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  • Nigeria’s unending leadership challenges

    Nigeria’s unending leadership challenges

    • By Oluwole Ogundele

    Nigeria is a paradox of huge proportions. This is very worrying! It is a country endowed with enormous natural and cultural resources as well as profound human capital. But despite this scenario, most Nigerians remain desperately poor and hopeless. A gross lack of self- confidence, maximum corruption, recklessness and confusion define and rule the Nigerian vocabularies of popular essence. No clear political ideologies!

    The political class members (with a few exceptions), right from the dawn of independence (at least on paper) from Britain, never demonstrated a keen sense of unalloyed patriotism and robust governance. Corruption and ethnic bigotry were entrenched in our political culture, and this ugliness led to the military coup of 15 January, 1966. This trend has been going from bad to worse, down through the ages.

    Like a cancerous disease, maximum corruption, self-centredness and recklessness have spread out to the fabric of Nigerian society.

    Even academia that was, once upon a time, the idol of Nigeria, has joined the race of unbridled, reckless materialism. Certainly, demons are let loose! Who will save us from ourselves, even as our ancestors are getting tired of the country. Good quality teaching and learning environments are now very difficult to find. Research funding has no place to stand, in the face of mundane projects/programmes. A few Nigerians who condemn these monumental aberrations are thoroughly blackmailed and punished in one way or the other.

    The trust gap between the leaders and the led is getting wider daily. The current hyper-inflation in the country is turning more and more citizens into near-complete baboons. Aggravated material poverty has led to the loss of the humanity of many Nigerians. Consequently, human lives do not mean anything to them. Indeed, cannibalism, a relic of the stone age culture now reigns supreme in the land. Ritualists are on the prowl like lions and tigers in the jungle, in an attempt to survive. This is one effect of accumulated leadership failure in Nigeria.

    Read Also: NUPRC: Why Nigeria’s oil output rose to 1.48mb/d

    The seeds of flamboyant/corrupt political leadership sown in the 1960s have now become giant trees. Painfully, the leaders continue to connive with the industrialised world to further rape Nigeria. This is due to the insane greed of the former. Consequently, insecurity is becoming more aggravated than hitherto. Indeed, insecurity-related businesses are now more lucrative. The blood of innocent Nigerians smears the geo-polity. Is today’s Nigeria an animal kingdom?

    I’m always praying that no mineral resource(s) would be discovered in my hometown in Ekiti State. Before you castigate me out of huge ignorance, just check carefully so as to successfully link insecurity with the availability of natural resources in parts of Nigeria and the entirety of Africa. Nigeria is being steadily ‘Congolised’. The international dimension of insecurity, coupled with financial/economic indiscipline of most local leaders, makes the fight against this monster a Herculean task. 

    Our leaders, down through the ages, are too hypocritical and unpatriotic to confront the menace. They jump at every wrinkled carrot, dangled by the West and Asia- our smarter foreign partners. These political leaders need to undergo “spiritotherapy” (spiritual therapy) so as to liberate themselves from the shackles of insane greed and recklessness. The led are agonising more than ever before, in the face of humongous natural resources.

    The world is about oneness of humanity. Therefore, there is no harm in participating in the international community. However, this has to be done within the context of critical thinking and patriotism. Recently, a state governor told his people to begin to defend themselves against bandits who have been killing many members of the rural communities like chickens. For goodness’ sake, how can the local people with Dane guns, catapults and cutlasses face bandits carrying AK-47 rifles? In saner climes and cultures, leaders who are so overwhelmed by serious challenges usually resign. But this does not apply to Nigeria where there is a disconnect between the leadership and the led.

    Nigeria is crumbling away. Nigerians are being impoverished through the lens of neo-colonial machinations. Neo-colonialism appears to be more devastating than colonialism. This is because fellow Nigerians are being used against their fatherland. African leaders (with a few exceptions) are mere puppets with strings. This new mode of oppression and exploitation is killing Africa slowly.

    It is a pity that this country continues to practise the raw material mode of economy that characterised the colonial period. Therefore, local industrialisation remains a wild goose chase. Nigeria is busy promoting the economies of the West and Asia, particularly Japan and China. I’m sure that these developed countries are happy that Nigeria’s growth is stunted after more than six decades of independence. Without African natural resources, the cultural sophistication of the industrialised world would substantially diminish. Therefore, any liberation struggle is going to be a very tough one in several respects.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT) can still perform wonders. He has to confront the challenges of insecurity with some uncommon vigour and sophistication. As the President and Commander-In-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, he should begin to deal decisively with those sponsoring banditry and kidnapping across the country. Nobody should be above the law of our land. Nigerians are tired of nauseating rhetoric. The people want the evil doers in our midst to be crushed.

    PBAT does not need to be distracted by the vainglory, hate and ethnic bigotry of some self-proclaimed saints or political giants. These were the same Nigerians who never seriously raised their voices during the immediate past administration. This was when impunity reached high heaven due basically to unbridled religious and ethnic consciousness.

    Nigeria has a dearth of critical thinkers, arising from unending primordial sentiments and other related challenges. The President must find ways of drastically reducing the current hardships in the land. Major food insecurity looms. This has the capacity to worsen insecurity. President Tinubu should reduce the cost of governance and save money for projects that would directly improve the quality of life of an average Nigerian.

    The salaries and allowances of the members of the National Assembly need to be reduced. Their emoluments are too huge and grossly disproportionate. A country that pays miserable salaries and allowances to university dons while politicians are swimming in huge money is doomed to failure. Local industrialisation will remain a mirage in the face of poorly trained Nigerian youths. These are some of the problems inherited by President Tinubu. But he has to change this narrative as the clock ticks. No excuses!

    There is no justifiable reason for a federal university professor to be taking less than N2 million monthly, given the current rate of inflation in the country. Even the current miserable, disrespectful salaries being paid to academics are often delayed. What a country! Every human being needs motivation. This promotes greater efficiency/output and, by extension, national progress. Again, no number of subtle threats by a university management can engender greater efficiency of its staff members, in the face of multi-dimensional poverty. Every university management must have a human face. Times are exceedingly hard. Therefore, each university must expand the operational box of its administration.

    • Prof. Ogundele writes from University of Ibadan, Oyo State
  • Nigerians deserve transformative electoral reforms

    Nigerians deserve transformative electoral reforms

    SIR: As Nigeria continues its democratic journey, it has become increasingly clear that the nation’s political landscape is in dire need of transformation.

    For decades, Nigerian voters have been constrained to choose between two dominant political parties—the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). While both parties have, at different times, governed the country with varying degrees of success and failure, the persistent recycling of candidates and ideas has left many citizens feeling politically stifled and disillusioned.

    The essence of democracy lies in the freedom of the people to choose from a wide array of candidates, ideologies, and policies. However, in Nigeria, that freedom has been narrowed to a near-binary choice between two powerhouses that often appear more concerned with retaining influence than genuinely transforming the lives of the people.

    This is not to suggest that capable leaders cannot emerge from either party. Still, true democracy demands a level playing field where competence, character, and vision—not party name—determine who leads.

    Over the years, the APC-led government has had its share of challenges and criticisms, ranging from economic instability and rising insecurity to allegations of nepotism and mismanagement. Many Nigerians, particularly the youth and professionals, have grown weary of a governance style that appears disconnected from their daily realities. As a result, there is growing agitation for an alternative path—one that moves beyond the traditional political dichotomy and opens the door to fresh leadership and ideas.

    Unfortunately, the structure of Nigeria’s electoral system makes this aspiration difficult to achieve. The electoral space is heavily skewed in favour of the two dominant parties, both in terms of financial muscle and institutional advantage. Smaller parties, no matter how visionary or competent their candidates may be, often lack the funding, visibility, and organisational support required to compete effectively at the national level.

    This imbalance is exacerbated by the weaknesses within the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body charged with organising and overseeing elections in the country. INEC, by law, is supposed to operate as a neutral umpire—independent of political influence and committed to upholding the integrity of the electoral process. However, repeated lapses, delays in result transmission, logistical failures, and allegations of compromised personnel have cast doubts on its credibility.

    If Nigeria is to truly progress, a comprehensive reform of INEC is urgently required. This reform should go beyond cosmetic changes and address the systemic flaws that hinder free and fair elections. Key reforms should include:

    Read Also: Unfinished business of electoral reforms

    Technological Advancement: Full digitisation of the electoral process—from registration to result collation—should be a priority. Technology must be deployed effectively to eliminate manual errors, reduce opportunities for rigging, and ensure real-time transparency.

    Institutional Independence: INEC must be insulated from executive or partisan control. Appointments into its leadership should be subject to rigorous vetting and approved by a multi-stakeholder council, not just the Presidency or National Assembly.

    Campaign Finance Reform: The current system heavily favours the wealthy and entrenched political elites. Campaign financing laws should be strengthened and enforced to level the playing field and promote merit-based candidacies.

    Protection of Voter Rights: Voter suppression, intimidation, and violence have no place in a democratic society. Security agencies must be held accountable for ensuring peaceful elections, while electoral offenders should be prosecuted swiftly and publicly.

    Furthermore, civic education must be intensified. A politically aware and active citizenry is the bedrock of any democracy. Nigerians must be empowered to understand their rights, scrutinise candidates, and participate actively in the electoral process. The growing apathy among young voters, often caused by disappointment and mistrust in the system, must be addressed by making elections truly reflective of the people’s will.

    The notion that governance must alternate only between APC and PDP is a dangerous one. It stifles innovation, entrenches patronage politics, and undermines the potential for national renewal. Around the world, countries have witnessed transformative change when fresh, competent leaders—often from outside the dominant political circles—are given the chance to serve.

    Nigeria is not short of talent. Across academia, the private sector, the civil service, and the diaspora, there are thousands of Nigerians with the integrity, vision, and expertise needed to steer the country forward. What is lacking is a political environment that encourages and enables such individuals to contest and win elections without having to bend to the will of political godfathers or navigate corrupt party structures.

    As the nation prepares for future elections, the call for change must grow louder. Civil society organisations, the media, religious leaders, and the electorate must demand electoral reforms and greater political inclusivity. Nigeria’s future cannot be mortgaged to the interests of a few. It must reflect the collective aspirations of its over 200 million citizens.

    Democracy is not just about voting—it is about having real choices. It is about holding leaders accountable. It is about ensuring that every Nigerian, regardless of status or affiliation, can dream of a country that works for all. For that dream to become reality, the time for electoral reform and political diversification is now.

    • John Amabolou Elekun Ajuwon, Lagos State
  • A nation on the brink

    A nation on the brink

    SIR: Nigeria’s security crisis has reached a boiling point, with the nation grappling with an unprecedented wave of violence, terror, and senseless killings. The recent attacks on Bokkos, Barkin Ladi, and Bassa local government areas of Plateau State are a grim reminder of the precarious security situation in the country. Innocent lives have been lost, properties destroyed, and communities displaced, leaving deep scars that may take years to heal.

    In Benue State, the situation is equally dire. The attacks in Otukpo, Agatu, Apa, Guma, and other local government areas have become all too familiar, with daily reports of killings, abductions, and destruction of property. The people of Benue State, known for their hospitality and resilience, are now living in fear, wondering when the next attack will come. The constant daily killings of innocent people have left families shattered, communities traumatised, and the entire state in a state of perpetual anxiety.

    The security crisis is not limited to Plateau and Benue states. Insecurity has resurfaced in various northern states, including Kaduna, Zamfara, and Katsina, where banditry and kidnappings have become common. In these states, communities are living in fear, with many losing loved ones or being forced to flee their homes. The situation demands urgent attention and collective action to restore safety and security.

    What’s more disturbing is that instead of defending the oath they swore to protect the nation, many politicians have begun campaigning for the 2027 elections. This blatant disregard for the welfare and safety of Nigerian citizens is a stark reminder of the leadership crisis plaguing the nation. It seems as though politicians are more interested in politicking than in addressing the pressing issues that threaten the very fabric of our society.

    Read Also: Bassey leads 100,000 Christians in nationwide prayer surge

    The people of Nigeria are tired of promises and empty rhetoric. They demand action, tangible steps that will restore safety, stability, and trust in government. The fate of Nigeria’s citizens hangs in the balance, and it’s time for politicians to act. Strong leadership, strategic planning, and collaboration between government agencies, security forces, and local communities are essential to finding solutions. The government must demonstrate genuine commitment to addressing the insecurity crisis, and the people must be protected. It’s time for politicians to prioritise the safety and security of citizens above all else and work towards creating a more stable and secure nation.

    The current state of insecurity in Nigeria is a result of various factors, including terrorism, banditry, kidnappings, and socio-economic challenges such as unemployment, poverty, and deteriorating standard of living. To address these challenges, a comprehensive approach is needed, one that prioritises the safety and security of citizens above all else. The people will not be silenced; they demand change. It’s time for politicians to listen, to act, and to bring hope to a nation on the brink.

    • Mohammed Dauda Eibo mohammedeibo2014@gmail.com
  • Digital taxation not optional for Nigeria

    Digital taxation not optional for Nigeria

    By Victor Ejechi

    When the numbers don’t match what people feel in their wallets, trust in the government narrows. The same holds for Nigeria’s digital economy. The sector is booming, but the returns to the government’s purse remain strikingly low. In 2024, the ICT sector contributed 17.64 percent to Nigeria’s real GDP — more than oil and agriculture combined. But in fiscal terms, it’s barely scratching the surface.

    This mismatch reflects the growing danger of running a 21st-century economy on 20th-century tax rules. Global digital platforms are making millions off Nigerian users without any corresponding tax contribution. And while the fiscal deficit widens and the debt burden balloons, Nigeria’s digital space remains a low-hanging fruit that the taxman can’t quite reach.

    But that must change.  Platforms like Netflix, TikTok, Google, and Meta operate at scale in Nigeria. They reach millions of users, sell targeted ads, host creators, and rake in subscriptions — yet many pay little or no local tax.

    Even Apple, with its $391billion pre-tax earnings globally in 2024 and 2.2 billion active devices, likely sees revenue from Nigerian iPhone users without any physical tax trace onshore.

    That’s because Nigeria’s tax system — like many others in the developing world — was designed for the brick-and-mortar age. It relies heavily on physical presence to determine tax jurisdiction. But digital commerce operates in the cloud. Servers sit in Ireland, revenues move through Singapore, and payments are routed offshore before local regulators even notice.

    The result? Revenue loss, inequality, and a dangerous precedent that undermines fiscal sovereignty.

    At 7.9 percent in 2022, Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio is not only one of the lowest in the world — it is also far below Africa’s average of 16 percent. The country’s debt servicing cost jumped from N8.27trillion in 2024 to N14.32 trillion in 2025, eating up 26 percent of the national budget. Yet the government’s revenue drive continues to overlook the fastest-growing sector of the economy.

    That oversight is costly. A recent report from TaxWatch UK suggests that African countries are losing vast sums due to the absence of local taxation on digital advertising. Nigeria is no exception. While the country introduced VAT on non-resident platforms through the Finance Act 2023, enforcement remains inconsistent. There is no dedicated Digital Services Tax (DST) law. No tailored structure. No real teeth.

    And so, while Nigerians hustle daily to meet tax obligations on food, transport, and airtime, multinationals with billion-dollar valuations glide through unscathed.

    This is not just about money. It’s about fairness. Other countries have moved faster. In 2016, India introduced a 6 percent Equalisation Levy on online ad revenues earned by non-resident firms. That levy has since grown in scope and generated nearly $800million between 2023 and 2025 alone.

    Kenya took a simpler route: a 1.5 percent digital services tax on the gross value of digital transactions. South Africa focused on VAT, requiring foreign digital platforms to register and remit taxes once their revenues pass a threshold.

    These reforms reflect a clear trend: tax where value is created — and where users live.

    Read Also: New Pope talks to Nigerian churches

    The OECD’s Two-Pillar solution adds a global dimension, aiming to redistribute taxing rights based on user location and impose a 15 percent minimum tax rate on big multinationals. While progress is slow, these efforts show that taxing the digital economy is no longer experimental. It is now fiscal common sense.

    With over 107 million internet users and 150 million active mobile connections, Nigeria has one of Africa’s largest digital consumer bases. Yet the country collects far less than its potential.

    The Electronic Money Transfer Levy (EMTL) — introduced to tax electronic transfers — is projected to bring in N230 million in 2025, up 31 percent from the previous year. But this levy mainly targets financial transactions, not digital content, advertising, or e-commerce platforms.

    What’s missing is a coordinated, digital-first tax framework. A new DST regime should distinguish between global tech giants and local startups. Applying the same tax rate to Netflix and a Nigerian content creator on Selar would be tone-deaf. Innovation must be nurtured, not punished. A tiered approach, based on firm size and revenue footprint, would ensure fairness and support smaller players.

    The point is not to overtax the ecosystem. It is to broaden the base, reduce loopholes, and signal seriousness.

    There are reasons Nigeria hasn’t made the leap — but they are not insurmountable. First, enforcement is weak. Tracking firms with no physical presence requires new tools: IP address mapping, financial data sharing, algorithmic audits. These are not yet mainstream within the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), which remains more equipped for traditional corporate taxation.

    Second, the legal framework is outdated. Nigeria’s Companies Income Tax Act and VAT laws do not fully address cloud services, app-based revenues, or digital ad sales. Without clear definitions and compliance rules, global firms exploit grey zones.

    Third, resistance from multinationals is real. Big Tech often argues against local tax regimes, citing double taxation fears or international trade rules. But countries like India and Kenya have shown that assertiveness can yield results — especially when backed by data and cooperation with other jurisdictions.

    Finally, the risk of stifling innovation is legitimate. But it’s also manageable. A regulatory sandbox — as seen in Rwanda and South Africa — could allow startups to grow under relaxed tax rules before transitioning into the formal system.

    What’s needed is a balanced but bold approach. And that begins with political will. Nigeria can still lead the continent in this space — if it acts quickly and smartly. Here’s what that could look like: Enact a Digital Services Tax Law that defines taxable services — from streaming and digital ads to cloud storage and online marketplaces.

    Segment tax obligations based on firm size and reach. Big players like Google and Meta should face stricter obligations than a Nigerian SaaS startup.

    Create a regulatory sandbox where young digital firms can test business models with temporary relief before entering the tax net fully.

    Modernise FIRS through investment in AI tools, real-time APIs, blockchain auditing, and partnerships with telecoms and payment providers.

    Sign international agreements that prevent tax base erosion and enable joint audits across countries.

    Train digital tax officers who understand platform revenue models, cross-border flows, and compliance technology.

    This won’t happen overnight. But incremental progress matters. Even a two percent increase in Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio would unlock billions in domestic revenue — reducing debt dependence and freeing up funds for infrastructure, education, and health.

    Nigeria’s digital economy is not just an engine of innovation — it is a fiscal opportunity. But that opportunity is slipping away.

    The question is no longer whether to tax digital platforms. It is how, when, and on what terms. A hands-off approach is no longer viable. As more commerce moves online and global firms deepen their footprint, Nigeria must decide whether to lead or lag behind.

    To be clear: this is not about punishing innovation or taxing our way out of every crisis. It is about fairness. It is about recognising that in a society where citizens pay taxes on toothpaste and kerosene, it is unjust for global tech firms to earn millions tax-free.

    We must tax the value where it is created — and where it is consumed.

    This topic formed the basis of my policy paper at the Agora Policy Fellowship, where I explored the prospects, pitfalls, and practical pathways for taxing Nigeria’s digital economy. The conclusion was clear: the longer Nigeria waits, the more revenue — and regulatory leverage — it loses.

    If we do not act, we will remain consumers in a digital world governed by others. If we do, we can write our own rules and fund our future.

    The time to choose is now.

    • Ejechi is a data analyst and journalist

  • Haste to CBT

    Haste to CBT

     Frontline examination body, the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), has doubtless achieved much mileage in dealing exam malpractices a fatal blow. This it has done with the use of technology by way of computer-based testing in its Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examinations (UTME).

    The body, last weekend, formally announced the results of the 2025 UTME sat by some 1.9 million candidates between 24th April and 5th May, this year. Its Registrar, Professor Ishaq Oloyede, said results of 39,834 candidates were being withheld over suspicion of infractions that were undergoing interrogation by the board. He reaffirmed JAMB’s commitment to eliminate all forms of malpractice, stating that 1,957,000 candidates were verified to sit for the exam while 71,705 were absent. “The 2025 UTME showed a prevalence of some particular types of infractions, which suggests systemic vulnerabilities or gaps in registration and examination administration and/or monitoring,” Oloyede said inter alia.

    A particularly worrisome outcome of the matriculation exam was the mass rate of failure by candidates. JAMB reported that more than 1.5 million of the 1.9 million candidates whose results were released scored under 200 out of 400 obtainable points. UTME is graded on 400 marks, with candidates assessed in four subjects scored at 100 marks each. But the results unveiled by the examination board showed that 983,187 candidates (50.29 percent) scored between 160 and 199, and 488,197 candidates (24.97 percent) between 140 and 159. There were 57,419 candidates (2.94 percent) who scored between 120 and 139, while 24,535 scored less than 100.

    High performers were, in contrast, rather few. Only 4,756 candidates (0.24 percent) scored 320 marks and above, while 7,658 candidates (0.39 percent) scored between 300 and 319. The total number of candidates who scored 300 and above stood at 12,414 (0.63 percent). A further 73,441 candidates (3.76 percent) scored between 250 and 299, while 334,560 candidates (17.11 percent) scored between 200 and 249 – the baseline range typically considered competitive for university admission.

    Meanwhile, the government has determined that the bodies conducting secondary school leaving certificate examinations should emulate JAMB by migrating to CBT mode not later than next year. Education Minister Tunji Alausa directed the West African Examinations Council (WAEC) and the National Examinations Council (NECO) to adopt full computer-based testing for all their examinations by May/June 2026 in government’s determination to rid those examinations of malpractices.

    Read Also: Tinubu’s charm, reforms and the quiet revolution in Nigeria’s politics

    Speaking while inspecting JAMB’s CBT centres and digital control room during the matriculation examination, the minister said that by May/June 2026, both objectives and essay components of secondary school leaving examinations conducted by WAEC and NECO must be fully computer-based. “We are determined to eliminate examination malpractices by ensuring all exams, including practical and essay papers, migrate to CBT. If JAMB can successfully administer CBT exams for over 2.2 million candidates, then WAEC and NECO can also do it,” he argued.

    WAEC and NECO are the bodies that conduct the Senior School Certificate Examinations (SSCE) for students completing secondary school, in which they are required to pass at least six subjects including English Language and Mathematics before being able to further their education at the tertiary level. Alausa said both bodies must begin conducting their objective papers in CBT mode from this year, and fully transition to include the essay component by May/June 2026. “By their 2026 exams that will come up in May/June, both the objectives and the essays will be fully on CBT. That is how we can eliminate exam malpractices. We want our children to study and not go ahead to have a perfect way of cheating,” he said. WAEC had already piloted computer-based testing for its private candidates in 2023, with over 8,000 candidates participating in that inaugural edition.

    Following the announcement of the mass failure rate in 2025 UTME, the minister doubled down on the marching orders to WAEC and NECO. Speaking on a television programme early last week, he said the seemingly poor outcome of the JAMB examination indexed its high integrity and inability of candidates to cut corners. “It’s a reflection of exams being done the proper way. JAMB conducts its exam using a computer-based testing system. They’ve implemented strong security measures and as a result, fraud or cheating has been nearly eliminated. Unfortunately, we cannot say the same for WAEC and NECO,” he argued.

    Alausa insisted that WAEC and NECO would begin migrating to CBT mode from November, this year, beginning with objective papers and fully integrate the essay component by May/June 2026. “We have to use technology to fight fraud. There are so many ‘miracle centres’ and that is simply unacceptable. People cheat during WAEC and NECO exams and then face JAMB, where cheating is nearly impossible. That’s the disparity we’re seeing now. It’s sad,” he said. According to him, examination malpractice not only undermines merit but also discourages diligent students. “The worst part of cheating is that it disincentivises the hard-working ones. If I’m preparing for WAEC or NECO and I know my classmates already have access to the questions, do you think I’ll still study hard?  No, I’ll be tempted to join them. That’s how good students are corrupted, and that’s what we must stop,” he stated.

    Asked whether the poor performance of UTME candidates could not be an indication of decline in learning standards more than anti- cheating regulation enforcement by JAMB, the minister acknowledged both factors may have been at play but stressed the systemic issue of widespread malpractice. “We’re addressing the quality of teaching and using technology, including online classes, to support learning from primary to secondary levels. But the pervasive cheating in our high school exams, especially WAEC and NECO, is the core problem. JAMB is now almost 100 percent fraud-free, but WAEC and NECO still have major lapses. Our youths are intelligent, capable, and energetic. It’s the environment that corrupts them, and we’re determined to fix that,” he said. Alausa added that extensive consultations had been held with the leaderships of WAEC, NECO, the National Business and Technical Examinations Board (NABTEB), and the National Board for Arabic and Islamic Studies (NBAIS). “By November, this year, WAEC and NECO will begin CBT exams. There’s no going back on that,” he said.

    The minister’s beef with systemic rot that allows for examination malpractice and the imperative of redress is totally valid. Of countries that have adopted computer-based testing for secondary-level exams primarily to stop cheating and improve efficiency in the assessment process, Indonesia offers an interesting case study. Reports said cheating in national exams was so rife in that country that a mother who blew the whistle that her child’s teacher promoted cheating was accused by other parents of being a ‘disgrace’ to the school.

    Since 2015, the Indonesian government has worked at preventing cheating with the implementation of computer-based testing in grades 9 and 12 national exams – the end of junior and secondary school respectively. Researchers found that CBT not only resulted in substantially lower grades in schools that were notorious for cheating in national exams, it also curtailed cheating among schools that still administered exams on paper. Besides, after some time that CBT had been introduced and cheating was considerably curtailed, examination scores swung back on the rise, suggesting that learning outcomes improved after CBT came into use and that students had learnt less when they had the opportunity to cheat.

    So, the minister was likely right about poor performance in UTME being a function of stiff anti-cheating regulation, following after corner-cutting in secondary certificate examinations. But the haste to reform the SSCE calls for caution. Unlike the UTME that is conducted in selected and equipped centres, secondary certificate exams are written by pupils in far-flung schools, some of them in remote locations yet straining for the trappings of civilisation. Meanwhile, computer-based testing is invariably dependent on infrastructure backbone like access to computer systems, network availability, reliable power supply, and requisite computer skill among examination staff everywhere.

    These are conditions to be met before WAEC and NECO can safely plunge candidates in wholesale CBT mode. Pupils must not suffer for systemic glitches that would make the policy a race to wreck.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • Tax Reform Bill passage: New tax laws, better Nigeria

    Tax Reform Bill passage: New tax laws, better Nigeria

    • By Arabinrin Aderonke

    Nigeria must work; this is the vision we have held onto for so long. When the news came that the Senate had passed all four tax reform bills, it was one of those moments you stop and ask yourself, is this happening? For years, Nigeria’s tax system has been a source of frustration, something we all got used to criticizing. Truthfully, it was not just tax. From electricity to education to healthcare, we have long complained about the failure of government systems.

    On top of that, Nigeria remained tied to the unstable global oil market, leaving us with unpredictable revenue and a shrinking ability to fund our future. That is exactly why we must keep believing in the idea of a new Nigeria. And this time, it is not just another round of promises; this is action.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu understood that to truly rebuild Nigeria, we needed a tax system that would create sustainable revenue, spread the burden fairly, and give every Nigerian, rich or poor, north or south, a reason to trust government again. That is what led to the introduction of the tax reform bills in 2024. It has taken months of serious policy work, consultation, and courage. Now, with the National Assembly passing all four bills, the Nigeria Tax Bill 2024, the Nigeria Tax Administration (Procedure) Bill 2024, the Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill 2024, and the Joint Tax Board (Establishment) Bill 2024, we are seeing decisions that could finally loosen Nigeria’s dependence on oil and give states the resources they need to grow.

    One of the features is the new VAT sharing formula. Under the proposed structure, 50 percent of Value Added Tax revenue will be shared equally among all states, 20 percent will be distributed based on population, and 30 percent will be distributed according to actual consumption. It is a formula designed to balance fairness with performance, giving each state a stake while also encouraging economic activity and good governance.

    The Senate also made it known that the VAT rate will remain at 7.5 percent, resisting pressure to increase it. For Nigerians, that means no new burden added to goods and services. But more importantly, the bills approved also provided for the continued funding of development agencies such as the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND), the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), and the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA). These are the institutions that support learning, research, and innovation across the country, and their survival is necessary for the future of the Nigeria we all want.

    Another part of the bill is the plan to turn the Federal Inland Revenue Service into the Nigeria Revenue Service (Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill). But this is not just a name change. It is a coordinated effort to build a system that supports states, strengthens local government revenue, and makes tax collection more transparent.

    Dr. Zacch Adedeji, Executive Chairman of FIRS, has led the redesign of the agency and introduced many measures aimed at improving tax collection across the country, and even these Tax Reform Bills are one. If anyone has earned respect in this space, it is him. His work shows that reforms are possible when people in charge are ready to do better.

    Read Also: Tax reform bill passage: New tax laws, better Nigeria

    As it stands, all four tax reform bills have been passed, and these laws are now in place. This means Nigeria has completed what many consider the most needed tax reform in years.

    The process now moves to the harmonization stage, where the Senate and House of Representatives will come together to resolve any differences in their versions of the bills. Once they reach an agreement, the bills will be sent to the President for his final approval. After the President signs them into law, they will be published in the official gazette, making them official. From there, the Federal Inland Revenue Service, renamed the Nigeria Revenue Service, will take the lead in implementation. With the capable Tax Boss, Dr. Zacch, we can be sure that the results will exceed expectations.

    This is the Renewed Hope Nigerians have been waiting for. The changes are here, these reforms give us the chance to do things right!

    Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi is the technical assistant on broadcast media to the executive chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service

  • Preparing the public service for Generation Z workforce

    Preparing the public service for Generation Z workforce

    • By Tunji Olaopa

    The Nigerian public service system is going through transition on many fronts, all in a sustained bid to backstop the dividends of democratic governance for Nigerians with enhanced bureaucratic efficiency that undermines many of the systemic hinderances to service delivery and, at that, within framework of performance accountability. One of the most fundamental contemporary problems is that of an ageing workforce that makes it most difficult for the system to engage with the new knowledge society, the impact of technological innovations, and the imperatives of the fourth industrial revolution. And the explanation for the issue of an ageing workforce is not only that there has been in place decades of embargoed recruitment into the service. More significantly, and more increasingly, the federal government of Nigeria ceased to be the employer of choice, especially for the Generation Z. There are many reasons for this. The most significant is that the government fails to become incentivizing sufficiently, or make the bureaucratic system modernizing enough to excite a demographic space filled with those who have no patience with a lumbering system. And the private sector became increasingly more attractive in attracting and recruiting the best from the now internationalized labour market in terms of human resources.

    The trajectory becomes clear. While the Baby Boomers, those who made the effort to domesticate the public service system into the Nigerian post-independence world, are all almost gone, and the millennials are struggling with a system that has consistently failed to see their significance and hence is driving them to the private sector, it is to the Gen Z or Zoomers that the system now has to look up to. This is the generation of the digital natives that is redefining the world into a knowledge society, basically understand the transformative capacities of the new technologies, and are more than capable of integrating into the demands of the fourth and fifth industrial revolutions. Indeed, all across the world, the public service is depending on the Gen Z to bring it up to speed on the imperatives of a digital world that is transforming everything we know about public service. They therefore possess the capability to lead the digital revolution in society and the workplace in ways that grounds the capability readiness of the public service to lead the efficiency of democratic governance.

    Read Also: Understanding Generation Z

    Unfortunately, it does not seem as if Nigeria is ready for this generation and its revolutionary presence and potentials for institutional reforms. Aside the dismal fact that the public sector has lost its appeal to attract key and sophisticated employees, the public service is not adequately professionalized and incentivized—through its human resource management frameworks—to put in place the methods, practices, schemas and paradigms that adequately accommodate the organizational and institutional dynamics of the Zoomers.

    This calls for a policy conversation between the government and its many stakeholders on what needs to be done to resuscitate the significance of institutional reform that will have the Gen Z at the core of the transformation of the public service workplace and its HRM dynamics. And the key issue is first how to understand the Zoomers as the most critical human resource available for public administration today, and the strategies required to factor them into institutional reform around the effectiveness and efficiency of the public service. We need to, in other words, start asking new and critical questions that will yield reform insights about how we can improve workforce planning, recruitment and retention policies and procedures, performance management, talent management, training, pay and compensation, and career management. 

    The Gen Z is a unique set of people with a worldview that sets them apart. They are entrepreneurial. They are technology savvy. They are multicultural and diverse. They are self-reliant, self-motivated and adaptive. They are cosmopolitan. They are skillful. And they love money and beautiful incentives. ⁠They live on smartphones, video games and social media, manipulate gadgets, operate in networks, have critical information on their fingertips, and they are defined by global polycrisis: economic recession, Covid-19 pandemic, climate change, terrorism, etc. They are the digital natives with the capabilities to maneuver technologies for the purpose of achieving crucial objectives that transforms the workplace and the human society. They constitute the human capital that motivate the industrial revolution in its fourth and fifth iterations. 

    In administrative terms, the definers in this generation are not interested in the public sector because it does not contain the institutional modalities that could interest them. For instance, there is the HR function that accommodates flexi-timing, and a suitable work-life balance for Zoomers who do not want to spend all weeks at work, from 8am to 5pm. The career path in the public sector is nothing to write home about. Incentives and compensations are next to nothing. In short, the bureaucratic culture—and its bureau-pathologies—sits incongruously with the expectation of the Zoomers for an efficient institution driven by foresight, strategies, competences and technologies. The administrative and institutional workplace must be one that is driven by technologies to achieve transparency, accountability and efficiency in service delivery.

    The challenge for institutional reform and policy innovation is simple: Given the generational gap that now plagues the Nigerian public service system and its workplace, how can the Gen Z and its worldviews and workplace imperative be factored into institutional reform? How can the public service be rebranded and professionalized sufficiently to facilitate the attraction, recruitment and retention of the Zoomers? What marketing strategies can the government and administrative leadership promote as a key policy initiative?

    Administrative reform needs a cultural adjustment program and a value reorientation that rethinks the public service as a noble vocation meant for those who genuinely want to serve the public. This demands that the value of public spiritedness must be highlighted as the key to seeing the public service as a spiritual calling to serve others with deferred gratification. Rebranding the public service implies reconstituting it as the new public service, founded on new code of conduct and code of ethics. In other words, the traditional Weberian system, with its Theory X worldview, can no longer serve the Gen Z. The Theory Y provides a more formidable, innovative and entrepreneurial basis for a transformational leadership with the latitude and discretion to accommodate the values, attitudes and mindsets of the Zoomers.

    However, public-spiritedness must not be made a value that rejects compensation. Even Max Weber insists that those who serve the public and hence live for politics, can also live from politics.

    Public servants, in other words, live for a cause—a dedication to the public, but they also have the responsibility to live from this cause, and benefit from it. This is the sense in which the system must make the issues of wages, incentives and compensation with its associated imperatives of restructuring, rightsizing, job revaluation and developmental industrial relations (to get a handle on cost of governance) critical in ways that will redirect the attention of the employees away from bureaucratic corruption and instant gratification.

    Policy attention must be given to human resource management that recognize the new normal especially in terms of the performance management system, workplace redefinition and reskilling, meritocracy and excellence that reform the administrative processes and workplace dynamics through the infusion of new digital technologies and artificial intelligences, as well as the peculiar sociological imperatives of emergence of the Gen Z and even Gen Alpha. This is critical because the Gen Z constitutes the core of the knowledge society within which the developmental state must function. And the Zoomers are the custodians of this knowledge and its technological components.     

    The demographic imperative of the Gen Z calls for a reform program that de-bureaucratize the Nigerian public service system in ways that transform the workplace sufficiently to make allowance for performance, accountability, innovation and productivity. This opens the way for a new breed of public managers that possess the capability readiness and knowledge prerequisite to lead the system into a new golden era Nigeria requires to make democratic governance work for Nigerians. A special onus of responsibility therefore rests on the federal civil service commission (FCSC) to play a fundamental role not only in crafting an entry requirement that has the Zoomers in mind, but also a human resource management framework that attends to their peculiarity as a defining workforce that Nigeria urgently needs to transform its workplace performance and productivity. This will necessitate, for example, a comprehensive review of the MDAs and their operational guidelines and HR functions in ways that align with the objectives of the FCSC.

    The FCSC, and the various state CSCs, needs to review and modernize the guidelines for appointment, promotion and discipline in the civil services, as well as reinforce the standard operating procedures across the various CSCs as a mean of guiding against the incidences of sharp practices, the politicization of staff career management, and the enforcement of strict compliance with the rules of law and the constitutional order in all operations. This demand, for instance, the need to institute a performance-based promotion system that is rooted in competency, training and project-based assessments.

    The future of the institutional reform of the public service system in Nigeria, in a critical sense, lies in the system’s capacity to engage with and incorporate the Gen Z as a crucial demographic component of a change management that recognizes their significance in making the public service space for new administrative thinking and performance. The Gen Z is the future of the administrative workplace.      

  • Europe must match its global ambitions with means

    Europe must match its global ambitions with means

    • Europe sees the threats it faces and voices the will to respond but lacks the political courage to act. National interests and the fear of domestic backlash from populist movements continue to paralyze the continent’s ability to project power. Juraj Majcin writes.

    On 9 May 1950, French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman delivered his now-famous declaration, calling for European unity and deeper cooperation on a continent still reeling from the devastation of war. He emphasized that “Europe will not be made all at once,” but rather “built through concrete achievements.” Seventy-five years later, the EU can point to a range of those achievements: from the creation of a single market and a common currency to a dramatic expansion of membership, from the original six founding countries to the current 27.

    Conventional wisdom suggests that Europe’s founding vision was to prevent another devastating war. While peace was undoubtedly a core objective, American historian Timothy Snyder offers a more nuanced interpretation. In his view, the real impetus for European integration came not only from the horrors of war but also from the collapse of European empires—both continental (e.g., Austro-Hungarian) and overseas (e.g., British and French). Faced with the decline of external influence, Europe was forced to look inward to secure prosperity through closer cooperation.

    Europe’s post-war retreat

    This interpretation is more relevant than ever in today’s world, marked by renewed great power rivalry, rising nationalism, and growing conflict. For decades after World War II, under the shelter of American security guarantees, Europe largely withdrew from global power politics. The Suez Crisis in 1956 symbolically marked the end of Europe’s global military ambitions. Instead, the EU bet on a future shaped by a rules-based international order, free trade, and multilateralism – hoping the world would become more like Europe.

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    Russia’s war on Ukraine shattered that illusion. The war – and Europe’s resolute, if sometimes uneven, response – has been called a defining moment, even “Europe’s hour.”

    The EU has provided unprecedented support for Ukraine, including breaking taboos by funding military aid through the EU budget. Yet the crisis has also exposed deep structural weaknesses. Unanimity rules in the European Council make swift decision-making nearly impossible, often leading to watered-down compromises. This not only dilutes Europe’s global influence but also invites authoritarian actors such as Russia and China to exploit its internal divisions.

    Internal divisions and unanimity

    Europe often proclaims its desire to be a serious geopolitical actor, particularly in confronting Russia, engaging with China, or managing a more transactional United States under Donald Trump. But actions rarely match rhetoric. Member states frequently resist giving Brussels the authority or resources to act on their behalf. Calls for Europe to “speak with one voice” ring hollow when leaders undermine those who try to do just that. The recent harsh criticism of the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security, Kaja Kallas—a clear and principled voice on European values and interests—illustrates this contradiction.

    In short, Europe sees the threats it faces and voices the will to respond – but too often lacks the political courage to act. National interests and the fear of domestic backlash from populist movements continue to paralyze the continent’s ability to project power. Yet no single European country, acting alone, can realistically claim to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with global powers like the United States or China.

    Just as economic integration was the founding fathers’ answer to the collapse of European global influence after World War II, political unity must now be the response to the challenges of the 21st century. If Europe is to safeguard its interests and values in a turbulent world, it must finally equip itself with the tools and authority to act, not just talk.

  • Climate Change: Threat to food sustainability

    Climate Change: Threat to food sustainability

    By Adebayo Adeleye

    Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, is facing a daunting challenge: feeding its growing population amidst the devastating effects of climate change. Rising temperatures, erratic rainfall patterns, and increased frequency of extreme weather events are taking a toll on the country’s agricultural sector, putting food sustainability at risk.

    Agricultural Productivity Declines:Climate change is altering the delicate balance of Nigeria’s ecosystem, leading to reduced agricultural productivity. Farmers, who rely heavily on rain-fed agriculture, are struggling to adapt to the changing weather patterns. The consequences are dire: lower crop yields, reduced livestock productivity, and decreased food security.

    Food Insecurity on the Rise: The impact of climate change on food security is already being felt in Nigeria. An estimated 25 million Nigerians were undernourished in 2018, a staggering 180% increase over the previous decade. The situation is likely to worsen unless urgent action is taken to address the root causes of climate change and its effects on agriculture.

    READ ALSO: FULL LIST: Nigeria, others not indebted to IMF

    Way Forward

    To mitigate the effects of climate change on food sustainability, Nigeria must adopt a multi-faceted approach, in the following ways:

    Sustainable Agriculture Practices: Promote climate-resilient agricultural practices, such as irrigation, drought-resistant crop varieties, and agroforestry.

    Climate-Smart Agriculture: Invest in research and development of climate-smart agricultural technologies and practices.

    Food Storage and Distribution: Improve food storage and distribution infrastructure to reduce post-harvest losses and ensure food availability.

    International Cooperation: Collaborate with international partners to access climate finance, technology, and expertise.

    A Call to Action

    The threat of climate change to food sustainability in Nigeria is real and pressing. It requires immediate attention and action from policymakers, farmers, and the international community. We must work together to ensure that Nigeria’s growing population has access to nutritious and sustainable food, now and in the future.

    Climate-smart agriculture (CSA) is an approach to agricultural development that aims to increase agricultural productivity and incomes while reducing greenhouse gas emissions and improving resilience to climate change.

    Key Principles of CSA include the following:

    Sustainable Agricultural Productivity: Improve crop yields, livestock productivity, and agricultural efficiency while maintaining ecosystem services.

    Climate Change Adaptation: Enhance farmers’ ability to adapt to climate-related stresses, such as droughts, floods, and heatwaves.

    Climate Change Mitigation: Reduce greenhouse gas emissions from agricultural activities, such as nitrous oxide and methane emissions.

    Resilience and Risk Management: Strengthen farmers’ resilience to climate-related shocks and stresses, and improve risk management practices.

    CSA Practices and Technologies:

    Agroforestry: Integrating trees into farming systems to promote biodiversity and reduce soil erosion.

    Conservation Agriculture: Minimizing soil disturbance, maintaining soil cover, and using crop rotations to reduce erosion and improve soil health.

    Irrigation Management: Improving water use efficiency and reducing water waste through precision irrigation systems.

    Climate-Resilient Crop and Animal Varieties: Developing and using crop and animal varieties that are tolerant to climate-related stresses.

    Soil Carbon Sequestration: Implementing practices that enhance soil carbon storage, such as reduced tillage and cover cropping.

    Benefits of CSA:

    Improved Agricultural Productivity: Increased crop yields and livestock productivity.

    Enhanced Resilience: Improved ability to adapt to climate-related stresses.

    Reduced Greenhouse Gas Emissions: Lower emissions from agricultural activities.

    Improved Livelihoods: Increased incomes and improved food security for farmers and rural communities.

    Challenges and Limitations:

    Limited Access to Finance: Insufficient funding for CSA practices and technologies.

    Lack of Institutional Support: Inadequate policies, regulations, and extension services.

    Climate Information and Advisory Services: Limited access to climate information and advisory services.

    Soil Degradation and Water Scarcity: Pre-existing soil and water constraints can limit the effectiveness of CSA practices.

    Here are some climate-smart agriculture (CSA) practices:

    • Dr. Adebayo Matthew, Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan) Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control badeleye@gmail.com  +234 803 525 6450  

  • A governor must know when to talk, act

    A governor must know when to talk, act

    By Tajudeen Kareem

    There has been lots of furore on a brief comment made by the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mallam Mohammed Idris, regarding the security situation in the North East, and precisely in Borno State, after the commotion created by Governor Baba Gana Zulum.

    Let us be clear from the beginning that the minister had a duty to defend the Tinubu administration. Let us also concede that the governor knows where the shoe pinches. So, Prof. Zulum was right to raise the alarm when insurgents started to regroup and started menacing his territories.

    What exactly did the minister say to warrant a vitriolic response from the Zulum camp? This is the response of Mallam Idris to the alarm raised by Zulum: “Yes, security is indeed improving in many parts of the country even if acts of violence have not been completely eradicated. Security agencies are working round the clock to ensure that the situation in some parts of Borno State and other areas is brought under control.

    “The synergy we have seen in the operations of security agencies, especially in the last two years, and the massive investment in hardware and other equipment, indicates the seriousness which the Federal Government attaches to this issue. The Tinubu administration is committed to eradicating acts of banditry and terrorism across the country.

    “The successes achieved by the security agencies in the last 18 months is an indication that indeed Nigeria is gradually returning to normalcy. Government calls on all, especially the subnational governments, to join hands to ensure rapid eradication of the remaining pockets of criminal elements wherever they may be.”

    Nothing in the minister’s response contradicted the assertions of the governor. There was no attempt to diminish the seriousness of the situation painted by Zulum. There was even no attempt to exonerate the Federal Government from its responsibilities!

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    The Tinubu administration is committed to eradicating acts of banditry and terrorism across the country, the minister reiterated. So, where did he go wrong?

    It can be assumed that Zulum did not have sufficient time to thoroughly understand media messages before responding to the minister. More likely, some overzealous media aides, more political than the one elected by the people, must have misled Governor Zulum to criticise the minister openly and unjustly.

    Commentators have criticised Zulum’s initial response without acknowledging that state governors should have more information and better understand government operations.

    Let us recall that the office of the minister made attempts to elucidate the issue. Mallam Rabiu Ibrahim, his special assistant, issued a statement and wrote, inter alia: “A misleading caption by an online publication suggesting that the Honourable Minister, Mohammed Idris dismissed the recent concerns raised by the Governor of Borno State, Prof. Babagana Umara Zulum, regarding the security situation in the state is categorically false and a gross distortion of the Minister’s remarks.”

    “At no time did the Honourable Minister say ‘Ignore Zulum, Boko Haram is not taking over Borno.’ Such a headline is not only sensational but deliberately crafted to stoke public misunderstanding and distract from the serious work the Federal Government is doing to address security challenges.

    “In his response to media inquiries on Governor Zulum’s remarks, the Honourable Minister clearly acknowledged that while the Federal Government has made considerable progress in restoring peace and security across many parts of the country, some areas continue to face security challenges.

    “He emphasised the ongoing efforts by the military and security forces, the sustained investments in security hardware and intelligence, and the Federal Government’s unwavering commitment to eradicating terrorism and banditry under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR).

    “The Minister further called on all stakeholders, including state governments, to continue partnering with the Federal Government to bring lasting peace to affected communities.

    “His comments were intended to provide context on the progress made, not to dismiss or downplay legitimate concerns.”

    The minister himself, a public relations expert, has urged public officers to equip themselves with media and information literacy to avoid being vulnerable to misleading content or easily swayed by falsehoods and biased narratives.

    At the second Spokespersons Summit organised by the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations in Abuja, Idris emphasised that in today’s media-saturated world – where everyone, from PR professionals to CEOs, functions as a spokesperson, the ability to decipher, analyse, and evaluate information is no longer optional but essential.

    “Today, in a world where everyone is a spokesperson, it becomes ever more paramount, to equip individuals with the tools to decipher, analyse and evaluate messages conveyed through various media channels, enabling the latitude to make informed decisions and engage with media content responsibly.

    “Lately, due in effect to the lack of media literacy – the inability to analyse and contextualise media content in order to verify authenticity – public officers, and indeed the general public, have become prone to the cankerworm of fake news, misinformation and disinformation,” he said.

    As often said by President Bola Tinubu, state governors must learn to provide good governance to their people rather than run to Abuja looking for a solution to all ailments.

    “Let the people be at the heart of your programmes. Your hard work and concrete achievements will answer any criticism. Ignore distractions — your results will speak for you,” Tinubu stated during the commissioning of major infrastructure projects during his recent visit to Katsina State.

    Recall also that Tinubu while receiving Vice President Kashim Shettima and members of the Nigeria Governors Forum, who paid him a New Year homage at his Ikoyi residence in early January, described the governors as “the most important link to Nigeria’s development and prosperity.”

    In July 2024, the Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgment affirming the fiscal autonomy of local governments nationwide. The apex court ruled that it is unconstitutional for state governors to hold funds allocated for local government administrations.

    Nigerians expect local governments to receive direct allocations from the Federation Account, without interference by state governments.

    President Tinubu stated that a fundamental challenge to the nation’s advancement over the years had been ineffective local government administration, as governance at the critical cellular level of socio-political configuration is absent.

    He also emphasised the critical role of state governors in driving Nigeria’s development and prosperity, saying their leadership at the subnational level is central to achieving food security, economic prosperity, and rapid national growth.

    “You are the most important link to Nigeria’s prosperity and development. The Federal Government accounts for about 30 to 35 percent of the allocated revenue; the rest comes to you. The agricultural value chain depends on you. You own the land, and the job is in your hands,” he said.

    President Tinubu called for stronger collaboration between the federal and state governments to address pressing challenges, including local government autonomy, agricultural productivity, and currency stability.

    He urged governors to prioritise agricultural growth as a pathway to economic stability.

     “We must work harder, grow more, and ensure the situation of our currency improves. Nigeria will see prosperity, but it requires consistent effort from all of us,” he said.

    The President also urged the governors to take pride in their efforts and acknowledged their progress across the states.

    “There is no state we cannot visit and be proud of its development. We have better allocations now. Let me take the abuse; you take the privileges. Together, we will build a nation we are all proud of,” he said.

    With huge allocations from the Federal Account, state governors should no longer give excuses on their primary mandates: to make life better for the people!

    •Kareem is a public relations practitioner in Abuja