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  • Turning promises into protection: The Niger Delta’s Moment of Truth

    Turning promises into protection: The Niger Delta’s Moment of Truth

    • By Michael Kabi

    Nigeria is on the cusp of a regulatory milestone with the proposed Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Safety and Environmental Regulations (MDPSER) 2025—a draft legislation developed by the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA). While the bill aims to strengthen environmental and safety standards across the petroleum sector, it also presents something more significant: a rare opportunity to reset the government’s relationship with host communities in the Niger Delta.

    The Niger Delta has long carried the burden of oil production in Nigeria. For decades, communities have watched their rivers turn black, their soil lose its fertility, and their livelihoods collapse. Promises have been made—about safety, accountability, cleanups, and compensation—but the gap between legislation and lived experience has remained wide.

    Today, millions of people in oil-producing communities still suffer from the consequences of weak environmental enforcement. MDPSER 2025 must not become another well-meaning but ineffective piece of legislation. Instead, it must be bold, enforceable, and community-focused.

    Consider the story of Mama Preye, a fisherwoman in a coastal village in Bayelsa. She once relied on daily catches from the creek to feed her family. Now, after paddling long distances, she returns home empty-handed. Pollution from oil operations has choked the aquatic life out of her environment. Her story is not unique—it represents countless others across the Delta. Yet, nowhere in the current MDPSER draft is there an explicit recognition of people like her.

    A simple declaration in the bill affirming the protection of community health, livelihoods, and environmental rights would signal a crucial shift—from prioritising corporate activity relative to   human dignity.

    Illegal refining sites are another unaddressed reality. These unregulated operations release toxins into the air and water. Ignoring them does not make them disappear. MDPSER must require a comprehensive map of all petroleum facilities, including illegal ones, to be made publicly accessible. Communities should be able to know what facilities are near them and what risks they pose.

    Moreover, when disasters occur, communities are often left in the dark. Spills and leaks happen with no warning, no explanation, and no swift response. To change this, the MDPSER should mandate that companies share safety documentation within seven days of any incident and allow a 30-day window for community input. And to be truly effective, these notices must be communicated in local languages that people understand.

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    The current draft also fails to make community participation in emergency drills mandatory. Yet, it is the locals—not external consultants—who know where children play, where elders gather, and where contamination could spread. Making community involvement a requirement would enhance preparedness and build trust between operators and residents.

    Hazardous waste management is another glaring concern. The principle of “cradle to grave” responsibility is mentioned, but in practice, there is no visible tracking. Communities continue to witness strange substances dumped in the bush or waterways, turning farmland into wasteland. The law must enforce strict tracking of all waste, with quarterly reports submitted to both regulators and affected communities.

    Environmental accountability must extend beyond the life of an oil facility. When sites are shut down, communities are often abandoned with degraded land and no economic alternative. MDPSER should require post-closure audits and the creation of community transition plans, including retraining, cooperatives, or access to small grants. Abandonment must no longer be an option.

    Then there is the question of penalties. When oil companies pay fines, where does the money go? Rarely are the communities involved. A fairer system would allocate at least 40% of all environmental fines back to affected communities for projects like clinics, clean water access, or soil restoration. Environmental justice must be visible and tangible.

  • Buhari: Tributes and reflections

    Buhari: Tributes and reflections

    Nigeria’s former Head of State and two-term democratically-elected president, Muhammadu Buhari, has passed away at the age of 82. May Allah (SWT) rest his soul!

    As tributes pour in and the nation pauses to reflect on Buhari’s complex legacy, it is an opportune moment to examine the multifaceted nature of his leadership and the enduring impact of his presidency on Nigeria’s trajectory.

    The British Broadcasting Corporation’s summary of the late former president captures the complexities of his life and career: ‘As a military ruler and civilian president, Buhari launched campaigns against indiscipline and corruption, but his regime was also marked by human rights abuses, including the imprisonment of journalists and musicians like Fela Kuti.

    ‘During his presidency, Buhari emphasized his personal integrity, declaring his wealth and pledging to combat corruption. However, his administration faced significant hurdles, including plummeting global oil prices, economic crisis and insecurity. Despite vowing to defeat Boko Haram, the group remained a threat; and his response to farmer-herder clashes drew criticism.

    ‘Notable events during his presidency included the #EndSARS protests and the naira swap policy, which had far-reaching consequences. Buhari’s legacy is complex, with Nigerians holding mixed views about his tenure, acknowledging his anti-corruption efforts while lamenting the economic and security challenges that persisted.’

    Bola Tinubu, Nigeria’s president and Buhari’s successor, paid tribute to the late leader, describing him as “a patriot, a soldier”, and “a statesman” who demonstrated remarkable leadership. According to him, Buhari “stood firm through turbulent times, leading with quiet strength, profound integrity and an unshakable belief in Nigeria’s potential.” In a more measured assessment, General Yakubu Gowon, Nigeria’s wartime Head of State, characterized the “converted democrat” as a leader who did his best within his limits.

    Read Also: Gambari: Every government has cabal, Buhari’s administration had one

    The trajectory of Buhari’s life and career invites reflection on the nature of leadership and legacy. As Enoch Powell cleverly observed in his 1977 biography of Joseph Chamberlain, “All political lives, unless they are cut off in mid-stream at a happy moment, end in failure.” Nelson Mandela’s wisdom in knowing when to exit the stage, while still revered, is a case in point. Had Thabo Mbeki stepped down after his first term, he might have avoided the controversies that marred his second term. Likewise, Jacob Zuma’s decision to seek reelection ultimately led to his downfall, potentially landing him behind bars.

    Some historians believe that the February 13, 1976 coup significantly altered Murtala Muhammed’s trajectory in Nigeria’s history books. Similarly, the untimely death of former President Umar Yar’Adua on May 5, 2010, due to complications related to pericarditis, may have spared him the challenges of a potentially tumultuous second term.

    Some Nigerians also speculate that had MKO Abiola not been denied his mandate to become Nigeria’s president, his legacy might have been complicated by the challenges of governance. Likewise, if former President Goodluck Jonathan were to relive his 2015 re-election experience, he might gain a deeper understanding of the role that internal party dynamics and external factors played in his defeat.

    While no one could have stopped Buhari from seeking a second term, Will Rogers’ words strike like a chord: “This thing of being a hero, about the main thing to do is to know when to die. Prolonged life has ruined more men than it ever made.” In other words, one could argue that Buhari’s pursuit of the presidency in a democratic setting had significant consequences, potentially impacting his following Mandela’s example by limiting himself to one term. Had he done so, his legacy might have been viewed more favourably. Instead, his decision to seek re-election exposed him to criticism, and the consequences of that choice are now apparent.

    In retrospect, those who admired Buhari, including myself, had envisioned him as a leader in the mould of Charles de Gaulle – a military-general-turned-statesman who brought stability and vision to France’s Fifth Republic. De Gaulle’s experience with the Fourth Republic’s governmental instability, characterized by rapid changes in ministerial leadership, informed his approach to governance. However, unlike de Gaulle’s tenure, which was marked by stern discipline and fiscal prudence, Buhari’s presidency was beset by fiscal and economic challenges.

    Given the trajectory of Buhari’s government, particularly under the influence of key figures like Godwin Emefiele, it’s uncertain what the outcome would have been if the administration had continued for another year. The potential economic consequences could have been dire, with the possibility of the dollar surging to N3,000 or more, while our leaders might have continued to reassure the public despite the grim reality.

    If Buhari had incarnated the Gaullist leadership style that Nigerians expected, he’d have implemented the recommendations of the Oronsaye Report, and that’d have signalled a decisive shift away from the era of reckless government spending and fiscal profligacy. But all that now belongs in history!

    Wait a minute, how would the Chibok girls, Leah Sharibu, and others whom Buhari promised to “recover” from the terrorists situate Mai Gaskiya’s legacy?

    May Allah (SWT) bless the People’s General with Al-Jannah Firdaus and grant comfort to the nation he left behind!

  • Much ado about Governor Adeleke’s rumoured decampment

    Much ado about Governor Adeleke’s rumoured decampment

    The main thing about Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun State is that there will be questions about whatever decisions he makes or does not make. Of course, there has always been a sword of Damocles hanging over Adeleke’s head for a long time.

    The patriarch of the family and financier, Deji Adeleke, who is a very astute businessman, has to weigh his own personal options beyond the governorship incursion of a younger brother. For instance, will the older brother secure a sovereign guarantee to facilitate a consortium of international financiers in funding the $2 billion Omotosho Power Plant project? The Omotosho Power Plant is a significant driver of the Nigerian economy. It is capable of generating an additional 1,000 megawatts of electricity.

    As we know, Nigeria is a developing country, where economic decisions are inextricably linked to political actions. Moreover, there’s no significant ideological divide driving political decisions among the elite. So, does it really matter if politicians switch parties or, to be impolite, move from one Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) to another one? In Osun’s context, the crucial question is whether Adeleke, if he decamps, can convincingly take over the All Progressives Congress, APC’s machinery there. That will be the key question!

    Surely certainly, taking over the structures of the Osun APC won’t be a cakewalk like it was in Delta and Akwa Ibom States. Osun is too fragmented and sophisticated to accommodate a smooth takeover, regardless of President Bola Tinubu’s influence. If Adeleke succeeds in decamping to the APC, a fierce battle for control of the party’s structure in Osun is likely, which would further erode the party’s already tenuous relevance. In light of this, the president needs to be cautious in his calculations.

    Read Also: LG crisis: Adeleke wept for 15 minutes in our meeting — Osun commissioner

    It must be noted that politics in this part of the world has become more about personal advantage and jockeying for power than people-centric leadership. In contrast to the properly-structured political parties with clear ideologies, like the Action Group (AG) and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), post-1999 political parties in Nigeria lack ideological foundations, and this has made it easy for individuals to switch parties without consequence.

    This fluidity is distinct from the more ideologically-driven party switches seen in countries like the UK or US, where politicians might transition from the Conservative Party to Labour or from Republicans to Democrats. Nigeria’s lack of ideological anchor in its party politics contributes to its ongoing challenges. And that’s why we are where we are!

    Now that rumours and insinuations are getting closer to reality, it’d be better for everyone to prepare for eventualities.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria

  • Professionalisation of youth work practice in Nigeria

    Professionalisation of youth work practice in Nigeria

    • By Tunji Olaopa

    In 2013, and in response to the government’s willingness to deepen policies targeted at youth demographics and development in Nigeria, the then Head of Service of the Federation, Alhaji Goni Aji, invited me to provide the needed intellectual and administrative leadership in the Federal Ministry of Youth Development. The assignment entailed articulating and crafting a strategy and an organizing framework for the implementation of the youth policies. During the strategy development process, I benefitted from the technical support of the International Labour Organization (ILO) during a visit to participate in a training workshop which held at its Center of Excellence on Youth Development in Turin. There, we got the ILO to organize a dedicated technical conversation and support around the Nigerian government’s strategic policy development concerning the youth.

    It is therefore instructive that the Ministry has swung into full operational and implementation mode to deepen and consolidate not only the efforts of the past governments on youth-focused programmes, policies and development strategies, but to also prioritize the dimension of Tinubu administration’s commitment to youth development, especially through the professionalization of youth work. This policy strategy of the Youth Ministry involves drawing up blueprint that outline and establish codes of conduct and ethics, as well as standards of practices for youth workers in Nigeria. The Ministry must also necessarily facilitate the expansion of the collaborative partnerships of non-state and non-governmental agencies and actors actively involved in youth development. By far the most significant agenda before the Ministry revolves around designing the strategic parameters and modalities establishing and grounding youth development work as a distinct profession in its own right; a profession that proactively strengthen the Nigerian government’s drive for an overall national development planning that benefits all Nigerians. I hope this keynote will contribute to the success of the Ministry’s agenda.

    My keynote is directed at unravelling the fundamental implications of this paradigm shift in youth development: what are the lessons and insights of global best practices in youth work that Nigeria could domesticate in articulating a strategic implementation design? How does the professionalization of youth work enable youth development and national progress? These questions, and indeed the government’s decision are key, given not only the alarming circumstances of youth unemployment but also the urgency of deploying the youth bulge to enhance Nigeria’s development.

    My framework of analysis in this keynote will be guided by two crucial questions. One, how is youth work to be situated within the complex web of professional social work practices? Two, is it possible to professionalize youth work and its support systems and structures as they currently are, while also grounding it within a specialized domain of practice and scholarship?  In other words, does youth work have significant theoretical and empirical grounding, to qualify as a specialised domain of practice, scholarship and academic discipline? Three, can youth work practice, given its current level of technical and intellectual support, meet the conditions to qualify as a classic profession?

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    Youth work is a cogent dimension of youth social work. And this extends, in historical perspectives, from the Young Men/Women Christian Association (YM/WCA) to the more practical focus of child welfare, youth intervention programmes, juvenile justice systems, therapeutic foster homes, and many more. Youth-focused activities also include those organized around sports, counselling practices, community outreaches, online and social media, and more. The diversity that youth work embodies comes directly from the multiplicity of contexts, conditions, geography, regional, specific needs, and circumstances that shape the phenomenon across the world. Thus, when seen as a dimension of social work, youth work is clustered in terms of youth outreaches, volunteerism, interventionist programmes from NGOs, etc. and many of these are often carried out by core social work professionals and specialists who deploy relevant knowledge and skills in social work.

    Indeed, in the public services, a new balance is being found in what have to be done professionally and which can be achieved for scope and size of intervention voluntarily, in view of the huge industry of the not-for-profit informal sector work that constitute the largest contributor per capital in youth work, even as the latter are largely unstructured and unregulated. And as I have alluded elsewhere, there is also a raging debate on whether youth work as a profession and academic discipline can be separated from the larger domain of social work.

    And this brings us to the critical issue of professionalism and professionalization. These are concepts that demands an acute level of training and specialized knowledge, as well as ethical framework of practice that circumscribe how the work is to be handled. A profession has its gatekeeping body and a systematic body of knowledge that guide the community of practice. The historical, academic and professional trajectory of social work points at an endeavour that had evolved over a long period into a professional vocation. This condition of youth work is extremely different. It is far from being a professional endeavour, and this is where the decision to professionalize it is both a significant paradigm shift in Nigeria and a daunting task for the Federal Ministry of Youth Development.

    The present situation of youth work in Nigeria is that, like in most places, one does not need any specific qualifications of professional competence to serve as a youth worker. This poses lots of disruptive consequences that are capable of undermining the continuous professional and policy efforts to rehabilitate youth development in Nigeria. The matter is further complicated by the absence of relevant courses that attend to the academic demands of youth work, and that could serve as the training ground for servicing the endeavour. In fact, having courses dedicated to youth work already constitute the basis of a systematic body of knowledge that could become the basis for professionalization. Unfortunately, even in the developed countries, say, in Europe, available specialized courses specific to youth work are increasingly faced with the challenges of rationalization, restructuring or even integration as a subfield of other social science disciplines, like social work.  Government development agenda, as first order of business, therefore needs to prioritise workforce development and upgrade, to improve the status of youth work, and to make it thereby, a more attractive profession to enter and stay in 

    But professionalization calls for more than a rear-guard action to keep picking up the crumbs of youth work. It calls rather for the political will to take bold policy steps that implement significant professional decisions. First, youth work education needs to be taken seriously in ways that lead intentionally to the design and accreditation of youth work curriculum and courses. This not only guarantee that many competent, skilled and qualified youth workers would be trained, it also means that the professionalization effort can commence. Second, prioritizing youth work education also provide an avenue for training the government’s workforce dedicated to youth work. Between the establishment and accreditation of youth work education and the training of a government workforce for youth work, we are already seeing the emergence and consolidation of the youth work professional, and a laudable career path that is significantly incentivized with a better condition of service in a manner that facilitate the recruitment of youth workers. This eventually will culminate in the emergence of a professional body that will gatekeep professional recruitment, entry, discipline, merit and excellence.

    Professionalizing youth work has a philosophical and ideological bases which policy initiatives must first attend to before the structural and administrative dimensions of that task is firmly grounded. And this philosophical issue derives from the observation that the youth question has always been seen either by the government, the mass media and the nongovernmental and non-state actors as a problem to be solved rather than a national resource to harvest. Indeed, this is the academic and intellectual basis of social work that hitherto subsumes youth work. A focus on the youth as a problem to be solved or resolved takes critical attention away from seeing the youth as critical resources to be harnessed and deployed as the basis for national development. Social work, as a social science discipline, is moored within an orientation that articulate the youth problem in terms of a deficit that requires diagnosis. Thus, youth are theorized in terms of being afflicted by “storm and stress” in behavioural terms; they are seen as children and delinquents that are troubled by a multiplicity of issues ranging from troubled families and homes, and drugs, to unemployment and peer pressure. This subjective and narrow conception of youth work, unadvisedly rode on Oedipus complex theory of Sigmund Freud (1966), that young people are fraught with parent-child conflict; Erik Erikson (1963) thesis that viewed adolescence as a time of turmoil and stress characterised by an “identity crisis”; and Griffin (1993)’s, who posits that the process of identity formation and the nature of adult behaviour in adolescents are defined as having their natural origins in hormonal and other changes in puberty. This theoretical orientation grew youth conversation to be strongly biased to mental health field with the problematisation of young people issues as “at risk”, which too often orient youth policies towards regulating and controlling. And the solution is framed in terms of providing social work services—assisted by clinical psychologists, psychiatrists, and other psycho-social approaches, that deliver solutions in the forms of welfare services and foster homes, to setting up a framework for juvenile justice and social safety net.

    It therefore becomes immediately evident why the professionalization of youth work—relocating it away from a mere category in social work and its wrongheaded approach—serves a crucial role in denoting the fundamental significance of the youth as a key category that demands a discipline and a profession of its own. Youth work education has an immediate task of correcting and fostering a wholesome perception of the nature and capacity of the youth, especially as a category with its own intrinsic value and as a unique resource in national development. The discipline therefore has the opportunity and potentials to generate an intellectual rigour that confront the malignment of youth work into an a-developmental category that is removed from all significant relevance. Youth work education provides a space for more expert and professional interventions that are rooted in basic research, policy intelligence, analysis and advocacy, and professional curation of what it means to intervene in the youth question.

    Professionalization therefore serves as the basis for building communities of practice and service that (a) set the standard of practice and code of conduct and ethics by which youth work and its quality are enhanced through a proper theory of change and transformation; and (b) facilitate the emergence of youth work practitioners whose commitment and loyalty to the profession and to young people can build public confidence, and also serve as the foundation for genuine policy shift that care for the youth. This speaks to the fact that youth work and its professionalization cannot be rendered in academic terms alone. It requires a stakeholder approach that brings together the government, researchers, nongovernmental and nonstate actors and agencies, community organizations, policymakers and the youth themselves. The Nigerian government, as part of its significant and timely commitment to the professionalization of youth work, also has to take critical note of the volume of informal sector commitment to youth work through non-profit charitable and philanthropic organizations. In other words, the Nigerian government, as part of its significant and timely commitment to the professionalization of youth work, also has to create allowance to accommodate charitable and philanthropic efforts and scope of programme interventions that have sustained the larger bulk of youth work so far in Nigeria. This is a real policy concern that has to be negotiated and aligned with the formal frameworks that the government regulate. This then also implies that in professionalizing youth work, the government must necessarily harness the entire workforce, formal and informal, involved in youth work and incentivize them to produce results.

    Lastly, as the government commences the drive to professionalization of youth work in Nigeria, it must be noted that the amount of investment required will be enormous. This will translate to higher costs for parents, government and youth charitable organisations. Consequently, the ministry must channel creative energy on how cost as a factor in professionalisation might be defining for the implementation of the policy in focus. In this regard, there is a lot to learn from the teaching profession and healthcare service industry, that still necessarily make up for funding gaps by enlisting the support of auxiliary teachers and Locums.

    Part of this long-term investment requires attending to, capacitating and regulating the relationship between the non-core professionals and the low-income but earnest volunteers who have been toiling in the field of youth work while the professionalization effort had been underway. It is the efforts of these workers that has been preparing the ground for the triumph of policy shift in youth work.

    Let me round off by deeply appreciating the President, HE Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the Federal Executive Council for the visionary policy that not only recognized the significance of the youth in national development, but is also ready to push the harnessing of the youth bulge to press Nigeria’s developmental advantages in the twenty-first century. The Nigerian youth can now have tangible policy dividends to look forward to.

    •  Olaopa Chairman, is a Federal Civil Service Commission & Professor of Public Administration, Abuja

    (Excerpts from Keynote Address Delivered at the Federal Ministry of Youth Development/University of Abuja Collaborative Workshop held at the University of Abuja Main Campus on 24-25 June, 2025) 

  • Climate Change: Nigeria witnesses destructive flooding in recent times

    Climate Change: Nigeria witnesses destructive flooding in recent times

    • Dr. Adebayo Adeleye

    Nigeria is grappling with the harsh realities of climate change, as evidenced by the recent devastating floods that have ravaged over 31 states, affecting approximately 1.2 million people and destroying around 180,000 hectares of farmland. This disaster is a stark reminder of the country’s vulnerability to climate change. The floods, which have become an annual occurrence, are primarily caused by climate change-induced heavy rainfall and the failure to develop and maintain adequate infrastructure. The northern region, which is Nigeria’s food belt, is particularly at risk, threatening food security and economic prosperity. Experts warn that climate change poses a significant threat to Nigeria’s development, with other related challenges including drought and desertification in the north, rising sea levels and coastal flooding in the south, and increased incidence of malaria and other diseases. As the country struggles to cope with the aftermath of the floods, there is an urgent need for a multi-faceted approach to address these challenges. This includes climate change adaptation, infrastructure development, and government accountability. We call on the government to take immediate action to mitigate the effects of climate change and protect the lives and livelihoods of Nigerians. The time for action is now. On July 17, 2025, Nigeria’s Minister of Regional Development, Engr. Abubakar Momoh, warned that the country faces an existential threat due to climate change. He emphasized that the Niger Delta is experiencing accelerated climate impacts, with nearly complete loss of primary forests due to human activities, oil exploration, and acid rain. Also, experts are urging immediate action to reduce methane emissions, which contribute over 30% of global temperature rise since the Industrial Revolution. Methane has 80 times the heat-trapping potential of carbon dioxide. To mitigate this, Nigeria needs to focus on technological solutions, behavioral change, and policy implementation, especially in the oil and gas, agriculture, and waste management sectors. It is pertinent to inform on how the US and other developed nations are responding to climate change floods;

    The United States and other developed nations are facing an unprecedented surge in climate change-related flooding. Just this year, the eastern US experienced one of its most destructive flood events in history, with record-breaking rainfall causing rivers to burst their banks and submerge cities. This disaster highlights the urgent need for proactive climate action.

    The US Response: In response to these devastating floods, the US government is prioritizing flood defense funding through programs like FEMA‘s Resilience Initiative. This initiative equips local communities with resources to withstand future disasters more effectively. Cities are also adopting smarter zoning laws to prevent high-risk construction in floodplains. Moreover, the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act has designated $50 billion for climate resilience projects, aiming to update infrastructure standards, invest in nature-based solutions like wetlands restoration, and expand public-private partnerships.

    Global Perspective: Globally, other developed nations are taking similar steps. For instance, Germany has implemented community-centered disaster management strategies after experiencing devastating floods in 2021. Pakistan, which faced severe monsoon disasters in 2022, is also adopting international cooperation on climate research. The World Meteorological Organization emphasizes that cross-border collaboration is key to facing future climate challenges.

    Read Also: Climate change: We are running out of time, Akume warns

    Key Strategies: To effectively handle climate change-related flooding, developed nations are focusing on: Updating Infrastructure Standards: Modernizing floodplain maps and building codes to reflect current climate models; Nature-Based Solutions: Investing in green infrastructure like wetlands restoration and green roofs to absorb floodwaters; Early Warning Systems: Implementing efficient escape routes and public education campaigns to minimize risks; International Cooperation: Collaborating globally to monitor climate patterns and share best practices.

    By adopting these strategies, the US and other developed nations can mitigate the impact of climate change-related flooding and build a more resilient future.

    • Dr. Adebayo (Ph.D., Ibadan) Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control badeleye@gmail.com +234 803 525 6450
  • From Reform to results: Nigeria’s tax laws and the future we must build

    From Reform to results: Nigeria’s tax laws and the future we must build

    • By Gbenga Oyebode Falana

    In June, Nigeria took a bold step to transform its fiscal future. The passage of four interconnected pieces of legislation: the Nigeria Tax Act, the Tax Administration Act, the Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Act, and the Joint Revenue Board Act, laid the foundation for the most comprehensive tax reform since independence. From January 1, 2026, these laws will redefine the way Nigeria collects, administers, and relates to tax. These are not isolated legal amendments. They represent a reset of Nigeria’s fiscal governance architecture. The country is shifting from fragmented and opaque systems to a streamlined, technology-driven framework that prioritises fairness, transparency, and sustainability. In practical terms, the reforms seek to simplify tax administration, ensure broader compliance, and strengthen the state’s capacity to finance public goods without overburdening its citizens.

    Understanding the core of the 2025 Reform Acts

    At the heart of these reforms is the Nigeria Tax Act, which consolidates personal income tax, company income tax, capital gains tax, value added tax, and digital taxation into a unified legal code. This consolidation eliminates contradictions between existing tax laws and provides a single, coherent statute for taxpayers and practitioners. The Tax Administration Act standardises tax procedures across all tiers of government. It introduces uniform processes for registration, assessment, returns, payments, audits, and disputes.

    With this Act, the compliance obligations of individuals and businesses become clearer and more enforceable. The Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS), established under its own statute, replaces the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) and is mandated to adopt modern technologies, issue Taxpayer Identification Numbers (TINs), and enhance the efficiency of tax collection. Supporting these three pillars is the Joint Revenue Board, designed to coordinate federal and state tax policies, settle jurisdictional disputes, and uphold taxpayer rights through the newly established Office of the Tax Ombud.

    Why these changes matter for individuals and businesses

    The reforms are not only institutional; they are deeply personal. For millions of low-income earners, the introduction of an N800,000 tax-free threshold under the new personal income tax regime offers immediate relief. Those earning below this threshold will no longer be subject to income tax, helping ease the cost of living for vulnerable households.

    For businesses, especially micro, small, and medium enterprises with annual turnover below N50 million, exemption from company income tax creates space for reinvestment and growth. The reforms also reconfigure VAT: although the rate remains at 7.5 percent, essential goods and non-oil exports have been zero-rated to protect consumers and incentivise production. For fintechs, crypto traders, and gig economy participants, digital taxation is now clearly recognised and enforceable. These shifts open new advisory and compliance frontiers for tax professionals. They also signal a growing expectation for all economic actors to participate in nation-building through tax.

    Read Also: FG pledges to uphold Buhari’s legacy as Shettima, Sambo, others pay tribute in Daura

    What still stands in the way

    Despite the strong legal framework, effective implementation remains a major hurdle. Many small and informal businesses are unregistered or excluded from digital platforms, making it difficult to reach them through conventional compliance methods. Subnational harmonisation of tax administration is still inconsistent. There are lingering gaps in technology infrastructure and taxpayer education, especially in rural areas. The transition to a fully digital, real-time system will require significant investment in systems, skills, and support services. Additionally, building public trust is paramount. Citizens are more likely to comply with tax obligations if they believe the system is fair, transparent, and accountable. For this reason, the Office of the Tax Ombud must be resourced and empowered to provide redress. Oversight mechanisms must function independently. And governments at all levels must show that taxes collected are being put to visible, productive use. Without these efforts, reforms risk stalling at the level of aspiration.

    Role of tax professionals and civil society

    This is a reform moment that demands collective effort. Tax professionals have a vital responsibility to educate clients, simplify the compliance journey, and provide strategic advice tailored to the evolving tax environment. Firms must embrace digitisation, update internal tools, and develop capacity in emerging areas such as crypto taxation, platform regulation, and dispute resolution. Civil society organisations also have a key role to play. They must monitor the fairness of tax enforcement, raise awareness about rights and responsibilities, and advocate for marginalised groups who may be excluded from the benefits of reform.

    In this regard, civic education is as important as legal reform. Equally, academic researchers can use the new framework as a basis to generate data and insights that inform continuous improvement. If professionals, researchers, and civil society collaborate, they can ensure that reforms are not only legal milestones but engines of equity and inclusion.

    From compliance to contribution: Building a tax culture

    A critical goal of these reforms is to move the tax conversation in Nigeria from one of fear and evasion to one of ownership and contribution. Compliance should not be driven solely by penalties, but by a shared understanding that taxation underpins the quality of education, healthcare, infrastructure, and social security. Citizens must see themselves not just as taxpayers but as co-owners of the system. To do this, government must invest in taxpayer services, simplify processes, communicate with clarity, and lead by example in fiscal discipline. When people see that taxes are being used effectively, their willingness to pay increases. This cultural shift is not automatic. It requires leadership, communication, and institutional reliability. But it is essential if Nigeria is to build a resilient social contract and reduce its dependence on external borrowing or extractive revenue sources.

    A call to action: Making reform real

    The 2025 Tax Acts are comprehensive in scope and transformative in intent. But laws alone do not change systems. People do. The difference between reform on paper and reform in practice lies in how institutions, professionals, and citizens respond. We must insist on inclusive implementation. We must monitor outcomes and adjust where necessary. We must hold ourselves and our leaders accountable to the ideals of fairness, simplicity, and equity that these laws promise. Reform is never easy, and resistance, whether passive or active, should be expected. But the cost of inaction is higher. Nigeria cannot afford to waste another opportunity to build a transparent, sustainable fiscal foundation. These laws offer a path forward. It is now up to us to walk it.

    •Falana, PhD, is commissioner, Tax Appeal Tribunal, Abuja Panel and Senior Fellow Researcher, African Centre for Tax & Governance

  • As floodwaters rise…

    As floodwaters rise…

    • By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

    In yet another reminder of Nigeria’s vulnerability to climate shocks, the Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMet) has issued a fresh flood alert affecting 20 states across the country. From Sokoto to Bayelsa, Delta to Kaduna, and Lagos to Yobe, millions of residents in high-risk areas have begun fleeing or taking preventive steps, while emergency management agencies race against time to prevent a repeat of past tragedies.

    The warning, coming in July at the peak of Nigeria’s rainy season, forecasts intense rainfall in the weeks ahead—an event that could trigger flash floods, landslides, and mass displacement. Already, parts of Lagos, Yobe, Ondo, Benue, and Imo states have begun witnessing early signs of flooding, raising anxiety and putting public preparedness efforts to the test.

    In the eye of this looming storm is the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), which has intensified its pre-disaster strategy in partnership with state emergency agencies. Over the past few weeks, the agency has supported community sensitization campaigns, mapped out temporary shelters, coordinated inter-agency response frameworks, and closely monitored vulnerable zones through real-time disaster surveillance.

    Speaking during a recent stakeholder briefing, NEMA’s Director-General, Zubaida Umar, reiterated the need for state and local governments to go beyond issuing alerts and activate their flood mitigation plans.

    “Preparedness is not a choice. It is the only guarantee against irreversible loss,” she noted. Her message captures a reality that has plagued Nigeria for over a decade: early warnings often fail to inspire early action.

    From the 2012 flood disaster that displaced over two million people, to the more recent 2022 crisis that killed over 600 and affected 4.4 million Nigerians, the patterns are familiar—and sobering. The annual flood season has become a cycle of warnings, delayed responses, avoidable deaths, and post-disaster relief efforts.

    This year, however, there is cautious hope that lessons from the past are prompting swifter action. In Kaduna, for instance, the state emergency agency (KADSEMA) has launched safe haven centres across flood-prone LGAs, in partnership with NEMA, the Federal Fire Service, and others. Dredging of the River Kaduna has begun, and awareness campaigns are ongoing across radio and community platforms.

    In Adamawa State, the government has released N700 million to support pre-emptive evacuation, warehousing of relief materials, and sensitization in at least 15 vulnerable local government areas. “We don’t want to be caught unprepared again,” said Dr Celina Laori, Executive Secretary of the state’s emergency agency.

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    Elsewhere, NEMA’s field offices are working closely with state authorities to mobilize communities. In Imo, the agency has carried out public sensitization and positioned ambulances and emergency supplies ahead of potential displacement. In Edo and Jigawa, residents in floodplains have begun self-evacuating following community engagements supported by emergency officials.

    But beyond government actions, ordinary Nigerians are taking charge of their own safety. In Lekki, Lagos, residents like Olumide Samuel have moved their families out ahead of expected flooding.

    “We do this every year—it’s not ideal, but it’s better than waiting to be rescued,” he said. In Benue, parents have relocated their children from vulnerable areas even as water levels on the River Benue slowly rise.

    Despite this, concerns persist about the capacity of some states to manage what lies ahead. A 2022 report showed that over N620 billion in ecological funds has been allocated to state governments over the past decade, yet many states lack sustainable flood defence infrastructure. Environmentalist Mayokun Iyaomolere argues that while awareness has improved, it is not backed by adequate investment or enforcement. “Drainages are still blocked. Buildings still rise on waterways. We’re preparing with buckets when we need bulldozers,” he said.

    Part of the challenge lies in the intersection between environmental degradation and urban planning failures. Deforestation, sand dredging, and the uncontrolled construction of buildings on floodplains have eroded the natural barriers that once absorbed rainfall. In many cities, rapid urbanisation has outpaced infrastructure, leaving gutters choked with refuse and floodwaters with nowhere to go.

    To bridge this gap, NEMA has not only issued advisories but also strengthened its simulation exercises and inter-agency coordination. Earlier this year, mock flood drills were held in Anambra and Kano states, simulating real-time evacuations and testing communication chains. The goal is to make preparedness a routine rather than a reaction.

    Nonetheless, simulation alone is not a substitute for policy reform. Experts insist that Nigeria must move beyond warnings and develop a national flood resilience plan—one that prioritizes sustainable drainage, the relocation of communities in high-risk zones, and long-term investment in ecological restoration.

    For now, the battle is one of time and commitment. Floods are not a surprise event in Nigeria—they are a certainty. What remains uncertain is how well-prepared the nation is to confront them.

    As rivers swell and the skies darken, millions of Nigerians await what may come. But unlike in years past, there is a growing realization—within government agencies like NEMA, state actors, and among citizens themselves—that early warnings must finally lead to early action.

    •Aliyu writes on disaster management, humanitarian affairs, and national development

  • How LASU became admission-seekers’ favourite

    How LASU became admission-seekers’ favourite

    By Oluwaseun Gbanja

    When the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) unveiled the list of the top 10 first-choice universities for UTME 2025 last week with Lagos State University climbing to the number one position with over 70,000 candidates, up from second place in 2024, and third place in 2023, jubilant stakeholders erupted in celebration, flooding social media with messages of pride and gratitude. For those familiar with LASU’s story, this achievement is far more than a surge in application numbers. It is a powerful testament to the university’s remarkable transformation.

    Once a candidates-reject, dismissed as a “last resort” university, LASU has risen to become a first-choice destination, an irrefutable testament to the visionary leadership, strategic reforms, and unwavering commitment to excellence that has been the hallmark of the institution in recent years.

    For almost three decades after its establishment, LASU wobbled under the heavy cloud of public scepticism and outright disdain, characterised by the industrial actions, poor facilities and internal crises that plagued it. The institution, established in 1983 by the enabling Laws of Lagos State (2015 as amended) with the vision to provide Lagos State with the required human capital for the sustenance of her position as the commercial and industrial hub of Nigeria, struggled year after year to attract the number of students that it had the potential to accommodate, even as it bore the brunt of its bad reputation.

    It was not the case that those who administered or worked in LASU did not mean well or gave their best; they did. It was just a curious case of “water pass garri” as our Warri brothers would say.

    The situation worsened just over a decade ago when a new fee regime, widely regarded as astronomical, was introduced, further plunging the university’s standing to its lowest point in terms of student enrolment.

    In 2014, LASU was able to admit just over 1,000 students out of about 5,000 candidates who chose the university either as first or (mostly) second choice institution. As the late Prof. Tunde Fatunde wrote in an article published online, “One of the consequences of the declining student numbers was that in some departments, there were fewer students than teaching staff. The vice-chancellor wanted to close down some departments, merge some and even anticipated the closure and transfer of an entire faculty to a nearby institution. But it finally dawned on the university that there was a need to respond to the dwindling numbers. Last academic session, 4,000 places were allocated to LASU but only 1,000 candidates accepted.

    “Suddenly members of ASUU realised that they might lose their jobs if the vice-chancellor was not prevented from rationalising courses and departments. Confrontation was inevitable.”

    However, over the past decade, the narrative at Lagos State University began to shift dramatically. Slowly but steadily, the university pulled back from the brink of decline. Driven by the determination of stakeholders and the proactive leadership of the immediate past administration, a new era of peace and renewed commitment to the LASU project emerged. As stability took hold, the university’s reputation started to rise once again.

    However, it was the appointment of Professor Ibiyemi Ibilola Olatunji-Bello, mni, NPOM, as the 9th substantive vice-chancellor in September 2021 that marked a true turning-point. At this watershed moment, the power of visionary leadership became unmistakable. Professor Olatunji-Bello came armed with six strategic goals designed to fulfil her ambitious vision of transforming LASU into the best university in West Africa. Her leadership style —strategic, human-centred and inclusive — prioritised discipline, excellence, and a student-friendly environment.

    Perhaps the most striking and immediate outcome of her purposeful, focused leadership has been the sustained peace that LASU has enjoyed since 2021. This hard-won stability has paved the way for a reliable, accelerated academic calendar, restoring confidence among students, staff, and the wider public alike.

    Furthermore, with Olatunji-Bello’s managerial acumen, LASU witnessed unprecedented improvements in academic achievements. It is on record that the university has produced the highest number of first-class graduates in its history in the last three convocations. Thanks to research excellence, infrastructural developments, local and international collaborations, digitalisation of processes, improvements in income generation and staff and students’ welfare.

    Four new faculties and two schools housing about 26 new departments were also established by the administration to expand opportunities for admission seekers. All these have culminated in a sterling global reputation that is now making the university the number one choice for admission seekers in Nigeria.

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    Those who attempt to downplay LASU’s recent feats by attributing it solely to Lagos State’s large population (and I have seen a few of them on social media), fail to acknowledge the shift in the reputation of the university in recent years. I dare ask: If population were the sole determinant of university patronage, shouldn’t LASU be the top institution since its establishment over 40 years ago? Why wasn’t LASU even in the top 10 as recently as five years ago? Why was UNILORIN consistently the most sought-after university for nine straight years until LASU dislodged it from that position?

    LASU’s feat is even more impressive against the backdrop that among the 10 most sought-after universities, only LASU is state-government owned, demonstrating LASU’s capacity to compete favourably with federal universities that traditionally enjoy better funding, resources and national recognition.

    Beyond the vice-chancellor’s leadership, accolades must be given to the Lagos State government under the leadership of Babajide Sanwo-Olu for its commitment to a stable and consistent academic calendar in LASU. While many federal universities have been held back by frequent strikes, LASU has maintained stability with students able to complete their courses of study within stipulated time-frame. This stability, coupled with the subsidised school fee regime, is a major pull factor for candidates of all ethnicities and their parents.

    Another critical factor in LASU’s remarkable transformation is the unwavering support and cooperation of the university’s staff unions. Working hand-in-hand with the vice-chancellor, they have played a vital role in fostering and sustaining an academic environment that is truly conducive to learning and growth. At LASU today, student welfare is prioritised, outstanding performance is encouraged and duly rewarded, and opportunities abound for individuals to realise their full potential. Indeed, there is no better academic atmosphere in any public university in Nigeria today than what LASU offers, a testament to a shared commitment to excellence and collective progress.

    Indeed, LASU’s transformation from candidates-reject, “vegetable university” or “glorified secondary school” to Nigeria’s most sought-after university is a testament to what is possible with the right leadership and support.

    Looking forward, the next major challenge is building on and maintaining the momentum of excellence. But the management of LASU under the able leadership of Prof. Olatunji-Bello with the support of all stakeholders is more than capable of achieving this. This unwavering focus, even in the face of distractions, is exactly the reason we can say, “We are LASU, We are the Greatest!”

    •Gbanja is media assistant to the LASU VC

  • NDDC’s 25th anniversary: Matters arising

    NDDC’s 25th anniversary: Matters arising

    By Braeyi Ekiye

    Credit must be given to former president, Olusegun Obasanjo for his desperation in finding ‘lasting solution’ to the festering crisis in the Niger Delta. In spite of being the economic and financial muscle of the Nigerian state since 1956 when petroleum was found in the region, the Niger Delta has remained underdeveloped.

    When he assumed office on May 1, 1999, he was faced with restiveness by the youths of the region, manifesting in their clamour and protest for resources ownership and control, mitigation of environmental degradation and a more equitable, participatory and just administration of the Nigerian state.

    The youths anchored their grievances against the backdrop of a skewed oil and gas wealth distribution, marginalization, colossal ecological damages and lack of opportunities in the petroleum industry.

    The ensuing unrest in the region, which witnessed blockages, attacks on oil facilities and kidnap of oil workers sent a very strong signal to the federal authorities that the youths of the Niger Delta meant business, this time around.

    President Obasanjo saw the disturbing situation as most opportune time to make a marked difference in re-writing the narrative of the unpardonable underdevelopment in the region.

    With military dispatch, Obasanjo engaged critical stakeholders in the region, to wit: leaderships of the Ijaw National Congress (INC), the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC), traditional rulers and chiefs, and opinion leaders to find an enduring solution to the crisis which was already having a devastating effect on the economy.

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     Arising from the far-reaching consultations, the president set in motion the process of establishing the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) through the National Assembly. Subsequently, a law creating the NDDC was signed by President Obasanjo in 2000. The sole mandate of the commission was sustainable, holistic development of the oil-rich Niger Delta. 

    Twenty years after NDDC’s creation, can we frankly say that the commission has creditably dispensed its mandate? It is not that those saddled with the responsibility to actualize this mandate since its creation, 25 years ago, lacked the commitment and will, and the expertise to galvanize the work force to attain set goals; but the centralization of the commission in terms of directives and supervision from the central and other powerful arms of government, including politicians, have all combined to make the NDDC’s performance profile uninspiring and a negation of the mandate assigned it. And this has gone on unchecked. This is why the public perceives chief executives of the commission, over time, as lame ducks, with little or no authority to exercise their key or core mandate, especially in areas of promoting physical and socio-economic development, such as infrastructure, flood and erosion control, health care, education, food security, and environmental management.

    It is a known fact that the NDDC has been used overtime, for purposes other than the advancement of the underdeveloped region and her poverty stricken people. Have we forgotten so soon, Senator Godswill Akpabio’s marathon ‘Forensic Audit’ of the NDDC which documented a total of 133, 777 contracts for projects and programmes awarded to contractors and consultants in the Niger Delta states from 2001 – 2019, with a total value of N3,274,206,032,213.24?

    Akpabio further said that the auditors also interrogated funding gaps, irregularities, mismanagements, and due process violations/conflicts of interest, among others, while presenting the forensic audit report to former president, late Muhammadu Buhari at the State House on September 2, 2021.

    The fact that the federal government still sits on the audit almost four years after, piques the mind.

    Viewed against this backdrop, one must give credit to the commitment of the administration of the NDDC under the leadership of Samuel Ogbuku. To discerning minds, the board and management has so far, shown a commendable measure of accountability and performance bond with the people of the region and their environment; albeit a lot more need be done to give the Niger Delta the development stature it deserves considering the enormous resources from that region accruing to the Federal Government, and the 36 states including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

    Worthy of mention of the achievements of the Ogbuku administration are, its legacy project, ‘Operation Light the Niger Delta’ which has received accolades, even though many more communities in the vast Niger Delta are yet to benefit from it; also, the commission’s attempt at roads and bridges construction and other infrastructural projects, including youth empowerment drive through skills acquisition and award of scholarships needs to be commended.

    But, let me say, that the core mandate of holistic physical and socio-economic development and tackling of ecological and environmental problems in the region are yet a far cry and need pragmatic and accelerated intervention.

    This is where the recent President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reaffirmation of the significance of the Niger Delta region to Nigeria’s economic prosperity rings a bell. The president, in a message at the 25th anniversary celebration of the NDDC described the Niger Delta as “the goose that lays the golden egg”. And the submissive, patient and longsuffering goose has continued to lay this egg ‘unabated’ for the past 70 years, and still in counting. If equity and justice were to prevail in resources ownership and control, and a sane and acceptable revenue allocation formula in place, would the Niger Delta region still remain ‘poor, neglected and backward’, as the 1958 Sir Henry Willink Commission Report Alluded?

    The president in his message also directed the board and management of the NDDC, through the Minister of the South-South Regional Development Commission, to complete and deliver abandoned critical projects in the region. President Tinubu also expressed confidence that the legacy 750-Kilometre Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway will serve as a viable alternative to the East-West Road. In his opinion, the flagship project will foster trade and connectivity across the region while opening up new investment prospects in the growth of eco-tourism and blue economy-based industries in the region.

    There is no doubt that these projects, when completed would foster accelerated socio-economic growth and development and enhance speedy and safe transportation of men, goods and services in the region. Government’s move in this direction is therefore, commendable.

    While we await these legacy projects to be completed and put to use, the compelling need to squarely address the urgent socio-economic and infrastructural deficits of the region cannot be overemphasized.

    A potent option in addressing the sorry state of the development profile of the Niger Delta is the opening up of the region through road and modern water transportation systems to vitalize the variegated economies and opportunities the oil industries provides in the region.  It should be noted that while Lagos, Abuja and some other states are awash with modern infrastructure and huge economic and financial enterprises which are catalysts to accelerated socio-economic growth and development, the Niger Delta states are left gasping for such transformation. The Niger Delta case should therefore, not be different. This can be done if the political will is there, and justice is seen to be done.

    It would be a herculean task for interventionist developmental agencies of government, which are at best, parastatals, to carry out such flagship or legacy projects for the urgent holistic development of the Niger Delta.

    It therefore behoves the Tinubu administration to dramatically change the parlous developmental narrative of the Niger Delta and bring it in line with modern city states, bubbling with uninterrupted business and commercial activities for the sustainability of her citizens.

    What Niger Delta needs is a well-articulated perspective development plan akin to the 1948 Marshall Plan that was launched in Western Europe after the World War II aimed at rebuilding war torn economies and create stable markets. The Niger Delta region can be said to be at developmental war, so the federal government, IOCs, state and international development agencies should, as a matter of priority, collaborate in providing significant, visible and sustainable development of this petroleum-rich region.

    •Ekiye, a publisher, writes from Yenagoa, Bayelsa State

  • Environmental laws and regulations: Some take aways from Lagos

    Environmental laws and regulations: Some take aways from Lagos

    By Oladele Oladipupo

     Let’s take a trip down memory lane. The history of environmental protection and management in Nigeria started as far back as 1988 when a foreign toxic waste dump was discovered in the port town of Koko in Delta State. It was at the time when the federal government was already in the forefront in calling for international action to prevent developing countries from being used as dumping grounds for hazardous chemicals and wastes from industrialized countries. The Koko episode helped in accelerating the process of strengthening the country’s policies, institutions and laws in support of development that is both ecologically and economically sustainable. This led to the Establishment of the defunct Federal Environmental Protection Agency (FEPA) through the enactment of Decree No 58 of 1988.

    The new agency was saddled with the responsibility of protecting the nation’s environment and human health. Within a short period, the agency was able to identify the major environmental challenges facing the country which include but not limited to the following: industrial pollution, air pollution, water pollution, solid waste management, draught and desertification, climate change, erosion and flood, coastal and marine pollution etc. Having identified the major environmental challenges facing the country, the agency started to develop instruments of intervention in order to tackle the myriad environmental challenges.

    First, the agency started the process of developing a National Policy on the Environment that set out new development guidelines and implementation strategies in 14 different priority areas. These areas include but not limited to the following: Land use and soil conservation, water resources management, sanitation and waste management, toxic and hazardous substances, mining and mineral resources, agricultural chemicals etc.

    Second was the development of the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) Act CAP E12 LFN 2004, which makes it mandatory for proponents of all new major development activities to carry out an Environmental Impact Assessment study of their proposed project.

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    Third was the development of the National Guidelines and Standards for Environmental Pollution Control in Nigeria followed by the development of Environmental Management System and National Policy on Climate Change. In enforcing the National Environmental Laws and Regulations, the defunct FEPA adopted the policy of “Carrot and Stick” approach. That is, industries that complied with the environmental laws were adequately rewarded by giving them tax incentives such as tax rebate and tax holidays while those that refused to comply were sanctioned. Prior to the enforcement of these laws, the agency organized series of awareness campaigns and sensitization programmes.

    Moreover, industries were given three years moratorium to put in place their effluent treatment facilities. The states were also advised to set up their own State Environmental Protection Agencies.

    This takes us to the issue of how environmental laws and regulations are being enforced in Lagos State particularly those that relate to environmental sanitation and waste management. Currently, the state is grappling with various environmental challenges which include industrial pollution, environmental sanitation and waste management, air pollution, noise pollution, coastal and marine pollution.

    In order to address these environmental challenges, the Lagos State government established the following institutions namely: The Lagos State Ministry of the Environment, Lagos State Environmental Protection Agency (LASEPA) and the Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA). These institutions have developed various laws, regulations, guidelines and standards in order to ensure that the environment is protected. As part of efforts in tackling the myriad environmental challenges in the state, the Lagos State government budgeted the sum of N231.176 billion for the environment sector in the 2025 fiscal year. It is interesting to note that environment sector has the lion share of the total budget for this year. Recently, the Lagos State Commissioner for the Environment rolled out the activities which the state had embarked upon in the past couple of years.

    However, my concern is with the implementation of some of the state’s policies and environmental laws particularly in the areas of environmental sanitation and waste management.

    It was in the news just of recent that people that violated the environmental sanitation and waste management laws were asked to spend three months in the correctional facilities. The people were said to have been caught urinating in the public by Kick Against Indiscipline Officials (KAI). Frankly, I think this kind of punishment is too harsh for the offence. The option of fines would certainly have been better instead of putting them behind bars. Recall that a couple of months ago, the Minister of Interior, alerted the nation about the problem of overcrowding in our correctional facilities nationwide and that there was need to decongest them.

    The question is: Where are these environmental offenders going to serve their jail terms? I think what the state government needs to do is to provide toilet facilities across the state in various motor parks, market places and bus-stops for the use of the public.  By so doing it will create a lot of job opportunities for the unemployed youths; not only that, but also reduce the rate of crime in the society.

    Moreover, the state government should also try to organize series of awareness campaigns and sensitization programmes so that people will know that it is an offence to defecate in the public and that heavy penalty attach to its violation.

    On the issue of solid waste management, obviously it is capital intensive and funding seems to be the major challenge. What I have noticed in the management of solid waste in Lagos State is that most residents in the state do not sort out their wastes right from the source. Segregation of wastes is very important. There are wastes that are biodegradable and those that are non-biodegradable. For instance papers, bottles, cans and plastics are non-biodegradable and they can be recycled while refuse are biodegradable and can be landfilled. Lagosians should be taught how to segregate their wastes from the source and by so doing, the rest of the wastes will be easier to handle.

    There are quite a number of energy companies in the United Kingdom and the United States of America that do have Best Available Technology (BAT) that can convert wastes into energy. Regarding the recent outright ban on the production and use of single plastics, it is quite unfortunate. If this policy is vigorously enforced, it is going to have devastating impact not only on the manufacturers but also on the small and medium enterprises. There are only a few industries that do recycle waste plastics. Aside from that, the state government could have a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the manufacturers on the policy of “buying-back” where the manufacturers will now recycle the waste plastics.

    The point bears emphasising that before any government introduces new policies that will impact the masses either positively or negatively, it is imperative to involve relevant stakeholders to gather their inputs. For instance, there have been cases of poorly formulated and implemented policies such as the naira re-design policy during the last administration. Had it been that relevant stakeholders were involved in the formulation and implementation of the policy, it could have been successful.

    My final appeal is to the Lagos State government to please rescind its decisions on the three months jail sentence on environmental offenders and the ban on the production of single use plastics.

    •Oladipupo writes via oladeleoladipupo@gmail.com