Category: Comments

  • Doyin Okupe: A Nigerian original

    Doyin Okupe: A Nigerian original

    By C. Don Adinuba

    With the death on Monday, March 7, of Dr Doyin Okupe, twice a presidential spokesman, Nigeria has been deprived of a pan-Nigerian politician. Okupe, who died of cancer at 72 in a Lagos hospital, was free of the primordial tendencies that have over the years made our country underachieve, despite stupendous resources. 

    Though he and Chief Moshood K.O. Abiola, the Social Democratic Party presidential candidate in the June 12 1993 vote, hailed from Ogun State, the National Republican Convention candidate in the election, Bashir Tofa, had no difficulty assigning the most trusted role in the election to him: the NRC chief party agent. In this position, Okupe had to certify the overall election result. This was when ethnic, regional, religious, and other primordial forces had not seized Nigerian politics and, by extension, national affairs and even personal relationships.

    Still, when the Ibrahim Babangida military regime announced the cancellation of the vote, Okupe, guided by a profound sense of justice, issued a statement declaring Abiola the winner and lacerating the military junta for the announcement that took Nigeria to the brink.

    Many Lagosians were impressed by his action and gathered in their numbers the next day at his 21 Sere Close in Ilupeju, Lagos, a stone’s throw from my own residence. The gathering became almost a daily ritual, with me almost on every occasion leading the prayer for the official release of the June 12 election result and the law of Karma for those who annulled the election. 

    When the Sani Abacha malevolent dictatorship began to crack down on the Yoruba, mostly for their relentless opposition to the election annulment and stiff opposition to his rule, Okupe genuinely felt that there was, indeed, an existential threat to his people. He and Fredrick Fashaun, another medical doctor, formed the OmoOduduwa People’s Congress (OPC). Okupe’s star role in the OPC’s emergence remains a secret for some reason. Ironically, the OPC under Gani Adams became the albatross of the Obasanjo government in the early years, making Okupe commission Tayo Adesina, then a senior history lecturer at the University of Ibadan, and myself to report on how to make the OPC become a non-violent organisation.

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    With the Abdulsalami Abubakar regime returning Nigeria to democracy in 1999, Okupe joined the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) principally because of Olusegun Obasanjo, who was seeking the party’s presidential ticket. Though I was a committed supporter of Alex Ekwueme, Obasanjo’s main rival for the ticket, Okupe and I enjoyed the best relationship.

    Many journalists were piqued that Obasanjo, on assuming office on May 19, 1999, named Okupe, a medical doctor, his special assistant on the media, a position traditionally reserved for consummate communication practitioners. I naturally came to his defence, citing Pope John II, who had a fantastic global media reputation managed by his press secretary, Joaquin Navarro-Valls, a Spanish medical doctor who specialised in psychiatry. I also cited the example of Cyprian Ekwensi, the pharmacist and novelist who did a masterful job as a Biafran propagandist during the Nigerian Civil War and later managed the government-owned Renaissance newspapers in Enugu in the 1970s. Ekwensi’s brilliance showed brilliantly in the implementation of the War Against Indiscipline (WAI) campaign coordinated by the Federal Ministry of Information and Culture in the 1980s under Group Captain Emeka Omeruah.

    Okupe had always craved publicity roles, obviously to make up for his failure to study English or communication in the university. He was doing better in the art subjects than in the science ones at Igbobi College in Lagos and so wanted to be a writer. However, his elder sister, a medical doctor who had so much influence on him, wouldn’t hear of it. On one occasion, she drove him to a theatre where she showed him some haggard-looking people and told him pointedly, “These hungry people are artistes. Do you still want to be like one of them?” That’s how he found himself in medical school at the University of Ibadan and met people like Seyi Roberts, with whom he established a bond, not just a relationship.

    Okupe was the leader of the Lagos Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) committee on HIV/AIDS in the mid-1980s because it entailed a lot of public communication. He was the national publicity secretary of the Liberal Convention, a political party in the late 1980s, and also the NRC national publicity secretary, which saw him write a weekly column in Sunday Times, sharing the same page with Ojo Maduekwe, the special assistant to the SDP national chairman, Babagana Kingibe. Okupe delighted in his several debates with Maduekwe, a celebrated articulate lawyer who was to become a minister under Obasanjo. Despite belonging to opposing parties, Okupe and Maduekwe were very close and admired each other. On Okupe’s 40th birthday, Maduekwe spoke glowingly of him. 

    Okupe gave the presidential press secretary office dignity and tremendous influence. He was an excellent political strategist, making him a most valuable asset. A lot of people who wanted things done quickly from above approached him, with some gaining access to him through me; the list includes Dr Chris Ngige who was to become a very effective Anambra State governor, and Prince Yormie Johnson, the Liberian warlord who killed President Samuel Doe in 1990 and died last November at 72 while serving as a senator in his country.

    Okupe was pained to know that my village in Ihiala, Anambra State, had no electricity access because of the perfidious role of some influential individuals. The next day, he wrote a letter to the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) managing director asking him to address the matter urgently. The letter was honoured promptly. In appreciation, my community conferred on the presidential spokesman the chieftaincy title of Nwanne Di N’Mba of Umuezeawala, Ihiala, on December 31, 2000, but he couldn’t attend the ceremony in person. He was over the moon when the regalia and the accouterment were presented to him in his residence in Lagos. His family was there, including his aged mother who came from Iperu, Ogun State. She addressed my people in Igbo, telling us of her memorable days in school in Onitsha as a young girl. 

    A fervent believer in Nigeria’s unity, Okupe was proud that his daughter has an Igbo husband. He always had Igbo persons in his office in both the private and public sectors. There was one popularly known as Alhaji from the Southwest who made an AI in Igbo in the school certificate examination as a student of St Patrick’s Secondary School, Emene, Enugu, and married a woman from Awo Omama in Imo State. Okupe always showed him off to his Igbo visitors.  Okupe appreciated that I gave his son, Bolu, the popular Igbo name, Emeka, at birth.

    I remember vividly how Okupe and I met for the first time. It was in December 1985 in the beautiful Samuel Shonibare Estate in Maryland, Lagos. I was visiting Lagos to explore a job opportunity since the newspaper where I was working in Enugu was, for all practical purposes, dead. When Okey Ndibe, working at The Guardian, visited Nnamdi Obasi and Chike Akabogu, who were Concord newspaper editorial board members, they suggested we visit Okupe to discuss politics and a health newspaper he was setting up. I didn’t say anything at the meeting, yet when we were going, Okupe gave me only a big envelope. I needed the money.

    When I returned to Lagos and settled in Ilupeju after some months, who would move from Shonibare Estate to almost the next street to my house without knowing I was living there? Omooba Doyin Okupe! Thus began a deep friendship between him and myself. His siblings, especially Wemi, Lanre and Owo, became more or less my own brothers.

    Nigeria has just lost a true patriot in Dr Okupe. He was a Nigerian Original. May God receive his soul in heaven.

    •Adinuba is a former Anambra State Commissioner for Information and Public Enlightenment

  • Nigeria and future of digital economy in Africa

    Nigeria and future of digital economy in Africa

    By Don Pedro Aganbi

    In the ever-evolving landscape of the 21st century, technological innovations are not just transforming individual industries—they are reshaping entire economies and societies. Across Africa, a new wave of game changers is emerging, with Nigeria leading the charge as a beacon of digital transformation on the continent. These innovations are breaking barriers, fostering economic growth, and creating new opportunities that are reshaping the future of the digital economy, governance, telecom infrastructure, and more.

    In Africa, Nigeria is fast becoming one of the largest digital economies driven by a burgeoning tech startup ecosystem, a youthful population, and rapid urbanisation. Technologies like blockchain, artificial intelligence (AI), and mobile payments are transforming how businesses operate and how citizens interact with the economy.

    The rise of fintech startups like Paystack, Flutterwave, and Interswitch has revolutionised digital payments, enabling seamless, cross-border transactions that were once a challenge. This innovation is not just about technology—it’s about inclusion. Digital payment systems are opening up financial services to millions of Nigerians who were previously excluded from the formal financial system.

    AI and machine learning are also beginning to play a pivotal role in business analytics, helping companies to optimise operations, personalise customer experiences, and create new market opportunities. As Nigeria continues to nurture its digital economy, it is positioning itself as the continent’s tech leader, with the potential to drive Africa’s digital future.

    The Nigerian government is increasingly leveraging technology to improve governance and public service delivery. Digital identity initiatives, such as the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), are helping to provide millions of Nigerians with access to essential services like voting, healthcare, and social welfare. By digitising public records and adopting blockchain for data security, Nigeria is making strides towards more transparent and accountable governance.

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    Nigeria is also exploring the potential of blockchain technology for transparent public sector management. For example, blockchain-backed systems could be used for secure land registries, ensuring that property ownership is verifiable and tamper-proof. In the coming years, innovations like these will make governance more accessible, reduce corruption, and foster trust in public institutions.

    Nigeria’s telecommunications sector is the cornerstone of Africa’s digital transformation. With over 200 million mobile subscribers, the country is not only Africa’s largest telecom market but also one of the most rapidly growing. Telecom infrastructure is enabling a digital revolution across the continent, with Nigeria leading the way.

    The rollout of 4G networks has already set the stage for the anticipated arrival of 5G, which promises to further accelerate the adoption of smart technologies like IoT, autonomous vehicles, and smart cities. These advancements will have a profound impact on industries such as healthcare, agriculture, and education.

    Nigeria’s government is also driving investment into fiber-optic networks, aiming to expand internet access to underserved regions. By improving connectivity, Nigeria is ensuring that its digital economy will continue to grow, providing opportunities for innovation and job creation in rural areas.

    Nigeria is not just adopting emerging technologies; it is actively shaping their development. From AI-powered agriculture to mobile health solutions, Nigeria is positioning itself as a hub for technological innovation in Africa.

    One of the most exciting areas of development is the fintech sector, where Nigeria is leading the continent. Startups like Flutterwave, Chipper Cash, and Paga are not only transforming how Nigerians transact, but they are also expanding into other African countries and internationally, bringing African fintech to the global stage.

    Nigeria is also embracing the power of the Internet of Things (IoT) and big data. For instance, smart farming solutions are helping Nigerian farmers increase yields by utilising sensors and data analytics. With over 70% of the population employed in agriculture, these innovations are critical to improving food security and empowering smallholder farmers.

    Meanwhile, in education and healthcare, Nigeria is pioneering the use of telemedicine and e-learning platforms to provide access to quality services in remote areas. The growth of these sectors will help bridge Africa’s infrastructure gaps and create a more equitable society.

    While Nigeria and Africa at large are witnessing unprecedented opportunities through digital innovation, challenges remain. The continent still faces issues such as inadequate infrastructure, a lack of skilled labour, and regulatory uncertainty. However, these hurdles present opportunities for growth and collaboration.

    Nigeria’s youthful population—over 70% of Nigerians are under the age of 30—provides a vast talent pool for the growing tech sector. Governments, businesses, and educational institutions must focus on equipping the workforce with the necessary skills to thrive in a digital-first world.

    Another significant challenge is the need for inclusive digital policies that ensure all citizens, including those in rural areas and marginalised communities, can access the benefits of the digital revolution. Governments and private enterprises must work together to close the digital divide and promote equitable access to technology.

    Nigeria stands at the forefront of Africa’s digital transformation, with its innovation ecosystem, evolving telecom infrastructure, and emerging technologies paving the way for a brighter, more inclusive future. As the continent’s largest economy and most populous nation, Nigeria is uniquely positioned to lead Africa’s digital revolution and inspire other nations to follow suit.

    The key to success will lie in embracing change, fostering innovation, and ensuring that technological advances are harnessed for the greater good of society. With the right policies, investments, and collaborations, Nigeria and Africa can continue to be the game changers of the digital age.

    Aganbi – donpedrocode@gmail.com

  • Tackling Lassa fever in Nigeria

    Tackling Lassa fever in Nigeria

    By Emeka Taye Umezurike

    Lassa fever continues to pose a significant public health threat in Nigeria, particularly during the dry season. According to the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC), the disease has become an annual epidemic in several states, with recent figures indicating an alarming surge in cases and fatalities.

    As of March 2025, the NCDC reported a total of 3,465 suspected Lassa fever cases, with 645 laboratory-confirmed cases and 118 recorded deaths, translating to a case fatality rate (CFR) of 18.3%. This marks a steep increase compared to the 13% CFR in 2024, indicating worsening outcomes despite previous interventions.

    The states of Ondo, Edo, and Bauchi remain the most affected, jointly accounting for approximately 70% of confirmed infections. These states are considered hyperendemic zones, with cases regularly reported during the dry season from October to May.

    In the preceding year (2024), Nigeria recorded 9,492 suspected cases, 1,154 confirmed infections, and 190 deaths, according to NCDC data published by Nairametrics and The Nation. Over 33 states and 91 Local Government Areas (LGAs) reported at least one confirmed case, illustrating how deeply rooted and widespread the disease has become.

    One of the most troubling aspects of the ongoing outbreak is its toll on healthcare workers. In early 2025 alone, 20 healthcare personnel were infected with the virus. This persistent risk, despite the provision of personal protective equipment (PPE), highlights weaknesses in infection

    prevention and control (IPC) practices across Nigeria’s healthcare facilities. Some sources insist that many hospitals still lack adequate IPC training, particularly in rural communities. This results in delayed diagnoses and higher rates of transmission within clinical environments.

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    Lassa fever is caused by the Lassa virus, transmitted to humans primarily through exposure to urine or faeces of infected Mastomys rats, a rodent species common across West Africa. Human- to-human transmission can also occur, especially in hospitals lacking proper hygiene and protective protocols.

    Several factors contribute significantly to the continued spread of Lassa fever in Nigeria. One of the most critical is poor sanitation and substandard housing conditions, particularly in low- income and rural communities. These environments create easy access for rodents, especially the Mastomys rat, which carries the virus to infiltrate homes, contaminate food supplies, and breed unchecked. Compounding this problem is the widespread issue of inadequate waste management. Uncollected refuse and open dumpsites serve as breeding grounds for rodents, increasing the likelihood of contact between humans and infected animals.

    Beyond these human-made factors, environmental changes also play a role. Climate change, in particular, has emerged as a growing contributor to the expansion of Lassa fever’s reach. In a 2025 interview with Premium Times, the former Director-General of the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC), Dr Ifedayo Adetifa, emphasised that alterations in rainfall patterns and steadily rising temperatures are creating more favourable ecological conditions for the survival and spread of rodent vectors across new regions. This means that even areas that were previously considered low-risk are now increasingly reporting Lassa fever cases, making the disease not only persistent but also more unpredictable in its transmission patterns.

    To manage the escalating crisis, the NCDC activated its Emergency Operations Centre (EOC) for Lassa Fever at Response Level 2 in January 2025. This includes deploying rapid response teams to high-burden states, ramping up laboratory diagnostics, and enhancing coordination with international partners like the World Health Organisation (WHO). Efforts have also been made to increase the availability of ribavirin, the antiviral medication used in treatment, and to educate the public through radio and community engagement. However, these interventions have not yet reversed the trend of rising cases.

    While health authorities have launched various sensitisation campaigns, public awareness remains limited, especially in rural regions. A 2023 study published in the Journal of Infection and Public Health revealed that fewer than 30% of residents in high-risk LGAs could correctly identify early symptoms or knew that they should seek medical attention promptly. These gaps in knowledge significantly contribute to delayed treatment and higher death rates.

    Given the seriousness of Lassa fever, public education remains one of the most effective tools in curbing its spread. Raising awareness and promoting preventive behaviours across communities are crucial steps toward reducing transmission rates and protecting vulnerable populations.

    One of the most important areas of focus is rodent control. Households are strongly encouraged to maintain a clean environment and take proactive steps to keep rodents away. This includes storing all food items in sealed containers, disposing of waste properly, covering garbage bins to prevent rodent access, and avoiding the practice of drying foodstuffs such as grains and garri on bare ground where rodents may defecate or urinate on them.

    Safe food handling is another vital preventive measure. People should avoid eating food that may have been contaminated by rat droppings or urine. It is advisable to thoroughly wash fruits and vegetables before consumption and to ensure that drinking water is either boiled or sourced from a clean, reliable supply.

    In healthcare settings, strict protective protocols are essential, particularly for frontline workers who are at increased risk of exposure. Medical personnel must use gloves, masks, and other personal protective equipment when attending to patients suspected of having Lassa fever. Any patient presenting with symptoms such as high fever, vomiting, or unexplained bleeding should be isolated immediately and tested in accordance with established guidelines.

    Recognising the early signs of infection is also critical. Early detection and prompt medical attention can significantly improve survival rates. Typical symptoms of Lassa fever include fever, sore throat, chest pain, vomiting, and in severe cases, bleeding from the mouth, nose, or other orifices. Individuals experiencing such symptoms should visit a healthcare facility without delay.

    Lastly, fostering community vigilance plays a central role in disease prevention. Communities are urged to report suspected Lassa fever cases to the nearest health authorities promptly. In addition, regular participation in neighbourhood clean-up campaigns and rodent eradication efforts can help reduce the population of disease-carrying rats and limit opportunities for transmission. Together, these practical steps anchored in hygiene, environmental control, and timely healthcare can drastically reduce the incidence of Lassa fever if embraced collectively and consistently by the Nigerian public.

    Lassa fever is a preventable disease, but eradicating it requires more than emergency response. Experts are calling for a multi-sectoral strategy that includes long-term environmental sanitation, improved housing, sustained public health education, and investment in vaccine research. The NCDC, alongside the Ministry of Health and development partners, must ensure that Lassa fever no longer remains a silent killer in the background of Nigeria’s public health landscape. With sustained efforts, it is possible to break the cycle of seasonal outbreaks and save countless lives.

    •Dr Umezurike, a medical microbiologist, writes from Lead City University, Ibadan

  • Africa’s time is now: Building global prosperity through entrepreneurship

    Africa’s time is now: Building global prosperity through entrepreneurship

    By Doris Uzoka-Anite

    “The world’s next billion-dollar enterprises are already taking root on African soil. Come. See. Build with us.”

    Across boardrooms, innovation hubs, and policy circles, one truth has become increasingly undeniable: entrepreneurship is the engine of modern prosperity. From Silicon Valley to Shenzhen, Bangalore to Lagos, it is entrepreneurial ingenuity that drives economic transformation, unlocks human potential, and redefines the future of nations.

    Yet, while the global innovation map is familiar, a new frontier is rapidly emerging — Africa. And at its heart, Nigeria is leading the charge.

    At the Legatum Centre for Development and Entrepreneurship at MIT, I recently had the privilege of addressing global investors, policymakers, and innovators on this very topic: Innovation in Global Markets – Prosperity Through Entrepreneurship. I left more convinced than ever that Africa’s moment is not a distant aspiration; it is here, it is now, and it is powered by an entrepreneurial spirit as vast as our potential.

    Our demographic advantage — over 220 million Nigerians, with 60% under the age of 25 — represents not just a number, but a seismic opportunity. Young, dynamic, digitally fluent Nigerians are already reshaping sectors from Fintech to Agritech. Success stories such as Flutterwave, now valued at over $3 billion, and Paystack, acquired by Stripe for $200 million, are proof that African innovation is globally viable, scalable, and investable.

    In 2022 alone, Nigerian startups raised more venture capital than the rest of West Africa combined. These are not isolated triumphs; they are signals; signals that Nigeria is open for business; signals that African entrepreneurs are not waiting for handouts — they are building, scaling, and thriving.

    But entrepreneurship does not happen in a vacuum. Innovation requires ecosystems — supportive environments where policy, regulation, capital, education, and infrastructure converge to enable ideas to flourish. As Mariana Mazzucato reminds us, innovation is not just about ideas; it is about ecosystems.

    Yet, as we build these ecosystems, we must confront hard truths. Despite the excitement around African entrepreneurship, there remains a significant misfit between available capital and the sectors that truly reflect our real economy. Too much of the funding today flows narrowly into high-growth tech ventures aimed at unicorn valuations. Too little reaches agriculture, processing, fashion, trade — the industries where the majority of Africans live, work, and create.

    This misallocation is not just an economic oversight — it is a structural risk. As I noted at the Legatum Centre, we cannot eat artificial intelligence. Even the architects of AI must eat. If our investment models continue to overlook the foundational sectors that sustain life — food systems, manufacturing, community-based enterprises — we will build economies detached from the needs of real people.

    We must also rethink how we judge entrepreneurial potential. Too often, the current models favour those who fit narrow expectations — those who pitch with flashy energy, polished accents, or perfect certainty. But real entrepreneurship, especially in emerging markets, is messy. It is probabilistic, not deterministic. Some of the best entrepreneurs are soft-spoken, operate in local languages, and are solving deeply local problems.

    If we restrict opportunity to only those who conform to imported templates, we will miss out on the vast ingenuity present across Africa — in our markets, our farms, our informal sectors. We must deliberately develop new pipelines of entrepreneurs, expand how we recognise potential, and create funding models that are as diverse as the markets we seek to serve.

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    Celebrating success is important — but so too is normalising failure. In mature ecosystems, entrepreneurs who fail are not banished; they are funded again, having learned valuable lessons. In our societies, we must build a culture that embraces iteration, resilience, and second chances.

    Nigeria is acting. Through initiatives like the Nigeria Startup Act, our Digital Economy Policy (2020–2030), strategic funding instruments such as the Bank of Industry and Development Bank of Nigeria, and our leadership within the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), we are creating an environment where broader types of entrepreneurship can thrive.

    But we cannot do it alone. We need global capital that is patient, intentional, and impact-driven. We need investors who understand that true inclusive prosperity comes not only from scaling a handful of tech giants, but from empowering millions of SMEs across diverse sectors.

    This demands alternative financing mechanisms — ones that prioritise stability, resilience, and widespread job creation over short-term returns. It requires fund managers willing to invest in food systems, manufacturing, retail, healthcare, education — the lifeblood sectors of society. It calls for a new generation of investors who are as committed to building as they are to profiting.

    Africa’s entrepreneurial journey will not be without challenges. But it is challenges that have historically given rise to the greatest innovations. If we create the right ecosystems — and recalibrate our investment priorities — African entrepreneurs will respond, not just with local solutions, but with global leadership.

    To the global investor community, my invitation remains simple: Come. See. Build with us.

    The world’s next billion-dollar enterprises, groundbreaking technologies, and prosperity-driving ecosystems are already taking root on African soil. Together, we can shape a future defined not by exclusion, but by inclusion; not by extraction, but by empowerment.

    Africa’s time is now. Let us build it — together.

    •Dr Uzoka-Anite is Nigeria’s Minister of State for Finance

  • New strategy for out-of-school children crisis

    New strategy for out-of-school children crisis

    • By Kasim Isa Muhammad

    In a major policy shift that has drawn the attention of education stakeholders nationwide, the governors of Nigeria’s North-East region have agreed to collaborate with the National Commission for Almajiri and Out-of-School Children Education (NCAOOSCE) as part of a new strategy to combat the region’s long-standing education crisis.

    The partnership, which was officially announced following the most recent North-East Governors’ Forum meeting held in Damaturu, the capital of Yobe State, will see each of the six states in the region—namely Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe—provide fully equipped office spaces for the Commission. According to the governors, this move is intended to ease the coordination and decentralisation of the commission’s efforts to rehabilitate and reintegrate Almajiri and other vulnerable children into formal education systems. In doing so, it aims to address one of the most entrenched development challenges in northern Nigeria.

    The decision comes against the backdrop of alarming figures released by UNESCO and other international agencies, which paint a grim picture of education in the North-East. Despite federal laws guaranteeing free and compulsory basic education for all children in Nigeria, the reality in this region tells a different story.

    Recent data shows that over 10.5 million children between the ages of 5 and 14 are currently out of school in the country, with a significant concentration in the North-East zone. These figures are not only staggering but also exceedingly concerning, especially given the critical role that education plays in driving socio-economic development, reducing poverty, and curbing insecurity. For decades, the region has struggled with a combination of poverty, insecurity caused by insurgency, poor infrastructure, cultural practices, and weak governance. All of these factors have conspired to keep millions of children out of classrooms.

    In this context, the governors’ resolution to actively partner with the NCAOOSCE is being hailed by many observers as one of the most thoughtful and potentially transformative outcomes of the Damaturu meeting. Unlike previous approaches that paid lip service to the issue or treated out-of-school children as a federal problem, this partnership signals a shift toward collective ownership and regional commitment. Stakeholders believe that the active involvement of state governments, right from the provision of office space down to policy implementation and community engagement, will not only lend legitimacy to the commission’s work but also enhance its effectiveness by embedding it within the existing educational framework of each state.

    At the heart of this initiative is the Almajiri system. This centuries-old model of Islamic education has, over time, evolved into a deeply polarising subject. Originally designed to train young boys in Islamic scholarship under the tutelage of a Mallam, the system has gradually deteriorated into a structure that exposes children to street begging, exploitation, and extreme poverty. With little to no oversight, Almajiri children, mostly boys from poor families, are often sent far from home and left to fend for themselves, roaming city streets in search of food, shelter, and alms. The consequences have been devastating. Not only have these children been deprived of formal education, but many have also been recruited into criminal gangs and insurgent movements, posing a grave threat to national security.

    The National Commission for Almajiri and Out-of-School Children Education, currently led by Dr Muhammad Sani Idriss, has been on the frontlines of efforts to reform and revamp this broken system. Since assuming office, Dr Idriss has overseen a number of interventions aimed at integrating Qur’anic education with modern curricula. This strategy seeks to preserve religious values while equipping children with the skills needed to thrive in the 21st century. One of the commission’s flagship projects is a pilot school in Kaduna State, where Almajiri children receive structured instruction in literacy, numeracy, vocational skills, and digital competence, in addition to their Qur’anic studies. The initiative has received widespread commendation for its impact and scalability. Early reports indicate that hundreds of street children have already been enrolled, rehabilitated, and redirected toward meaningful education and personal development.

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    Dr Idriss, in several public statements, has insisted that the commission’s aim is not to abolish the Almajiri tradition, which remains culturally significant to many northern communities. Rather, the goal is to reform it into a system that reflects both the spiritual and developmental needs of the 21st century. He argues that every child deserves a chance to succeed and that religion and modern education are not mutually exclusive. “For too long, we have allowed these children to be forgotten, to be invisible,” he said during a recent conference. “We must change the narrative, and we must do it together, with government support, community buy-in, and sustained investment.”

    The governors, led by the Forum’s Chairman and Governor of Borno State, Prof. Babagana Umara Zulum, echoed these sentiments during the Damaturu forum. They described the commission’s work as timely and visionary. Prof. Zulum, a respected academic and development advocate, stressed that any meaningful progress in the North-East must begin with addressing the educational needs of the most marginalised. According to him, the failure to educate the region’s children has contributed significantly to its insecurity, underdevelopment, and dependence on humanitarian aid. “The region is in crisis, not just in terms of security, but also in terms of human capital,” he warned. “If we do not act now, we risk creating another generation that will be even more difficult to reach.”

    One of the key expectations of the new partnership is that state governments will go beyond offering physical office space. They are expected to actively integrate the commission’s programmes into their local education strategies. This includes providing logistical support, budget allocations, community sensitisation campaigns, and monitoring systems to ensure compliance with child enrolment and retention targets. Experts believe that if each state takes full ownership of the process, the region could begin to reverse decades of educational decline within a few short years.

    In addition, the commission has called on traditional rulers, community leaders, and Islamic scholars to support the effort by promoting a more progressive interpretation of Islamic education. It believes that with the right messaging and cultural sensitivity, parents and guardians will begin to understand the importance of balancing religious knowledge with vocational and academic training. In many parts of the North-East, there is still widespread scepticism about Western-style education. This perception is rooted in colonial history and reinforced by mistrust of state institutions. Overcoming these barriers, the commission argues, will require a unified front that combines the authority of government with the moral influence of local leaders.

    It is worth noting, however, that the road ahead will not be easy. Deep-seated poverty, insecurity, and corruption remain formidable challenges that could derail the initiative if not addressed holistically. There is also the question of sustainability. Will future administrations maintain the same level of commitment, or will the momentum be lost once the media spotlight dims? For the partnership to endure, there must be strong institutional frameworks, regular performance reviews, and genuine accountability mechanisms at both state and federal levels.

    Nevertheless, there is a growing sense of optimism among stakeholders that this collaboration could become a model for the rest of the country. If successful, it could demonstrate how multi-tiered governance—federal, state, and local—can work together to address complex social problems. It could also show that reforming traditional institutions like the Almajiri system is not only necessary but also possible, if approached with respect, evidence, and long-term vision.

    In the final analysis, the future of the North-East hinges on the choices its leaders make today. The partnership between the governors and the Almajiri Commission represents more than just a policy agreement. It is a moral commitment to protect the dignity and potential of every child. The time to act is now, and the stakes could not be higher.

    • Muhammad writes from Potiskum, Yobe State
  • Towards environmental excellence in Lagos

    Towards environmental excellence in Lagos

    • By Kunle Adeshina

    The cosmopolitan nature of Lagos as the commercial nerve centre of the country could be likened to  nectar which always attracts interest and patronage from all ‘insects’ and sectors despite its status as a sub-national. Many have even argued that some of the pressures which Lagos has had to contend with in terms of the overstretching of its infrastructural amenities emanated from its position as a land of limitless opportunities that offers a home to everybody irrespective of their origin, religion or creed.

    Successive administrations since the return of civil rule have devised various strategies to make the city of Lagos livable for its ever-increasing residents. However, a distinction must be made with the Babajide Sanwo-Olu administration, which took office in May 2017 with the mantra of THEMES Agenda, which specifically revolves round Transportation and Traffic Management, Health and Environment, Education and Technology, Making Lagos a 21st Century Economy, Entertainment and Tourism and Security and Good Governance, and recording very outstanding successes.

    However, since he assumed office for a second term on May 29, 2023 with an enlarged THEMESplus Agenda, one sector that has experienced a reinvigoration is the environment sector largely because the ministry anchored its work plan on the development of a comprehensive, multi sectoral approach to ensure a clean, resilient and livable city. The Ministry of the Environment and Water Resources as structured by the present administration under the captaincy of the Commissioner, Mr Tokunbo Wahab, in the last two years is transitioning from a linear “collect and dump” waste system to a sustainable circular economy which will bring about a very appreciable reduction of the quantum of waste generated on a daily basis especially in terms of what gets to our landfill sites.

    Specifically, as part of the agenda to transition from controlled dumpsite to sanitary landfill and direct treatment of municipal waste, the State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA) has decommissioned the Epe landfill while Olusosun and Solous 3 landfill are to be converted to Transfer Loading Stations (TLS) while Erekiti and Agbowa site is marked for Material Recovery MRF /residual landfills.

    The state has also opened the Oke-Osho sanitary landfill in Epe with a total area of about 120 hectares designed for solid waste management particularly for the support of the growing economies and development of the Lekki-Epe hub. In addition to these, the present administration deploys daily not less than 15,000 street sweepers across highways, inner roads and markets to ensure a cleaner metropolis whilst also ensuring stronger enforcement of environmental laws, penalising illegal dumping and indiscriminate waste disposal alongside several preventive measures.

     The state in recognition of the need to address open defecation is constructing more modern public toilets in markets, transport hubs and informal settlements just as the construction of additional 150 new public toilets is on-going alongside an additional 250 toilets being executed through the public private partnership under the WASH initiative.

    Arrangements are also in place that allow pressed members of the public to make use of toilets facilities located in major filling stations statewide. The same applies to eateries and supermarkets who have all been mandated by law to provide toilet facilities in their business outfits where patrons and members of the public are allowed to walk in and ease themselves.

    Several hundreds of public toilets also exist across the metropolis, some at major motor parks for use by members of the public. Some of them are free while some of them charge a token. The state is however always monitoring the state of these toilets to ensure that they conform to minimum acceptable standards.

    All these represent genuine efforts by the present administration to ensure a cleaner city that is devoid of all issues of environmental malfeasance. What is however still largely missing is the total lack of decency amongst several of the residents of Lagos. In several locations in Lagos today, it is common to see adults in broad daylight with the trousers half-way down and defecating openly. How did we as a people sink this low is the question that should agitate the mind of every right-thinking resident?

    On its part, the state is not relenting in its enforcement measures to ensure that residents obey the provisions of the 2017 Environmental Sanitation and Management law through the hard work of our enforcement agencies led by the operatives of the Kick Against Indiscipline (KAI). Many people have been arrested for dumping refuse in the wrong places, refusing to patronise accredited PSP operators, openly urinating and defecating, engaging in street trading and dashing across the expressway when there are pedestrian bridges to be used.

    Many of those caught on the wrong side of the law have faced prosecution, but have largely escaped with light sentences and options of fine or non-custodial sentences. This is because the state is not interested in putting anyone behind bars without justification but in ensuring that everyone who resides or does business here conforms with minimum standards expected from decent and normal human beings

    Read Also: Council poll: Lagos APC, PDP step up preparations

    The state has also in the last two years been very pragmatic and decisive in transitioning to a sustainable circular economy by banning the sale, distribution and use of Styrofoam food packs, a major harbinger of health and well-being issues and a contributor to urban flooding and clogged drains with positive results emanating from our drainage clearance process. It also in line with its commitment, commenced the enforcement of a ban on single use plastics from the beginning of Year 2025 as widely advertised for over 12 months. The state is already getting the buy-in of major chain stores and outlets who now give customers the option of buying bigger/reusable bags to convey their goods and retaining such for multiple uses instead of the single use bags to which many are accustomed. The state has also gone a step further by inaugurating a plastic waste fund management committee comprising both government and non-governmental members as part of measures to support the implementation of the plastic waste management process.

    The state Ministry of the Environment and Water Resources has also in the last two years confronted the menace of industrial effluent discharge into the Lagos waterways, bringing about a drastic reduction to 25 percent owing to the proactive consistency of the Lagos State Environmental Protection Agency (LASEPA) in regulating such discharge through permits, fines, penalties and outright publicised sealing off.

    Through effective monitoring, regulatory standards and best practices efficiently implemented in manufacturing facilities and chemical warehouses across the state, there has been a reduction of incidents of fire outbreaks and chemical spillage in chemical markets in the state.

    Contrary to insinuations, Lagos State officials actively leverage natural purification processes to improve the quality of water in the lagoon and canals whilst ensuring that they engage in continuous surveillance and enforcement measures that ensure that businesses and residential areas comply with waste water management policies to reduce pollutants in waterways.

     At the last count, the state, through the Waste Water Management Office, has deployed three Modular Septage Pre-Treatment Plants (MSPP) that enable efficient treatment of fecal sludge before discharge into the Odo Iya Alaro waterbody. This is in addition to the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with Messrs Phasur Green Energy to leverage Phasur’s enterprise and resources to enhance wastewater management through the use of dewatered sludges for the protection of biogas.

    With all the measures put in place by the Sanwo-Olu administration in the last two years in the environment sector, coupled with moral suasion and stepping up of advocacy, a cleaner and environmentally safer Lagos State will be a reality for all well-meaning and law-abiding residents of the Centre of Excellence.

    • Adeshina is Director, Public Affairs Lagos State Ministry of the Environment and Water Resources
  • The bogey of one-party rule

    The bogey of one-party rule

    • By Olabode Lucas

    A one-party state has been defined as a country where a single political party controls the government either by law or practice. The system in which one party is decreed to be the only party to rule a country is not a new phenomenon in the world. Before and during the Second World War, it was practiced in Nazi Germany under Adolf Hitler, in Italy under Benito Mussolini and in Spain under the fascist General Franco. Presently, the Chinese Communist Party (CPP) is the only political party allowed to operate in the political space of Communist China and other one-party states in the world today include, North Korea, Vietnam, Cuba, Eritrea and Laos.

    In many African countries, one-party rule was the norm in the sixties immediately after independence. Many leading and charismatic African leaders like Dr Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Kenneth Kaunda were unfortunately the arrow heads of this undemocratic system in Africa. It was an article of faith in all the former Francophone African countries where France installed puppet leaders to do her biddings. France even helped the dictators in these countries to liquidate the opposition leaders in their countries, as we saw in Cameroon where the opposition leader, Felix Moumie, was poisoned by French agents in Switzerland. One-party rule in Africa in the sixties was nothing more than unbridled dictatorship and totalitarian rule.

    One-party system of governance came to an inglorious end in Africa, at least on paper, after tremendous pressure from international organisations and the African Union. However, its replacement has been anything but democratic, although we have flourishing democratic dispensations now in some countries like Ghana, Senegal, and Republic of Benin.

    Right from the time of Nigerian independence in 1960, and especially during the periods when the military allowed civilian rule to flourish, it has not been possible to have a one-party rule in the country. This situation may be due to our political heterogeneity. At independence, the country did not have a truly national party as the parties then were region-based, and even in their regional bases they lacked their absolute control.

    Before and at the time of independence, the dominating Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) in the North had formidable opposition in Tarka’s United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC), Ibrahim Iman’s Bornu Youth Movement and Ilorin Talaka Parapo under Alhaji Sule Maito. In the West, the ruling Action Group had the populist NCNC party led for some time by the fiery Adegoke Adelabu to contend with, while in the East it was no smooth sailing for the ruling NCNC party because of the opposition from United National Independence Party (UNIP) of Ubani Ukoma and the Action Group. The configuration of the political parties after the army left the political scene and up till now, did not give room for absolute hold on political power by any single party.

    Despite the above incontrovertible fact that shows clearly that it has not been possible to institutionalise one-party rule in the country, the spectre of one party has reared its ugly head in our political discourse in recent times.  This is a sequel to the political earthquake that recently occurred in Delta State. In this state, which everybody knows to be a stronghold of the PDP, the main opposition party in the country, all the political office holders from Governor Sheriff Oborevwori to other elected officers and leaders had all left the party for the ruling APC. This unprecedented action, which a top journalist did not consider a defection but a ‘transplant,’ has left many political pundits bewildered.

    The defectors, including Dr Okowa, the PDP vice-presidential candidate in the 2023 presidential election, told Nigerians that they took their actions so that their state could work harmoniously with the Tinubu government in Abuja. To me, this is an untenable excuse under the presidential system the country is presently running.  Okowa was later quoted as saying that he regretted being the vice -presidential candidate of PDP in the last presidential election. He can as well tell that to the marines as everybody knows that he lobbied for the slot which was equally coveted by the now nemesis of PDP, Nyesom Wike, the current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

    Many political pundits in the country feel that the political action of Governor Oborevwori in Delta State which many people referred to as ‘Tinubu Tsunami’ would lead to one-party rule in the country because of the rumoured imminent defections of many PDP governors and their officials in other states of the federation. Some of the states fingered for the repeat of this so-called ‘Tinubu Tsunami’ are Enugu, Abia, Taraba, Adamawa, Osun, Akwa Ibom and Kaduna.  It is frightening if this rumour becomes a reality as it will no doubt dent our democratic development.

    However, if this unlikely situation happens, I still don’t think it will eventually lead to enthronement of one-party rule in our country. There was a time the PDP was controlling 28 states and the opposition parties were in disarray. At this time, the PDP was riding high; and in an unguarded expansive mood, the then secretary of the party enthused that PDP would rule Nigeria continuously for 60 years, but fortunately for Nigeria, the party could only rule for 16 years, a period which was marked by unbridled election rigging.

    In Nigerian political dispensation, politics is not usually based on principles and ideology and this trend did not start with the presidential system of governance. It was the norm during the First Republic for parties in power to poach opposition members.  Our politicians change their parties at the slightest opportunity for selfish reasons. This is not the situation in other developed democracies. In the USA, where the presidential system is practised, there is no doubt that many top Republican members like former President George Bush, his brother Jeb Bush, the former Vice President Dick Cheney and his daughter Liz Cheney are unhappy at the direction of the Republican Party under Donald Trump, but this has not made these American politicians to abandon the Republican Party to join the Democratic Party.

    Read Also: We won’t allow one-party rule, says PDP BoT 

    Since our politicians change parties as they change their underwear, I think there is a need to stop this foolery through strong legislation. There should be a law that would compel any elective officer right from the president to the councillor at the local government level to lose their office upon decamping from the political party by which they attained office.

    Nigeria needs a viable opposition for its democracy to thrive. At present, the PDP, the main opposition party, has to get itself out of the present political quagmire into which it has been pushed by its leaders. A first step in this direction is to squarely face the ‘Atiku Question’ in the party which started before the 2023 presidential election. Atiku’s insistence on contesting the 2023 presidential election splintered the party into irreconcilable parts and led to the defeat of the party at the election. There is no doubt that Atiku has invested part of his enormous wealth in the PDP in his bid to achieve his ambition of becoming the President of Nigeria. However, I think this is the time for him to sit back and let the party breathe, as he has no doubt been suffocating the party for his ambition, which he has not been able to achieve since 2007.

    • Lucas writes from Old Bodija, Ibadan, Oyo State
  • Assessing Governor Alia at mid-term

    Assessing Governor Alia at mid-term

    SIR: Since his inauguration in May 2023, Governor Hyacinth Alia has faced sustained resistance from a faction within the Benue State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC), particularly those aligned with the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume. The political rift, though not unprecedented in Nigeria’s volatile democratic environment, raises serious concerns for party cohesion, governance stability, and the long-term development of Benue State.

    Governor Alia’s emergence as APC candidate in 2022 defied the expectations of entrenched political stakeholders, especially within the Akume-led faction that had dominated Benue APC politics for over a decade. A Catholic priest with no prior political office, Alia drew massive grassroots support, especially from disenchanted youth and apolitical voters yearning for change. His populist appeal disrupted traditional power equations.

    Akume loyalists viewed Alia’s rise as a threat to their influence. Tensions escalated over alleged sidelining of their interests in appointments, access to the governor, and resource control. The rift deepened post-election, as Alia reportedly bypassed party structures and stalwarts perceived to be loyal to Akume in strategic decisions.

    To his credit, Governor Alia has made efforts—some discreet and others public—to bridge the widening gap. He has met with party elders, sought the intervention of national APC leadership, and extended olive branches through strategic appointments. At various fora, Alia has reiterated his openness to reconciliation, emphasising his commitment to governance over politics.

    He has appointed a few individuals perceived as Akume allies into his administration, albeit cautiously. There have also been informal peace meetings initiated by mutual associates to broker understanding. Yet, these have yielded only modest results.

    Several factors have stymied genuine reconciliation. Mutual Distrust:  The SGF camp believes Alia is determined to dismantle their political structure. On the other hand, Alia’s inner circle fears any concession may empower rivals to undermine his administration. Lack of a Neutral Mediator: Most attempts at reconciliation have lacked a credible, neutral mediator with moral authority over both camps.  Parallel Power Interests:  While Alia seeks to assert his authority as governor, Akume’s loyalists aim to preserve influence and possibly control future party nominations. Weak Party Structures: The Benue APC lacks a functional and trusted party leadership that can broker internal peace with legitimacy.

    The disunity in Benue APC has direct and indirect implications. Disrupted Policy Continuity: Distracted leadership and infighting delay strategic policy execution. Polarised Governance: Appointments and development programmes are often interpreted through the lens of factional allegiance rather than merit. Erosion of Public Confidence: Citizens become disillusioned when political leaders prioritise personal rifts over collective progress. Weakened Negotiation Clout:  The rift diminishes Benue’s leverage in national political bargaining, even with the SGF being from the state. Benue needs a united front otherwise something needs to give way for the common good, and this is the outdated status quo.

    Reconciliation remains possible but requires sincere and deliberate steps. Open Dialogue: A private but honest dialogue between Governor Alia and Senator Akume, facilitated by a respected non-partisan figure. Identifying and engaging this “respected non-partisan figure” is a challenge presently; can President Tinubu step in as a “non-partisan” arbiter?  Shared Vision:

    Both leaders must define and commit to a common developmental vision for Benue. What is Akume ‘s non-partisan developmental vision for Benue, and where is the divergent point from Alia’s? Akume has not yet communicated this eloquently. Inclusive Governance: Alia could adopt a more inclusive approach in appointments without undermining his authority. If he can demonstrate this in the second half of his term, it could be a symbolic olive branch to Akume ‘s camp. Politics is an art of reading the winds.

    Read Also: Governor Alia to convene benue security summit amid rising insecurity in Benue

    Suggestions for Governor Alia –   Engage in Strategic Listening: Alia should regularly consult with a broader spectrum of stakeholders, including critics. Reinvigorate the APC State Machinery: Empowering credible party officials to mediate tensions will restore party unity. The adjective “credible” is an irreducible quality.  Develop a Legacy Plan: Prioritise signature projects that reflect people-centered governance over political survival. Keep Communication Channels Open: Both formal and informal communication with all factions is essential.  Involve Religious and Traditional Institutions: These bodies carry moral weight and can help mediate with credibility.

    Governor Alia’s midterm report will not be judged solely by infrastructure or economic indicators. His ability to unite the Benue APC, foster inclusive governance, and rise above political pettiness will form a critical part of his legacy. The people of Benue deserve not just good roads and policies, but a united leadership working for their collective future.

    • Leonard Karshima Shilgba shilgba@gmail.com
  • CBN opens new chapter with ‘open banking’

    CBN opens new chapter with ‘open banking’

    SIR: After years of anticipation, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has finally approved the rollout of open banking, with full implementation expected in August 2025. While it may sound like just another regulatory move in the ever-evolving financial system, this is anything but ordinary. In fact, it has the potential to fundamentally change how Nigerians interact with their money—and each other.

    Open banking marks a shift in power. For decades, banks have acted as gatekeepers to our financial data. They see what we spend, how often we save, and where our money goes. But until now, that information has been locked in silos. If you banked with multiple institutions—as most Nigerians do—each one had only a narrow view of your financial story. The bank where you pay bills might see you as reckless, while the one where you invest sees you as disciplined. Neither has the full picture. And that fractured understanding often works against you.

    Open banking changes the game. It allows you to permit financial institutions to share your data securely through a standardised interface (called APIs), and manage your consent using tools like your Bank Verification Number (BVN) or National Identification Number (NIN). You decide who can see what, and for how long. This is not just a technological leap—it’s a mindset shift. You are no longer just an account holder; you are now the gatekeeper of your own financial narrative.

    What does this mean in real life? Imagine you want to take a loan. With open banking, you could permit the lender to access not just your salary account, but also your savings and investment history from other banks. That single act could improve your credit profile, help you qualify for better rates, and eliminate redundant paperwork. Or say you’re trying to budget better—your finance app could pull data from all your accounts, helping you see a holistic view of your spending patterns and financial health in one place.

    This isn’t a theory. These are the kinds of solutions we’ve seen evolve in countries like the UK and Australia, where open banking has increased financial inclusion, enhanced innovation, and empowered consumers to make more informed choices. Nigeria is now the first African country to take this bold step—and the timing couldn’t be more critical.

    In a country where the average person juggles multiple financial apps, banks, and platforms—without any real integration—open banking promises to simplify, streamline, and personalise money management. Whether it’s setting up automatic investments between your bank and your asset manager, or enabling easier identity verification when signing up for a digital wallet, the benefits are wide-reaching.

    Read Also: Yahaya, Atilola top  CBN Junior Tennis Championships

    Of course, no innovation comes without risk. Cybersecurity will need to be front and centre. With the right guardrails—like the CBN’s central registry of licensed participants and consent frameworks tied to your BVN—open banking can be implemented securely. But the responsibility also falls on us, the users, to stay vigilant. Know who you’re granting access to. Understand what they can do with your data. Don’t give away your keys blindly.

    More than anything, open banking signals a return to choice and competition. It breaks down the walls between institutions and puts customers at the centre. It’s the kind of reform that creates space for better products, more transparent pricing, and ultimately, a fairer financial ecosystem.

    If you’ve ever felt like your bank doesn’t understand you—or like your financial life is scattered across apps and statements—open banking is your invitation to take back control. It’s not just about money. It’s about visibility, consent, and power.

    August 2025 may still seem far off, but the shift has already begun. As banks, fintechs, and asset managers prepare to integrate, we should be doing the same: getting informed, asking questions, and reimagining what control over our financial life really looks like.

    • Oler Oladele, Founder, The Money Wit Club
  • Katsina: Beyond presidential visit

    Katsina: Beyond presidential visit

    SIR: The recent visit by President Bola Tinubu to Katsina State has sparked concerns about the disconnect between the government’s priorities and the people’s needs. The visit exposed a hypocritical approach to the needs of the people.  The quality of leadership in Northern Nigeria has been questioned, with allegations of self-serving interest, ineptitude, and a lack of vision. 

    While the visit was marked by displays of pageantry and entertainment, the state’s pressing issues, such as insecurity, poverty, and economic hardship, seemed to take a backseat.  Critics argue that the government’s focus on superficial events rather than addressing the state’s challenges is a clear indication of a disconnect from the people’s needs.

    The introduction of Rarara’s wife to the President by the Katsina State governor, contravening cultural and religious norms, for instance, raises questions about leaders’ priorities and values.

    Current leaders in the North seem more focused on personal interests and political survival than advocating Northern Nigeria’s improvement. Economic reforms should lift people out of poverty, create jobs, and stimulate growth. If not yielding tangible benefits, they need reevaluation.

    The North needs leaders prioritising regional development and working towards a brighter future. Leaders understanding our region’s problems and committed to tackling them head-on are crucial. It’s time for a shift in approach, prioritising people’s needs over personal interests.

    As we move forward, we must demand more from our leaders. We need leaders who will stand up for the North and work tirelessly to find solutions. Anything less is a disservice to the region and its people.

    We need leaders who cultivate a culture of good governance, prioritising accountability and transparency to address insecurity and promote development.

    Read Also: Tinubu heads to Katsina for two-day visit

    Leaders who accelerate economic development, create jobs, and provide essential services like education and healthcare can reduce poverty and insecurity.

    We require leaders who will combat corruption and promote social justice, reducing inequality and fostering stability.

    In Northern Nigeria, effective security reforms are necessary, including modernising security agencies, enhancing intelligence gathering, and addressing insecurity’s root causes to ensure public safety.

    To bridge the gap between the government and the people, there is a need for leaders who understand the intricacies of the state’s problems and are committed to tackling them head-on. By prioritising the people’s needs and working towards sustainable development, the government can build trust and foster a sense of ownership among its citizens.

    • Abba Dukawa abbahydukawa@gmail.com