Category: Comments

  • Maritime sector as untapped goldmine, revenue source

    Maritime sector as untapped goldmine, revenue source

    Nigeria’s economy has long been tied to crude oil as its primary revenue source, stunting progress and growth for many years.

    This dependency has created an urgent need for the country to diversify its revenue streams.

    One very attractive alternative is Nigeria’s shipping and maritime sector, which remains largely underutilised despite enormous potential.

    With an estimated annual revenue generation of N7 trillion, a strategic overhaul of policies, infrastructure, and regulations could position Nigeria as a formidable player in global maritime trade.

    The maritime sector, responsible for facilitating over 90 per cent of world trade, presents a viable alternative to deepen Nigeria’s economy and create millions of jobs.

    Strategically located along the Atlantic Ocean and equipped with multiple deep-sea ports, Nigeria has not maximised its maritime potential and opportunities. Neighbouring countries like Benin, Ghana, and Togo leverage Nigeria’s inefficiencies to divert international trade. 

    It is estimated that more than two million vehicles are imported into Nigeria annually through Benin and Togo. This has caused a staggering revenue loss of N20 billion daily, equivalent to N7.8 trillion annually at Apapa Wharf alone.

    A significant challenge facing Nigeria’s maritime sector is the lack of modern port infrastructure. Outdated ports, terminals, and cargo handling equipment hinder efficiency and competitiveness.

    Substantial investment is required to modernise maritime infrastructure. A robust and well-enforced regulatory environment is crucial to attract international investments and boost Nigeria in the global shipping space.

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    To compete with international maritime hubs like Singapore, Dubai, and Rotterdam, Nigeria must massively invest in port infrastructure, technology, and security.

    These investments should focus primarily on expansion and modernisation. Multi-modal connectivity is crucial to link ports for the easy transport of cargo. 

    A structured investment strategy in shipbuilding, dredging, and marine logistics is vital to boost revenue and reduce Nigeria’s reliance on foreign vessels.

    Despite its enormous benefits, shipping and maritime development are not sufficiently prioritised in national economic planning. Government policy overlooks the maritime sector.

    It is important for the Nigerian government to elevate the maritime economy as a key policy priority. I acknowledge that a good start has been made by the establishment of the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy.

    The maritime sector is crucial to Nigeria’s economy. Nigeria must take advantage of this to deliver benefits. If properly leveraged, the maritime sector can potentially yield major foreign exchange earnings.

    Unlike oil, which is a limited resource, shipping remains a continuously relevant service that is essential to drive economic development. Nigeria’s economic future need not be shackled to the volatility of oil.

    With a well-structured policy framework, legislative reforms, and significant investments in infrastructure, the shipping and maritime sector can evolve into a leading revenue generator.

  • UNIZIK: What’s the legal limit of acting vice-chancellorship?

    UNIZIK: What’s the legal limit of acting vice-chancellorship?

    • By James Osaramen

    Nnamdi Azikiwe University (UNIZIK) recently made headlines over a protracted leadership succession crisis. The situation began with the appointment of Prof. Joseph Ikechebelu as acting vice-chancellor, whose abrupt and almost chaotic removal paved the way for Prof. Carol Umobi to take over. Not long after, the Governing Council, in a manner described by many as “commando-style,” appointed Prof. Joseph Odoh as the substantive vice-chancellor. However, this controversial decision backfired—Prof. Odoh was eventually removed, and the Governing Council dissolved for gross irregularities and disregard for due process. In the aftermath, Prof. Ikechebelu was reappointed, only to be succeeded once more by Prof. Carol Umobi. The academic community now awaits the appointment of a substantive vice-chancellor. Worryingly, concerns of bias have already surfaced, as Prof. A.U. Nonyelum, despite being favourably screened, was bypassed in the latest acting appointment process.

    If, within the duration prescribed by law, a substantive vice-chancellor is not appointed, it would become necessary to nominate another person as acting vice-chancellor. The pertinent question now is: how many months does Prof. Carol Umobi have left? The law, as it stands, is unequivocal – no acting vice-chancellor shall serve for more than six months under any circumstance. Her current reappointment, following a previous three-month stint before being replaced by a substantive vice-chancellor, cannot be regarded as a fresh term. It is, in legal terms, a continuation of her earlier appointment. Consequently, her cumulative tenure must not exceed six months.

    Those who support a fresh six-month appointment often forget that Prof. Umobi was not removed arbitrarily and was also first appointed by the Council. Her tenure ended naturally with the appointment of a substantive vice-chancellor, a situation fully contemplated by the law. It was not an illegal or capricious removal, nor did it violate her rights. It simply reflected the proper functioning of the university’s leadership succession process. Her current reappointment does not – and cannot – reset the statutory clock.

    The legal foundation for this position is found in Section 5(14) of the Universities (Miscellaneous Provisions) (Amendment) Act 2003, which reads: “An Acting Vice-Chancellor in all circumstances shall not be in office for more than six months.” This provision is absolute, unambiguous, and carries three distinct dimensions: it is limiting, prohibitive, and mandatory. It places a ceiling on the time an acting VC can occupy that office, regardless of whether that period is served continuously or in split segments.

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    To interpret the six-month limit otherwise is to risk dismantling the very legal framework meant to curtail opportunistic tenure elongation. Consider the absurdity that would result from viewing each appointment, even to the same person, as a fresh six-month term. A governing council could simply reappoint the same individual indefinitely, so long as each appointment was labelled “acting.” That is precisely the mischief the law was designed to eliminate – a mischief well-identified by Prof. Ehi Oshio in his seminal legal commentary. He rightly observes that the six-month provision was enacted to forestall “unscrupulous and mischievous methods” used by some to extend acting tenures under different guises.

    In Umobi’s case, the facts are straightforward. She was appointed acting vice-chancellor and served for three months. She stepped down because a substantive vice-chancellor was appointed. That should have ended her acting tenure. Her recent reappointment, while perhaps morally justifiable in light of her abrupt displacement, is nonetheless constrained by law. At most, she may complete the remaining three months of the originally allotted six. Anything beyond that violates both the letter and spirit of the law.

    This position is neither harsh nor unduly technical. Rather, it flows from a healthy respect for legal interpretation and public governance. The statute does not grant exceptions. It does not say “six months, unless removed for a good reason.” It says, emphatically, “in all circumstances,” thereby foreclosing any situational elasticity. The word “shall” is not a suggestion – it is a command.

    In Nigeria, we must resist the temptation to govern institutions by sentiment, political expediency, or bureaucratic improvisation. Legal certainty is what strengthens institutions. The tenure of an acting vice-chancellor is not a political matter; it is a statutory one. The six-month ceiling is not optional; it is binding. No Senate vote, no Council resolution, no ministerial nod can override the clear provisions of an Act of the National Assembly.

    Indeed, if Prof. Umobi were allowed to serve more than six months on the ground that her previous stint was incomplete, the precedent it sets would haunt future university governance. It would encourage governing councils to dismiss, recall, and rotate acting VCs as it suits internal politics – all under the guise of fresh appointments. The integrity of the law must not be eroded in pursuit of administrative convenience.

    The only correct legal and ethical course is to limit Prof. Umobi’s return to three months – the balance of her original tenure. This interpretation preserves the law, respects institutional order, and affirms our collective commitment to the rule of law. It must remain firm, clear, and binding – for when institutions begin to treat legal boundaries as optional, they chip away at the very foundations of order, justice, and accountability.

    •Osaramen is a Benin based legal practitioner.

  • The truth about FESTAC woes

    The truth about FESTAC woes

    • By Gboyega Amoboye

    On the Voice of the People, FM Radio station on July 1, the guest of the 7.am newspaper review said FESTAC TOWN was left by the government to decay because 90% of residents are from the Southeast/South-south. I did not know why he decided to add the South-south. When asked by the presenter of the programme, Judeh Ikamijudeh who were the Representatives of the town in the national and state assembly respectively, he interrupted furiously that ‘the issue of representatives does not arise but national interest as residents irrespective of where they come from are Nigerians”.

    Unfortunately I cannot remember his full name but he was introduced as a former journalist a leading newspaper.

    Normally I do not comment on matters like this so that I would not be misunderstood by my friends and some other good people from the Southeast. However for the need to enlighten him and others who might be tempted to think likewise, I find this necessary.

    If he says 90% of residents are from the Southeast/South-south, it means all the primary and secondary schools in FESTAC , the Mother and Child Hospital, The Primary Health Care Centre are staffed and all facilities patronised by 90% of the people from the Southeast/South-south.

    FESTAC town was purely planned as a residential town for 50,000 people with shopping centres provided in every community and open fields for recreation. But today the population has exploded to over one million because of the influx of the 90% of the people from Southeast/South-south as pointed out by the radio analyst. Consequently every space and walkways have been taken over by traders and beer parlours just as other facilities have been overstretched. As if the black race has been cursed by heaven’s decree never to enjoy good environment, the buffer zone that shields FESTAC from insecurity and degradation has been demolished to provide more space for buying and selling while the virgin land, reserved for the town’s phase two development has been butchered for haphazard developments.

    When I visited Ikorodu recently, I was surprised to see roads that only Okada could previously navigate replaced with well-constructed wide roads and solid drainages – Agric, Agbede, Igbogbo, Igbo Olomu, Selewu inclusive. When I congratulated my friend and host that Lagos State government had visited them, he said it was not the state government that did it but Hon Jimi Benson, their representative in the Lagos State House of Assembly who was equally doing charity or giving palliatives. When I asked the same question in Surulere, residents were quick to point at the ‘miracle worker’ and former Speaker of the House of Representative, Hon. Femi Gbajabimila who did not only bring their roads back to life, but also went as far as providing water, street lights and even renovating and modernising private homes built in the 60-70s as a matter of good representation and humanity.

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    The question is who are the senators and representatives of Amuwo Odofin where FESTAC is headquartered? What have they been doing with their constituency allowances?

    The question our commentator did not want to answer from Judeh is that most of the 90 % Southeast/South-south residents of FESTAC town voted against the political party, APC in power in Lagos who provides and maintains the primary and secondary schools the hospital and primary health care that are serving them and their children, to vote for Labour Party identified with their kinsman Peter Obi. Therefore their own constituency allowances are not for FESTAC Town where they live and enjoy government facilities. The relationship between the government and the people is that of rights and obligation. It is the right of the government to provide basic amenities for the people while in return the people are expected to vote for the government that is proving the good governance being enjoyed as a matter of encouragement. Only judiciary can afford to be blind, not democracy.

    Would they say the APC government in Lagos State does not deserve support for providing education, health care, and employment virtually at no extra cost for their families? Have they forgotten soon that former governor, Babatunde Fashola constructed the link road from FESTAC to Okota Ajao Estate and Airport Road?

    But what about senators for the area who are from the APC? What has been happening to their constituency allowances where ordinary state House of Assembly member, Benson is doing wonders in Ikorodu? I learnt some of them give some palliatives but is constituency allowance not paid annually?

    The Amuwo Odofin Local Government too could not be absolved from blame. Residents are quick to remember the good work of the former chairman, Comrade Ayodele Adewale but could not say the same thing about his successor, Eng. Valentine Buraimoh who incidentally was not only a friend of Ayodele but also his Director of Works before the handover to him apparently to continue ‘the good work ‘. Unfortunately like Wike and Fubara in Rivers, so also in Amuwo Odofin. In fairness to Valentine however, he built the new market also occupied by 90% of people from Southeast/South-south, the well-staffed and efficient medical centre and a modern administrative office nearing completion. Perhaps it could be a matter of priority or misplaced priority.

    But why should Lagos State abandon FESTAC Town, a unique and historic landmark not only in the state but also the country? God told Abraham that if there were 10 righteous people in Gomorrah, he would spare the city. Governor Sanwo-Olu: Are people who voted for you in FESTAC not more than 10?

    What about the owner of the estate, the Federal Housing Authority (FHA)? If Wike is doing wonders in Abuja, why should the new management of the FHA be dragging its foot?

    I read sometimes ago that on the completion of the town in 1977, the project consultant Eng. Coker said that “my only fear is who will maintain FESTAC?”

    He left behind an effective direct labour unit with heavy duty road maintenance equipment but all were sold together with their expansive yard after the exit of Mr Fortune Ebie. Indeed ‘Cry the beloved town’. May the soul of Fortune Ebie, the first and magical General Manager of the town rest in peace and forgive his successors.

    •Amoboye, a veteran journalist, writes from Lagos

  • The high cost of unholy political alliances

    The high cost of unholy political alliances

    • By Prince Charles Dickson

    Nigeria’s political landscape is dominated by coalitions built not on shared values or ideological conviction, but on the shifting sands of immediate, self-serving gain. These are not marriages of principle, but transactions of convenience—frail, temporary, and ultimately destructive.

    Nigeria reels under the weight of these failed political marriages, where power is grabbed, not governed for, and the masses remain perpetual orphans.

    It has always been a history of strange bedfellows. A very quick dive into the anatomy of political “matrimony” in Nigeria since independence reads like a chronicle of forced and fractured unions. Parties and coalitions frequently emerge, not from shared visions for development, social justice, or economic philosophy, but from the singular ambition to capture or retain power. Ethnic arithmetic and religious balancing often supersede policy alignment, creating inherently unstable partnerships. The First and Second Republics witnessed alliances primarily designed to counter dominant regions or personalities. The Fourth Republic, post-1999, exemplifies this trend most vividly.

    The People’s Democratic Party (PDP), initially a sprawling “big tent,” housed factions with fundamentally opposing economic and social views, held together precariously by the allure of federal power and patronage. Its main challengers, including the All Progressives Congress (APC), were themselves born, not from ideological convergence, but from marriages of convenience between disgruntled PDP heavyweights and disparate opposition groups united solely by the desire to oust the incumbent. These are classic “strange bedfellow” arrangements – lacking trust, shared purpose, or commitment beyond the immediate electoral battle. These alliances are rooted in ambition, not nation-building.

    Politicians change parties with bewildering frequency, demonstrating a loyalty that lies solely with personal ambition and access to resources, not with constituents or proclaimed principles. Cross-carpeting has been normalized as a strategy, not stigmatized as betrayal. As one analysis starkly put it: “Politicians who decamp are mostly those who face criticism or challenges within their party and view defection as a convenient escape route. They have no overriding philosophy, clear ideology or policy framework to guide their members’ actions and decisions”.

    The comparison to marital infidelity in the search results is apt: “In Nigeria, the populace is overwhelmed by the spectacle of regular ‘decamping’ of prominent political figures followed by ‘re-camping’…

    Nigerian politicians act in the same manner and fail to show appreciation for the fact that in exchange for their votes, the people expect service from them”. High-profile figures moving between PDP, APC, and smaller parties multiple times within a single electoral cycle expose the utter hollowness of party identity and the cynical nature of these political “vows.” This constant betrayal mirrors the instability of a union lacking foundational values, draining public trust and institutional integrity. Each defection underscores that the initial “marriage” was a facade for power-grabbing.

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    Nigerian political parties, with few exceptions, lack coherent, distinct, and consistently articulated ideological foundations. There is no meaningful differentiation between parties based on core beliefs about the role of the state, economic models (social democracy vs. free-market liberalism vs. state interventionism), social policy, or foreign policy orientation.

    Without ideology, parties become mere vehicles for electioneering and patronage distribution. Membership is fluid, driven by “what can I gain?” rather than “what do I believe?” This absence of principled glue means coalitions cannot be built on shared visions for the country’s future; only on the temporary alignment of personal interests in seizing power or resources. It reduces politics to a transactional, zero-sum game, focused on taking, not contributing. This vacuum allows ethnic and religious fissures, often cynically exploited by politicians themselves as seen in Jos, to become the primary markers of political identity, further fracturing the nation.

    The devastating consequences of these unholy political alliances and the ideologies that fuel division are tragically embodied in places like Jos, Plateau State. Here, a complex struggle over land, resources, and political control (“indigenes” vs. “settlers”) was deliberately reframed by politicians as a religious conflict between Muslims and Christians.

    As documented, “Despite the conflict’s portrayal as religious, ‘there is no religious doctrine that has been the focus of the fight,’” said a University of Jos professor. Politicians reframed the conflict “to expand their support, manufacturing a religious conflict”.

    This cynical manipulation, born from the same playbook of leveraging division for political gain evident in national coalition-building, has cost thousands of lives, shattered communities, and destroyed interfaith families who once coexisted peacefully.

    The segregation and suspicion fostered by this politically manufactured strife is a microcosm of how Nigeria’s elite, through their unprincipled power games and alliances, sacrifice national unity and citizen’s well-being on the altar of personal ambition.

    Can we have enduring unions, principles over power and escape this cycle by demanding a fundamental shift from power-centric alliances to principle-based politics?

    This I believe requires ideological clarification: Parties must develop, articulate, and adhere to clear, distinct ideologies beyond simply winning elections. This allows voters to choose based on vision and values, not just personality or ethnicity, and fosters genuine, lasting coalitions built on shared principles, not just shared enemies. Regulatory bodies like INEC need support (and pressure) to enforce rules against frivolous defection that betray the electorate’s mandate.

    Citizens enlightenment and demand: An “uneducated electorate,” susceptible to manipulation based on sectarian or ethnic lines, enables bad politics. Sustained civic education is crucial to empower citizens to demand accountability and reject politicians known for serial defections or divisive tactics. They must value policy substance over patronage.

    Strengthening grassroots reconciliation: Initiatives like those in Jos – training youth in early warning systems, promoting inter-communal dialogue focusing on the real political and economic roots of conflict, not the manufactured religious ones – need replication and scaling nationally. Rebuilding trust at the community level undermines the politician’s divide-and-rule toolkit.

    And of course constitutional and institutional reforms: Strict enforcement of constitutional provisions requiring elected officials who defect to vacate their seats should be non-negotiable. Furthermore, exploring reforms that promote internal party democracy and policy debate, rather than strongman dominance, could gradually foster more ideologically coherent parties.

    To build a legacy worthy of its potential, Nigeria must move beyond the politics of strange bedfellows and serial infidelity. Its political unions must be consecrated, not to the fleeting god of power, but to the enduring principles of service, ideological clarity, and the unwavering commitment to the common good. Only then can the nation transform its political dalliances into a lasting, fruitful covenant with its people.

    •Dickson, PhD, is team lead, The Tattaaunawa Roundtable Initiative (TRICentre), Jos, Plateau State.

  • Understanding Kaduna’s changing security situation

    Understanding Kaduna’s changing security situation

    • By Murtala Musa

    When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu visited Kaduna State to commission the numerous projects executed in just over two years by Governor Uba Sani, even he couldn’t help but marvel at the dramatic transformation. Mr. President confessed that the Kaduna State he had visited before the 2023 general election was markedly different from the one he stepped into during his recent visit. It was clear, even to the president, that something fundamental had shifted.

    While addressing the gathering after commissioning the projects, President Tinubu didn’t mince words about the new face of Kaduna. He acknowledged the peace and security gains under Uba Sani’s watch, stating:  “What I see here today gives me hope—not just for Kaduna, but for Nigeria at large. Kaduna is now a shining example of how peace and security can unlock development. From Birnin Gwari to Southern Kaduna, the progress is visible, and the peace is refreshing.”

    Indeed, from Kaduna metropolis to Birnin Gwari, there’s a new sense of calm. The road to Birnin Gwari, especially, once nicknamed “the road of death,” is no longer dreaded. That route has been transformed into a corridor of peace, where travellers now journey without fear or the ominous shadow of violence looming over them. I believe it was this remarkable turnaround has wowed the president and left many surprised. Yet, this newfound calm isn’t just about security patrols or military checkpoints; it’s a reflection of deliberate, people-centred leadership.

    Where his predecessor thrived on grandstanding and peacock posturing, Uba Sani embraced humility, collaboration and practical governance. He swapped political theatrics for quiet efficiency, and the results are speaking louder than words.

    One of Uba Sani’s most effective strategies has been his outreach to traditional rulers, those grassroots influencers whose voices resonate within their communities. Rather than side-lining them as mere ceremonial figures, Uba Sani brought them to the decision-making table. Their ideas, concerns, and wisdom are now integral to governance. This synergy has birthed a new Kaduna State, one that even President Tinubu couldn’t ignore.

    But it doesn’t end there.

    For many years, Kaduna was a theatre of religious and ethnic hostilities, with tensions simmering just beneath the surface. The fractures were deep, and opportunists exploited these divides to unleash violence and instability. However, under Uba Sani’s leadership, these cracks are slowly but surely healing.

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    Through open dialogue, sincere engagement, and deliberate policies that promote inclusion, the seeds of unity are being planted afresh. Interfaith forums, youth peace initiatives, and community reconciliations have become regular features in Kaduna’s evolving story. The old narratives of suspicion and discord are gradually giving way to new tales of cooperation and mutual respect.

    Perhaps the most remarkable thing about Governor Uba Sani’s tenure isn’t just the peace returning to Kaduna’s streets and villages; it is the sense of fairness and equity that permeates his administration. His commitment to equitable development has been unmatched in the recent history of the state.

    Every corner of Kaduna, whether in the north, south, or central zones, has felt the impact of governance. From road constructions to water projects, from health facilities to educational interventions, no part of the state has been left behind. This deliberate spread of developmental projects has not only boosted economic activities across Kaduna but also doused long-held grievances of marginalisation.

    It is this fair and just leadership that has rendered troublemakers jobless. With every community having a stake in the Kaduna project, there are fewer opportunities for those who thrive on division to find relevance.

    Interestingly, Uba Sani’s style of leadership has defied the usual political playbook. He is not one for endless media drama or seeking applause for every single effort. His approach has been simple: identify problems, consult widely, act decisively, and monitor implementation. It is this methodical yet unassuming approach that has yielded the results Kaduna State now enjoys.

    What makes his story even more compelling is that Uba Sani never pretended that the state’s problems could vanish overnight. He didn’t arrive with unrealistic promises or magic solutions. Instead, he rolled up his sleeves and got to work, acknowledging the enormity of the challenges but remaining undeterred.

    From tackling the age-long farmers-herders clashes in Kajuru and Kachia, to restoring water supply in Zaria, to reopening schools in crisis-prone areas, Uba Sani has approached every issue with courage, clarity, and a deep sense of responsibility.

    He may not have solved every problem, and perhaps he never will, but no honest observer can accuse him of not trying. His efforts, grounded in sincerity and strategic thinking, have earned him growing respect, not just within Kaduna but also across Nigeria’s political landscape.

    So, when the story of Uba Sani is told in the years to come, it will not just be the story of a governor who built roads, schools, and hospitals. It will be the story of a man who dared to change the narrative. A leader who didn’t deny the existence of problems but accepted them as challenges to be tackled head-on. A man who didn’t rely on empty rhetoric but chose collaboration, fairness, and persistence to drive his agenda.

    In many ways, what is unfolding in Kaduna under Uba Sani’s stewardship is nothing short of a quiet revolution, one built on peace, anchored in progress, and powered by the collective will of the people.

    Thanks to Uba Sani, Kaduna today, is no longer a symbol of division, violence, and despair. It is gradually emerging as an intersection of peace, hope, and inclusive development. It has become a state where everyone, regardless of tribe, faith, or political leaning, feels seen, heard, and carried along.

    And to borrow President Tinubu’s words, “Kaduna today gives hope for Nigeria.”

    •Murtala writes from Birnin Gwari, Kaduna State.

  • On the new tax laws

    On the new tax laws

    SIR: On June 26, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signed a set of tax reform bills into law. For many Nigerians, this is a welcome development that provides relief in a system that has long been seen as confusing and difficult to navigate.

    The Nigerian Tax Act combines several old tax laws into one simple law. In the past, the many different tax rules made it hard for taxpayers to understand what taxes they owed or how to pay. Now, unnecessary taxes have been removed, and paying multiple taxes on the same income or goods is no longer allowed.

    Whether you live in Lagos or anywhere else, tax officers are required to apply the same standards. This change prevents people from paying taxes more than once on the same thing or receiving conflicting instructions from federal, state, or local tax authorities.

    An important feature of this act is the treatment of Value Added Tax (VAT). The VAT rate remains at 7.5 percent, but basic goods and services that Nigerians rely on, like food, healthcare, education, housing rent, and public transportation, are exempted or zero-rated. This change is aimed at reducing the cost burden on Nigerians. The Act also strengthens the input VAT system, allowing businesses to offset VAT paid on purchases, which prevents double taxation and encourages business growth. The act also mandates that all taxpayers, including people and businesses, obtain a Tax Identification Number (TIN). This unique number will help streamline tax registration, improve tracking of tax payments, and increase transparency and accountability.

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    Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Act replaces the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) with the Nigeria Revenue Service. This new agency has a wider responsibility; it will collect all federal taxes as well as other government revenues like fees and levies.

    Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Act creates a formal governance body to coordinate tax efforts among the federal, state, and local governments. To protect taxpayers, this law also establishes a Tax Appeal Tribunal and an Office of the Tax Ombuds. These institutions give taxpayers channels to raise complaints, resolve disputes, and seek fairness in tax administration.

    Additionally, the reforms introduce relief measures that benefit Nigerians directly. People earning up to 800,000 naira annually will be exempt from paying personal income tax. Small and medium-sized businesses with lower turnover thresholds will enjoy simplified tax compliance rules and reduced tax burdens. These measures aim to support growth and ease the pressure on small traders and entrepreneurs across the country.

    All these changes are set to take effect from January 1, 2026. This period before implementation allows the government to carry out awareness campaigns to educate Nigerians about the new tax laws. It also gives tax officials time to undergo training and prepare the necessary systems to ensure the transition to the new tax laws is smooth and efficient.

    • Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi, FIRS, Abuja.
  • NEMA and the looming flood

    NEMA and the looming flood

    SIR: Flood disasters have become a grim annual reality in Nigeria, but a new drive for preparedness is quietly taking shape. The National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) is leading this charge, moving beyond reactionary responses to proactive flood readiness. Through nationwide simulation exercises and grassroots engagement, NEMA is working to ensure that when the floodwaters come, Nigerians will be ready.

    In Anambra State, where the River Niger routinely threatens communities during the rainy season, NEMA launched one of its most practical simulations yet, codenamed Exercise IDE MMILI ODACH. This large-scale drill brought together soldiers, police, emergency responders, and local volunteers to rehearse how to evacuate people, conduct boat rescues, and provide emergency care long before any flood arrives.

    For many in Ogbaru and nearby communities, the exercise was the first time they witnessed government agencies working hand-in-hand with their people before disaster struck.

    NEMA’s Director General, Hajiya Zubaida Umar, personally led the exercise. Citing the recent flooding in Mokwa, Niger State, she stressed the urgent need to fix gaps before they turn into tragedies. “Preparedness is no longer optional. It is essential. What we do now determines how many lives we save when the floods come,” she warned.

    But NEMA’s preparedness drive didn’t stop in the Southeast. In Wudil, Kano State, where water releases from the Tiga, Challawa, and Bagauda Dams have historically caused devastating floods downstream, the agency staged another major simulation tagged Ex-Ceton Rayuka.

    The exercise brought together first responders, dam operators, local divers, youth groups, and government officials. For hours, they tested their response to a simulated dam-induced flood emergency, practicing evacuation, coordination, and rescue missions.

    These simulations were not just about responding to emergencies. They were about learning who is responsible for what, improving how agencies communicate, and helping communities play active roles in their own safety. As NEMA’s Director of Search and Rescue, Air Commodore Kenneth Oyong, explained, “Preparedness is a continuous process. It’s better to find our weaknesses during a drill than during a disaster.”

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    The urgency of these efforts is underscored by the latest forecasts from the Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMet) and the Nigerian Hydrological Services Agency (NIHSA), which predict widespread flooding across at least 31 states in 2025. Factors such as climate change, poor urban drainage, illegal building on waterways, and deforestation continue to worsen flood risks. Without adequate preparation, these conditions could lead to widespread displacements, property damage, and loss of lives during this year’s rainy season.

    NEMA’s preparedness drive emphasizes that saving lives is a shared responsibility. Alongside military and paramilitary agencies, the drills involved state emergency agencies, local emergency committees, religious and traditional leaders, and volunteers.

    Still, challenges persist. Early warning systems do not always reach remote communities. Some residents ignore evacuation orders until it is too late. And state governments sometimes fail to invest in local preparedness. But through consistent drills, advocacy visits, and grassroots sensitization, NEMA is steadily pushing the preparedness message deeper into the communities that need it most.

    As the rains intensify, NEMA’s drive for preparedness offers hope that this year, proactive planning — not panic — will save lives and protect livelihoods. Beyond the drills, the agency is calling on states and communities to clear waterways, enforce building codes, and take flood warnings seriously.

    The lesson is simple: flood disasters may be inevitable, but their impact doesn’t have to be. If Nigeria prepares before the storm, far fewer lives will be lost when the waters rise.

    • Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, <abdulhamidabdullahiali@gmail.com>
  • Okra’s implosion: A cautionary tale for African fintech

    Okra’s implosion: A cautionary tale for African fintech

    SIR: In 2020, Nigerian start-up Okra burst onto Africa’s fintech scene with an audacious promise to become the “super connector” for open banking on the continent.

    Co-founded by software engineer Fara Ashiru Jituboh and entrepreneur David Peterside, Okra positioned itself as the missing link between banks, fintechs, and millions of consumers, offering developers API tools to securely access real-time financial data. The pitch struck a chord with investors hungry for the next big fintech infrastructure play in Africa. By mid-2021, Okra had raised an eye-catching $16 million, backed by heavyweight names like TLcom Capital, Susa Ventures, and Accenture Ventures—all betting that African fintech could leapfrog outdated banking systems with smart data pipes.

    Just five years later, that promise ended in a quiet, sobering turn. In mid-2025, Okra’s API service disappeared without warning. There was no pivot announcement, no acquisition, and no farewell statement—just a silent fade that left clients, investors, and industry watchers asking: How does a start-up with millions in backing and a globally relevant idea run out of steam so soon?

    The answer, many say, lies in a perfect storm of regulatory delays, market realities, and a brutal execution gap that turned the dream of open banking into an object lesson for Nigeria’s young fintech ecosystem.

    At its peak, Okra’s vision was bold yet deceptively straightforward: build the digital plumbing for Africa’s emerging financial ecosystem.

    Okra’s model hinged on a key piece of the puzzle: clear, enforceable regulations that would make banks share customer data in a secure, standardized way. But Nigeria’s open banking framework remained stuck in draft form for years, only gaining real traction in 2023 when the Central Bank of Nigeria finally issued formal guidelines. In the meantime, banks, many of them large, slow-moving, and protective of their data, were hesitant to open up to third parties without a legal push. Okra found itself in a Catch-22: it needed banks’ cooperation to prove its model worked at scale, but banks had little incentive to embrace the idea fully.

    Read Also: African Fintech Foundry prepares startups for investors

    By 2025, Okra’s runway had simply run out. When the shutdown came, it wasn’t marked by any dramatic pivot or acquisition, just the quiet break of API calls that alerted clients to the fact that something was seriously wrong. Some partners and customers found out only when their platforms stopped working. In Nigeria’s close-knit fintech scene, the silence spoke volumes: no press release, no plan for data handover, no clear roadmap for how sensitive customer information would be secured or transferred.

    That question—what happens to the vast troves of bank data once processed—is now the elephant in the room. In more mature open banking markets, regulators enforce strict data governance and exit plans when a provider fails. But in Nigeria, the newly minted framework has yet to be truly tested.

    Okra’s story is far more than a single start-up’s failure; it’s a warning shot for Africa’s fintech boom. Building secure, robust infrastructure for millions of people requires more than capital and code. Timing, policy alignment, and market maturity matter just as much as vision. It’s a reminder to founders that ambitious ideas still need to match the realities of local ecosystems that move at their own pace. It’s a wake-up call for venture capitalists that big-ticket funding rounds mean little if the runway burns faster than the revenue comes in, especially when regulation is playing catch-up.

    Yet there’s still room for optimism. Open banking isn’t dead in Africa; in fact, Nigeria’s formal framework may finally lay the groundwork for the next generation of players to get it right. Competitors like Mono and Stitch are still in the game, quietly building the pipes Okra could not finish. The big question now is whether they, regulators, and investors can learn from Okra’s stumbles to create models that are sustainable, resilient, and truly trusted.

    For Jituboh and Peterside, the end of Okra doesn’t erase what they tried to build. In a sector that demands pioneers willing to tackle the hardest problems, they were among the first to dream that Africa’s financial data could flow freely and securely. But dreams alone don’t build durable bridges. Trust, transparency, strong governance, and realistic execution do.

    If Okra’s rise and fall spark a deeper conversation about how to build those bridges properly, then its story may not be just a cautionary tale, but the spark that ensures Africa’s open banking future has a sturdier foundation next time.

    • Shuaib S. Agaka, Kano.
  • NRC: Leadership by example

    NRC: Leadership by example

    SIR: Last Friday, at about 7:45 a.m. inside a train from Rigasa to Idu, Abuja, I had a remarkable encounter that left a lasting impression on me about leadership in Nigeria. While seated in Coach 20 of the Nigeria Railway Corporation train, I met a humble and well-spoken gentleman who joined us on a three-seat bench.

    After exchanging pleasantries, he engaged me and my friend in a thoughtful conversation about railway transportation in Nigeria, particularly our experiences along the Abuja-Kaduna route. We spoke openly, highlighting both the positive aspects and areas where we believed improvements were needed.

    Throughout the discussion, he listened with genuine interest, asked insightful questions, and responded thoughtfully. His calm, respectful, and unassuming manner stood out.

    To our surprise, it was only after we introduced ourselves that we discovered he was the Managing Director of the Nigeria Railway Corporation.

    Read Also: NRC extends special Eid-el-Kabir train service

    What struck me most was how approachable and down-to-earth he was. There was no air of superiority or entitlement. He embodied what true leadership should be, engaging directly with people, listening to honest feedback, and leading by example.

    Upon arrival at Idu station, he quickly got down and ensured the elevator was operational. For the first time in years of using the train, I was able to use both the elevator and the escalator; an immediate and visible impact of proactive leadership.

    That brief encounter reminded me that leadership isn’t just about occupying a position; it’s about being present, humble, and willing to learn from those you serve.

    • Engr. S.O Yahaya Kaduna.
  • As parties gear up for 2027 presidential election

    As parties gear up for 2027 presidential election

    • By Olabode Lucas

    According to some political pundits knowledgeable in the high staked USA political razzmatazz, preparations for a presidential election in the USA start immediately after the conclusion of one. This unusual politicking should not be a surprise if one judges by the high-octane level of politics in the USA. In our own presidential system in Nigeria, there is usually a lull of about a year or so before real politicking for another presidential election starts. One is therefore not surprised that two years after the last presidential election in 2023, real open and covert manoeuvrings are now in top gear among political gladiators in the country.

    The main opposition party in the country, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is presently in a sorry state because of the myriads of problems facing it. It has not recovered from the debilitating division that plagued it during the last presidential election in 2023. In fact, one television analyst described this once formidable political party as a party with ‘one day, one crisis’. The party is yet to solve the dispute on who is the authentic secretary of the party as indeed the legality of its June 30 ‘Expanded National Caucus meeting’ being disputed by a strong faction of the party led by Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, supported by the party’s Deputy National Chairman (South), Taofeek Arapaja and some members of the party’s National Working Committee.

    From the look of things, it appears that the party is not in a good position to mount any electoral challenge to the governing party, the ruling APC in 2027 presidential election despite the present efforts of Bukola Saraki’s reconciliation committee. The mind of Atiku Abubakar, the party’s presidential candidate in the 2023 presidential seems to be no longer in the party as he is presently shopping around for a coalition of parties that would give him a presidential ticket in 2027.

    Outside the PDP, other opposition groups are emerging to oppose President Ahmed Bola Tinubu and his party in 2027 presidential election. Disgruntled former members of APC, such as Nassir El-Rufai, Rotimi Amaechi and Rauf Aregbesola have teamed up with members from the opposition groups such as Atiku Abubakar from PDP and Peter Obi of Labour Party to form initially a coalition and later they announced the formation of a new political party called All Democratic Alliance (ADA). The proponents of the new party have applied to the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) for registration, and it seems there is a brick wall in this direction. However, recently Nigerians were told that another party called African Democratic Congress to be led by the former Senate President, David Mark, has been formed by the same group of people.

    The governing party, the All Progressive Congress under the consummate and adept political strategist, President Tinubu is leaving no stone unturned in its effort to retain power in 2027. Many political observers in the country feel that the gale of defections of top opposition members to the ruling APC is part of the strategy of the party to win the 2027 presidential election overwhelmingly. High up in this strategy was the political earthquake that occurred in Delta State, the stronghold of the opposition PDP.  In this state, the governor, Sheriff Oborevwori who came to power on the platform of the PDP collapsed in one single swoop the entire PDP structures in the state into that of the ruling APC. He was followed into the APC by virtually all his commissioners and political office holders in the state. Also involved in the defection was Dr. Ifeanyi Okowa, the former governor and the running mate of Atiku Abubakar of PDP in the last presidential election. The virus of defection later spread to Akwa Ibom State where the governor, Umo Eno, defected from PDP to APC with majority of his cabinet members and political office holders in the state.

    To many people, the unusual political defections in the Delta and Akwa Ibom states coupled with the defections of high-ranking political figures in other states to APC, raise the ugly spectre of the entrenchment of one-parry state in Nigeria. Although this seems a bit far-fetched for now, but these defections have put the ruling APC party in a seemingly unassailable position for 2027 especially when there are serious rumours that more PDP governors are poised to defect to APC soon.

    Read Also: Okowa eyes second term  as AFN Presidential election holds

    The recent realignment in the leadership of the APC in which Abdullahi Umar Ganduje resigned as the chairman of the party may not be unconnected with the preparations of the party for 2027. Many people feel that it was done to pave the way for Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso, leader of New Nigeria People Party (NNPP) to join the APC. He has for long resisted the entreaties from President Tinubu to join the APC because of his serious political disagreement with Ganduje on the control of Kano politics. Tinubu badly wanted the support of Kwankwaso in 2027 because of his formidable electoral muscle, not only in Kano but also in the Northwest zone. Also, in the calculation for 2027, is the sudden reconciliation of the suspended Rivers State governor, Sim Fubara, with his erstwhile political godfather Nyesom Wike, the FCT minister. The reconciliation is no doubt designed to ensure that Rivers State would be secured for President Tinubu and APC in 2027.

    There are still many uncertainties on the road to 2027 presidential election, but one cannot ignore now the intrigue going on with regard to the role of Kashim Shettima, the vice president would play in the APC presidential ticket in 2027. The fiasco that occurred at the Northeast congress of APC at Gombe recently highlighted the division of the party on his choice as the running mate of President Tinubu in 2027. At the congress, the resolution passed to endorse President Tinubu as the official APC presidential candidate omitted the name of Kashim Shettima on the ticket. This was resisted by the supporters of the vice president who became unruly at the congress. Nothing has happened on this issue since that congress and the body language of President Tinubu has not given any indication on whether Kashim Shettima would run with him in 2027 on the platform of APC.

    In the USA where we copied this presidential system, there are cases of multiple vice presidents. Thomas Jefferson who was the president between 1801 and 1809 was the first president of the country to have multiple vice presidents during his eight-year tenure. James Madison, the fourth president between 1809 and 1817 followed his predecessor, Jefferson by having multiple vice presidents during his own tenure too, and one of the greatest USA president, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, had three vice presidents during his administration which ran from1933 t9 1945. The present USA President, the unpredictable Donald Trump had Mike Pence as his vice president during his first coming from 2016 to 2020 and now JD Vance as vice president.

    The choice of a running mate in any presidential election is usually influenced by electoral consideration. It is expected that Tinubu, being a political grandmaster, would take into consideration, the political assets of the person who will run with him in 2027. At present, the political pundits are putting their bets on Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso, if he eventually defects to APC, as the running mate of Tinubu in 2027.  At present, Kwankwaso controls the politics of Kano and at the last election his party, the NNPP garnered almost a million votes. In addition to this, the APC has 40% of the votes in the Northwest where he comes from, compared to 35% got by the party at the Northeast where Kashim Shettima comes from. There is no doubt that the next two years would be very interesting in Nigeria’s political arena. However, it seems that the Muslim/ Muslim ticket of APC in 2027 would not be a debilitating factor for APC as it was in 2023 presidential election.

    • Professor Lucas writes from Old Bodija, Ibadan, Oyo State.