counsellors, and establish support frameworks that enable early detection and response. At the same time, community leaders, religious institutions, parents, and youth organizations must be educated to recognize signs of distress and break the longstanding silence surrounding mental health.

The agencies of government especially the NDLEA- Nigerian Drug Law Enforcement Agency have been doing a good job but they must be encouraged to do more. This agency must be funded in other to equip them with better staff strength, vehicles and infrastructure for their service. There is the need to build and equip NDLEA with the right kind of laboratories and equipment to help them do an even better job. Customs and immigration services should also be encouraged to put more effort to see to it that it becomes increasingly difficult to traffic these substances across our borders. The harm being caused by these psychoactive substances to our youths and society in general is enormous and cannot be ignored or even adequately quantified.

The mental well-being of Nigeria’s youth is too important to be ignored. With more than a third of students suffering from anxiety and depression, and nearly one in five engaged in dangerous substance use, the nation risks losing its most vital asset and its future. This is not just a health issue; it is a national security, education, and development crisis. This is the future of our dear country that substance abuse is threatening to erode.

Breaking the silence means investing in mental health care, regulating and outright blocking of access to dangerous substances, scaling digital innovations, and dismantling the stigma that still surrounds these issues. The time for action is now. Silence, in the face of such a devastating epidemic, is no longer an option.
- Taye (PhD.) is a medical microbiologist and public health researcher. He writes from Lead City University, Ibadan.
July 11, 2025
Academia, poverty and cultural imperialism
- By Oluwole Ogundele
All public moralists as opposed to people playing partisan politics must continue to remind this government that robust education across the board is a task that must be accomplished. This is with a special emphasis on university education. It is interesting to note here, that despite the gross neglect of the welfare of both academic and non-academic staff members, particularly in federal universities, some Nigerian graduates are still making landmark contributions to life and living around the globe. This is with respect to such professions as engineering, medicine and archaeology/anthropology. These were/are Nigerians taught by desperately poor academics at home. Their material poverty was/is as a result of the lackadaisical attitude of “the powers that be” to education in this part of the world. The poor academics are in actuality, subtly subsidizing the education of their students.

It is important to state here that the contempt for university education by the government did not start today. Indeed, it has a long history firmly embedded in inferiority complex, envy, a gross lack of patriotism and all kinds of political recklessness. If truth be told, the Nigerian university lecturers have a lot of enemies hell-bent on humiliating them. This is not too surprising, in a country where (in most cases) the poorest in intellectual and moral capacity, are managing the affairs of the finest minds.

But painfully, some academics seem to have forgotten, that they live in a house of glass, and that stones should not be thrown. However, it is foolhardy to assume that academics as humans can be completely sinless. Saints are not yet born! This is a global reality. Therefore, due respect must be accorded the academics generally for making monumental sacrifices, in a country where the political class appears to be exceedingly hostile to university education and by extension, those in charge of its promotion.

It is laughable (but painful too) that certain political power brokers in Nigeria (constituting a juggernaut), are too uncomfortable with the time-tested, globally recognised title of professorship. According to them, no professor in Nigeria should be using that title after retirement from active service. This bitterness is highly condemnable in all its ramifications. It underscores one of the reasons why politicians have reduced university academics to near-complete beggars. Let it be clearly stated here, that professorship is a title earned. It is not a village chieftaincy award. Therefore, there is no reason for this feeling of resentment enshrined in spiritlessness at its peak. There is no age limit for university education. Consequently, the doors are widely open for qualified people, no matter their ages to study in the university, up to the PhD level. Thereafter, a doctorate degree holder could teach and publish in reputable, peer-reviewed journals and books, for at least 15 years to become a professor in a good university. This is a world away from joke!

Nigeria is notorious for paying the lowest wages to university academics in West Africa. This is a minus for the political leadership. Not unexpectedly, most of our fine-grained university products are migrating to Europe and America for further training or employment. The Nigerian situation is so pathetic that some senior academics are ready to become errand boys of the political class members. Indeed, abject material poverty dehumanises. This is not the Nigeria of our dreams!

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More and more younger academics are leaving the shores of Nigeria for greener pastures. Those who are too old to relocate are waiting to retire into poverty. It is worrying that the Nigerian political leaders (down the ages) have no respect for some of the best brains, who are now becoming destitute. Their gratuities cannot fetch them good cars, while the monthly stipends christened pension, can hardly get each one of them, ten tubers of yam.

Today, it is difficult to get brilliant products to replace those who have retired or died. There is fire on the mountain! President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has to quench it (fire). No excuses! University staff should be motivated at all costs. This has the capacity to encourage the younger ones to remain in Nigeria. The well-trained graduates would later plough back into the Nigerian system and the world at large. Mediocre graduates are a disaster to society. Playing politics with university education by establishing more and more “Janjaweed” institutions is at variance with sustainable socio-economic development. As a matter of fact, it is a gross disservice to Nigeria and humanity at large.

How can hungry academics give their best service to the country? Every department is losing its fine products to foreign countries. Those who go for their postgraduate studies hardly return home. For goodness sake, this is not educational tourism! It is a hardship-induced situation. For instance, some of these young Nigerians in cultural heritage management are subtly becoming victims of uncritical internationalisation. Research collaboration is a healthy intellectual culture, so long as caution is not cast to the winds. In other words, sanity must not be thrown to the dogs. But unfortunately, uncritical internationalisation across the board, is gaining in popularity.

Cultural imperialism or subtle expansionism under the guise of cultural exchanges or borderless scholarship defines today’s Nigeria. Our independence and future are being threatened. The current high poverty rate is a monster that has to be tamed. PBAT must perform some wonders that Nigeria needs. This is very urgent! Staff welfare is paramount in this connection. We cannot just go on like this. Well-motivated academics are partners in progress with the government. Many brilliant graduates in foreign countries would have a rethink, once Nigeria is released from the claws of economic hardships and insecurity.

Nobody (no matter how patriotic) likes poverty. It is most unthinkable that a senator takes millions of naira monthly while a professor, with all his erudition and profound contributions to knowledge productions, can no longer maintain his rickety car. He is a regular customer of the road side mechanic. What a society!

It is time for the government to correct this very unholy imbalance in the interest of peace, stability and development on a sustainable scale. I’m hereby appealing to our president to change this ugly narrative before it is too late. Sustainable development is anchored to good quality education. Nigeria can only be an exception at its peril.

Let no adviser or presidential aide attempt to misinform PBAT. I’m sure that President Tinubu will be unhappy to hear, that some academics (senior ones for that matter) have started selling yam tubers and pepper as well as tomatoes by the road side. This is the latest coping strategy. Poverty in today’s Nigeria is boundary-less! It is not a fabrication. In sum, university academics should not be related to, like a bunch of trash or morons. The above points remind me of a popular Yoruba proverb which claims that, “a fowl defecating inside a pot of soup is merely destroying its final home”. Nigeria would remain a pawn on the chessboard of global politics, in the absence of a thoroughly educated or sophisticatedly skilled population.
- Prof Ogundele is of Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan.
July 11, 2025
Lagosians and tomorrow’s local government elections
- By Kehinde Akinfenwa
Tomorrow, Saturday, July 12, over seven million registered voters across Lagos State will be called upon not just to cast a ballot, but to make a profound statement about the future of governance and the kind of communities they envision for themselves and their generations to come.

Local elections, though often eclipsed by the spectacle of presidential and gubernatorial contests, remain the most intimate and immediate expression of democracy. In the last local government elections held in Lagos in 2021, voter turnout hovered at just around 11%, despite a pool of over 6.5 million eligible voters.

This apathy starkly contrasts with the fervour of national elections. But if governance is truly about the people, then the closest government to the people—the local government —should matter the most.

Every four years, under the guidance of the Lagos State Independent Electoral Commission (LASIEC), Lagosians are entrusted with the democratic responsibility to elect leaders who will govern the 20 Local Government Areas (LGAs) and 37 Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs), including councillors in wards across the state. These councils, each with its administrative structures, are the engines of grassroots development, tasked with delivering essential services and fostering real-time solutions to community needs.

Coming into this year’s election, the LASIEC is better positioned with stronger systems, deeper reforms, and bold new steps to rebuild public trust. A landmark stride in this year’s preparation was the expansion of polling units. With 13,325 polling units now dotting the state across 376 electoral wards, access has been significantly improved, ensuring that voters can participate in the democratic process with greater ease and dignity.

While voter accreditation is expected to be swiftly and efficiently conducted using the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) – a biometric device that verifies identity using fingerprint or facial recognition, real-time result transmission from polling units will be implemented via digital portals, ensuring a transparent and tamper-resistant process.

To support fair access, special arrangements have been made to prioritize voting procedures for the elderly, pregnant women, and persons with disabilities, with the help of voter assistants. These thoughtful additions signal a growing awareness that inclusion must be more than a slogan; it must be action. All these measures send a clear message that every vote will count, and every voter will be respected.

Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, Lagos State has become a benchmark for credible elections in Nigeria, consistently supporting reforms that ensure the integrity of the process. The 2021 general elections, widely reported to be largely peaceful, with stakeholders, including domestic observers and civil society organizations,

This momentum must not only be sustained, but also must be expanded. The reforms are in place. The systems are set. Now, it is the citizens’ turn to complete the democratic equation by showing up. Among the 19 registered political parties, choices abound for every Lagosian over the age of 18 who holds a valid Permanent Voter Card (PVC) because democracy is not measured only by how many names appear on the ballot; it is measured by how many hands reach for it.

Ahead of tomorrow, eligible voters are encouraged to locate their polling units and make adequate preparations to arrive early for the morning exercise. Upon arrival at the designated polling station on election day, electoral officials, who are trained to maintain neutrality, will guide voters through the process.

Equipped with the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System device, these officials will carry out voter accreditation efficiently and transparently. Once accredited, voters will receive two ballot papers – one for the chairmanship election and the other for the councillorship.

In the privacy of a voting cubicle, voters will make their mark with a simple thumbprint to affirm their belief in democracy. The drop of the ballot into that transparent box signifies that the people remain the true custodians of governance. And while voters may choose to stay as observers or head home, satisfied that they have fulfilled a civic duty, it is very important to uphold the spirit of peaceful participation throughout the process.

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Democracy thrives in civility, and as such, it is a collective responsibility to vote in peace and with purpose; respect the rights of electoral officials and fellow voters, regardless of political affiliations.

Driven by the need to maintain law and order, proactive security coordination across the state has been prioritized by the state government. In strong collaboration with security agencies, a robust electoral security architecture is to be rolled out- a network of patrol units, surveillance teams, and rapid-response squads stationed across key flashpoints.

In light of the constitutional declaration of local government autonomy and fiscal independence, local government leadership now sits at the epicentre of meaningful, responsive governance. This election, therefore, is not just another electoral ritual—it is a turning point.

It is a moment for every eligible voter to help shape the ethics, priorities, and direction of local governance. It is a rare opportunity to choose leaders who will responsibly steward public resources and honour the mandate of the people.

In the timeless wisdom of the political philosopher, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, “As soon as any man says of the affairs of the state, ‘What does it matter to me? The State may be given up for lost”.

As ballot papers are unsealed in polling booths across the 57 local councils, what is truly unfolding is the collective will of the people. It is in these deliberate, quiet acts of participation that democracy is renewed and communities are empowered.

The journey to a more inclusive, accountable, and responsive system of local government does not begin in opulent offices or policy summits – it begins with everyday citizens who show up to take charge of their story.

From Agege to Lekki, from Epe to Badagry, let it be said that in 2024, Lagosians rose above indifference and chose to engage. So, come tomorrow , walk to your polling unit as a determined citizen and cast the vote that shapes the future and strengthens the soul of the Centre of Excellence.
- Akinfenwa is of the Public Affairs Unit, Office of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), Lagos House, Alausa, Ikeja
July 11, 2025
Reimagining governance
Nigeria has operated a Western-style democratic system that has unfortunately failed. The adversarial, winner-takes-all model has divided us.

Despite more than two decades of democratic experience, Western-style democracy has not delivered stability, development, or national cohesion that Nigerians desperately need.

The Failure of Imported Democracy

The Western democratic model has faltered in Nigeria for several critical reasons. Its adversarial nature has intensified divisions. It has enabled systemic corruption and elite capture of state institutions.

Electoral processes are frequently marred by violence and irregularities. Judicial independence is far from perfect. Opposition parties are absolutely weak. The complaint about an impending one-party “state” is due to extremely disorganised opposition.

Nigeria has oscillated between authoritarian, semi-authoritarian, and illiberal, and has never reached liberal democracy.

The Economic Dimension

Democratic failure in Nigeria is linked to our adopted Western capitalist model, where returns on political capital vastly outweighs returns on development.

The Nigerian economy is very extractive. There is simply no incentive for genuine development. Resource control yields greater rewards than productive enterprise.

For meaningful development to occur, the return on development must exceed the return on political rewards. The political model of the West, driven by capital accumulation, is most unhelpful.

Time for a New Democratic Model?

I believe it is time to develop a new democratic model that draws on indigenous governance traditions.

Our diverse sociopolitical structure demands a more context-sensitive approach that deepens local autonomy while encouraging inclusive national power-sharing.

I propose we consider several alternative frameworks that might work better.

Cooperative Federalism

Cooperative federalism could provide immense benefits while we work towards comprehensive restructuring.

This model allows states and the federal government to collaboratively develop infrastructure and natural resources, applying the principle of subsidiarity to incorporate governance closest to the people.

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Consider these untapped opportunities: Ondo State possesses one of the world’s richest bitumen deposits. Enugu has globally significant coal reserves.

Ebonyi holds valuable salt mines worth approximately N14 billion.

The NorthCentral is awash with critical minerals, the Niger Delta is drowned in oil resources, etc.

By cooperative federalism, states could collaborate with the federal government to harness these resources, in a win-win situation that incentivises development.

Consociational Democracy

Belgium, Switzerland, and Lebanon offer instructive examples of consociational democracy—a power-sharing model specifically designed for deeply divided societies.

Key features include Grand Coalitions to ensure all major social groups have representation in executive governance; Mutual Veto protecting minority interests from majority domination; Proportionality providing fair representation across parliament, public service, and budget allocation; and Segmental Autonomy allowing groups to manage their own cultural, educational, and religious affairs.

Nigeria already has some aspects of consociational democracy – the Federal Character Principle, zoning, and rotational presidency, but these lack proper institutionalisation.

The Path Forward

A reimagined Nigerian governance framework should retain national unity on matters of common interest.

But substantial power should devolve to the regions. Most importantly, economic incentives that reward development over extraction must be adopted.

The 1963 Republican Constitution, which allowed regions to express their unique identities while contributing to national development, offers valuable lessons.

The South produced cocoa, the North groundnut, and the East palm oil—each region leveraging its comparative advantages.

Nigeria’s future lies not in blindly replicating Western models but in creatively adapting governance systems that reflect our historical experience, cultural diversity, and developmental aspirations.

The time for this reimagining is now. Out with the Western model of democracy and capitalism!
- Dr Agbakoba (SAN), Senior Partner at Olisa Agbakoba Legal (OAL), is a former Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) President.
July 11, 2025